Lit 40 BY. W. LEWIS. THE HIINT/NGDON GLOBE, ~ 'e annum, in advance, 53. 50 It . AA if not paid in advance, 200 No paper discontinued until all arrearages t.re paid. A failure to notify a discontinuance at the ex tiiration of the term subscribed for will be con sidered a'nevv engagement. TERMS O ADVERTISING. 1 insertion. 2 ins. 3 ins. 'Six lines or less, 25 371 00 1 square, 16 lines, brevier, 50 75 100 2 st tt " 1 00 1 .50 2 00 • " " 50 225 300 3m. 6m. 12m. $3 00 ,$5 00 $8 00 5 00 0 800 12 00 7 50 10 00 15 00 9 00 14 00 23 00 1. square, brevicr, it EED " 46 ENID 10'" . CO" Professional ' and Business Cards not cx. ceedingr,G lines, one year, - ; $4 0,5 - Executors''and Administrators' Notices, 1 75 Auditors' NotiCe, - - . 1. 25 For the Huntingdon Globe: 'Pauperism and Poor Houses.. MR. EDITOR :—Several articles, treating of the conduct and management of the County Poor House, have recently appeared in the public papers, and the subject has become a topic of frequent conversation and criticism in circles not exclusively political. Indeed, the merely party bearing of the matter is of little general interest, as it is of small import to tax-payers:what the political tendencies of the Poor House Steward may be provided he performs his duties economically and effi ciently. The establishment at Stairleysburg is yet in its incipiency, many errors have doubtless crept into the system of manage ment which experience will remedy and re place by more salutary legulations ; from this consideration [ have been induced to offer a dew suggestions, which may be esteemed worthy of a place in your columns, and, pos sibly, their. practical -application will not be considered altogether unsuitable to the insti tution at Shirleysburg. Pauperism is the embarrassing element and chief- difficulty of large communities. In the earlier stages of society spontaneous re lief is administered to the necessitous—each hamlet or village supporting its own distress ed or superannuated residents by voluntary contributions without the intervention of any positive regulations or legal enactments,— the business is performed, for the most part, judiciously and with little difficulty,—the _parties, requiring . assistance are known to all and their necessities are generally, admitted, but,--as population increases and concentrates in large bodies, the social machinery becomes -more, compendious and complicated and ap plications for eleemosynary aid frequent and annoying, regulations are loudly demanded ; and pauperism ; no longer casual and occa sional, becomes a fixed fact, a serious disease preying upon the vitals of the body politic, . Jisease not endemical in its character, but one to which all nations are more or less sub ject. The mode of treating Pauperism varies in different countries ; in Italy and some other European' States; they "-let it alone ;" the same course was pursued for centuries in Ire land, and was defended'by Daniel O'Connell, until the " Poor Law Bill for Ireland" passed both houses of parliament despite his influ ence and opposition—the Lazzaroni of Italy and the sturdy Irish beggar of twenty years ago, constitute a sufficient commentary upon this wretched do-nothing policy. In Holland thesevernment adopted a system of pauper -colonisation recommended to them by Mr. Robert Owen, father of the present American Minister at Naples'; the colonies are self eupporting and the experiment has led to a successful result. In England- . the act of Elizabeth continued in force, with trifling modification, during a period of nearly three centuries : under its provisions pauperism threatened to expand_altogether beyond pub lic control; tte evil 'annually increase 3, ap plications from-the able bodied for out-door relief 'became alarmingly frequent, every winter hordes ofhealthy laborers systemati cally demanded support from . •the parish or -township, until it was found absolutely neces sary to arrest the progress of pauperism and to ebnfine it within some reasonable limits and boundaries, and by dint. of repeal and re enactment the present English Poor law was established and put in force. Under the au spices of this law, which abolished out-door relief, pauperism has been discouraged and taxation economised. In America, among the densely populated districts, the passive do-nothing policy will receive no encouragement, and is unworthy of 'consideration; the colonization-scheme, in Pennsylvania - at least. will meet with little public favor ; it would require-the . interven - - . tion of the, State, produce increased taxation for a time, and would-give origin to much po litical jobbery, so there is: no course left but to meet the necessities of the case, as they have'already been met,by direct attack upon the pockets of the tax-payers, and all of the subject which remains has regard to economy of expenditure and the internal arrangements of the pauper establishment. The Directors of :the Poor - have already made one step in the right path by the abolition of an out-door relief, except in extreme cases; much more, lieweirer, remains Is be done in the way of reform:' The intention of .asylums for the poor is not to-elevate their-physical circum stances and condition be'ond that of the in digent but independent laborer, who, from an honest and laudable pride, scorns to peti tion for County support, but it is to afford to the legitimate applicant for relief- such food, raiment, and medical _attendenee as shall maintain him in health and strength, and du. ring the time he is an inrriate of a Poor House and the recipient of 'such - aid' as is there afforded, he is bound, both by the ties of duty and- gratitude, to observe and to conform, with all due subordination and obedience, to the laws and regulations prescribed for the conduct of the establishment. The ques tions for the Directors of the Poor-to deter mine are: how can these objects be most effectually accomplished? what retrench ments can we make? and, with an eye single to the efficient and conscientious performance of oue.duties,, both to the pauper and to the public, bow far can we economise? Provis ions ,fOrm a principal item of expenditure and a careful supervision .of this department pre sents a wide scope for the.exercise of frugal ity. A,list of - articles of diet should first be determined Upon, , specifying such only . as shall be admitted for pauper consumption, cheapness and relative nutrition being the test to which all articles of diet should be submitted. The mode of cookery is also well deserving of special attention, and a regular dietary routine might easily be laid down and established. It would also be advisable to fix upon a certain quantity of each article of diet and constitute it a daily ration for one individual ; the component parts of the ration should be firmly settled, and periodical issues of provisions made to he cooks in proportion to the number of rations required, it,being left to the medical attendant alone to make individual alterations in diet in cases where he may deem it advisable. All purchases of provisions should be made, when practicable, by public advertisement, and the contract given to the lowest bidder. A strict system of accountability ought to be adopted in ev ery department which would enable the Steward at any time to render an account of his expenditures and probable requirements; in the Commisbary this is especially necessa ry. It would be easy to devise and develope such a system, but my demands upon your space are already too extensive. The preser vation of subordination and wholesome dis cipline cannot be too rigidly enforced. To this end it would be well to appoint an Order ly to each ward or room, whose duty it should be to enforce order in every particular, to see that the room be kept in a perfect state of cleanliness, the beds and bedding neatly fold ed and arranged, and that no altercation or quarreling occur—all undue noise and vocifer ation ought to be promptly checked, and ev ery infraction of the rules reported. to the Steward, and followed by such punishment as the Directors may think proper to inflict. Among a number of men and women such as are eenerally congregated in a pauper asy- Juni there is invariably a few of sufficient in telligence, to fulfil duties of simple a char acter as would devolve upon a room orderly. It will be apparent that a code of regulations and penalties will be required to the effectual carrying out of this system., The ale-bodied paupers ought, if possible, to be kept in constant employment. To such, relief should be rendered irksome. Incessant labor would drive the lazy from the public crib and force them into a more independent and honorable position. In England the healthy pauper is engaged in cleansing the streets and public sewers, anti is under con stant superintendence, continually on the move, with little relaxation, and the indolent soon discover that the Poor House is no Par adise; 'in fact, it is no domicil for any able bodied man or woman ; such is not the inten tion of these iestitutions ; characters of this kind ought never to be recognized but as very temporary inmates; their presence and occu pation should be , regularly reported to the Directors. and their discharge ordered when the chancbes of employment would seem to warrant it. 00 :25 00 38 00 00 40 00 60 00 Pauperism is annually increasing in Penn sylvania, and if not checked and discouraged will prove an evil of no ordinary magnitude. The county taxation is already on -a very high scale, and economy of expenditure in every department is urgently demanded.— The stream of emigration 'flowing from this to younger and less bordered States has with out doubt some reference to the heavy de mands upon the pockets of the taxables; from the same cause Ohio is avoided by immigrants and is fast losing her position in the national councils.. It remains to be seen whether Pennsylvania:is to be depopulated by official recklessness and extravagance ; or whether, by well.devised and honestly executed plans of economy and retrenchment, she will retain her honorable position in thegalaxy di States, and by the fuller developemen: of her resour ces rise to that acme' of distinction and pros perity to . which her vast natural endowments entitle her. Yours truly, BLITZ AMONG THE BOYS.—The progress of Signor Blitz through the country might be traced by observing the tricks of the little• codgers in the various towns where he, may have sojourned. The Hollidays burg Standard says: 'One boy, the other day, borrowed a stick of ,candy from a com rade, to show how he could swallow it and pull. it out of his ear. He swallowed it and then twisted himself about in various ways to extract it, but at length informed his companion that he had forgotten that part of the trick.' Ual-le who goes to bed in anger, has the devil for his bedfellow. t wag desires us to say he khows a married man, who, though he goes to bed meek and gentle as a lamb, is in the same predicament. • D•Charles,' said a- - father .to his son while working in' a saw-mill, 'what possesses you to associate with such girls as you do 1-- Wheuf was of your age, I could.go with the first cut.' "'Put,' said Charles, 'the first =cut is.the OC7 - A. good newspaper is like a sensible and sou nd hearted friend, whose appearance on .one's threshold gladdens the mind. with the promise of a pleasant and profitable hour. . [),?Some wise person advises : When you buy or sell, let or hire, make a clear bargain, and never trust to ;We shall not disagree about it.' U :7" A. man's own good breeding is his best security against other people's ill manners. OThe fellow who slept under the "cover of night," says that he came very near freezing. I:o=Why is an omnibus like the heart of a fhrt Because there is always room for one more to be taken in. PUBLICOLA CLAY TOWNS - 111P, March 1856. HUNTINGDON - , MARCH 19. 1856. From the Philadelphia North American and U. - S. Gazette. Mr. Falmore's Nomination. Jt has been from no insensibility to its in terests that we have deferred any notice of the Presidential nomination made last Mon day in this city. As we are, to some extent, a representative of public opinion, we have paused until we could at least have a glinipse of what, in this respect, that opinion is. Al though there is certainly a kind feeling en tertained towards Mr. Fillmore, personally, his nomination, under the circumstances at tending it ; falls coldly and unimpressively on the the public mind. The conservative men of this community, at least, with whoin we have so long acted, stand off in distrust of the new association that encompass Mr. Fill more, and which, if they do not veil him entirely, make him an undefined and mys terious being. How was the Convention by which he is presented as a candidate or ganized ? How were its members chosen ? What is the constituent body ? Under what obligations, secret or avowed, do either the constituents or the representatives act ? Was this body the creation of secret lodg es Is it under the obligation of oaths I Are those who belong to it bound together by ties and duties on which the law and the Constitution frown ? Is Mr Fillmore —the Millard Fillmore of 1848, an Ex- President of the United States—is he, can he be, a member of a secret society, sworn to a religious test, and to exclusiveness of the strictest kind I To all these questions, and for all these doubts, there is but one answer, and in that answer there is cold comfort. This is not asWhig nomination —it is not a conservative nomination—it is not an American nomination, in the high and true sense of that much abused name. It is aKnow Nothing nomination, with all its peculiarities;and,at the very moment at which it is made, it is proclaimed, by authority, and, as if in vindication from aspersion, that Mr. Fillmore was, and is, a member of a Know Nothing lodge; in good standing, having taken all three oaths, and that, but for that, he would not, and could not, have been nominated; and, on the ticket with him, is placed a gentlemen who was Mr. Fill more's most virulent assailant in 1850, and who, if our memory does not mislead us, in 1844 was one of the loudest in denunciation of Henry Clay and Theodore Frelinglmysen, Mr.Frelinghuysen being supposed to be the especial representative of those forms of re ligious belief about which there is so much outcry now. "Our opponents," wrote Mr. Fillmore to Mr. Clay, in - 1844; "by pointing to the Native Americans and to Mr. k'reling _huysen, drove votes from us, and lost us- the day." A leader of those opponents, who thus cried down "the Native Americans and Mr. Frelinghuysen," is now Mr. Fillmore's companion on this strange ticket. Well may considerate men hold back, when, by such processes, such results are produced. The public, thus puzzled as to the orign and results of this strange Convention, have look ed to its record, and find little there to recon cile them to action. That scenes of disorder and confusion will arise in all large political bodies every one knows, and no one wonders at. But it is only when underneath the frothy surface, there are at work secret ele ments, and those elements of the most acrid kind, that turmoil and disturbance become serious. Who can read the proceedings of this Convention, without feeling that its vital and_ only cohesive principle was some farm of religious intolerance; and from religious pro scription and sectarian jargon the true Ameri can heart always has and always will revolt. One hardly knows what sentiment predomi nates,on.looking at this painful and grotesque rccord.We have read it anew,and make our ex tracts from the revised report of the National ,Inteligencer, a paper certainly not addicted to unkind caricature, and, which seems to justify its very doubtful acquiescence in Mr. Fill more's nomination by publishing the strange doings of his new friends. Our citations are few, but significant : "Mr. Small, of Pennsylvania, obtained leave to say that he would accord with the views of Gov. Call, for the sake of harmony, and would, if the latter would abide by it, strike out all in his resolutions, after the words 'Bible and Constitution.' [Applause.]" "Gov. Call again stated his determination to retire. He had come to battle against the innovations of the foreign party in the 'Uni ted States, and the influence of the Pope of Rome. Gov. Call now said, "Farewell." On the next day we read : "A recess was then taken. At the af ternoon session there were several amusinE scenes. The Reverend Mr. Brownlow arose and proposed to receive into the church Gen. Call, of Florida, Percy Walker, of Alabama, and all others who had gone astray. • "Mr. Browalow, amid great app:ause, ad vanced toward Ger. Call and embraced him, causing a deal of merriment. - "Gen. Call said he had given his hand to his brother, and he now gave his heart to the Convention," &c., &c. • - Our last brief excerpts relate to those nearer- home, the representatives of Penn sylvania lodges, and gentlemen who have slowly come to the conclusion • that the doc trine of reserve gis no longer politic or com fortable. "Mr. 1. Hazlehurst, of Philadelphia, said he was from the district and the ward in which independence was declared in 1776. He 'appealed to the South not to leave the American party, but to remain with it in its opposition to a foreign foe. He urged compromise, and he cared for no platform but- Americanisin and opposition to foreign foes. Mr. H. made a strong speech for 'Sam !11 . 2 ' "Mr. J. Williainson, of Huntingdon, Pa., could not be transubstantiated into a free soil abolitionist by St. Hildebrand, or all the rest of the saints in the Calendar. In his district they did not know an aboli tionist from a spavined horse. He coun selled union and harmony?' Now it is from a Convention thus de porting itself, whose members, men of 1114.- tore age and social position; clergymen and lawyers and nondescripts, hug each other in. maudlin enthasia6m, and make speeches about "Sam," and "St. Hildebrand," and ,"spavined horses," that this nomination I comes; and coming thus, it has no right to ask the support of Whigs and fair-mind ed men of any party. Surely we may be permitted to hesitate. As, surely is the painful distrust which on this subject fills the public mind justified. But the Whigs of Pennsylvania and Phila delphia have peculiar motives for resolute re serve just now. No where has the party which nominated Mr. Fillmore left more de plorable traces than hereabouts. Neither lo cally nor in the nation has it been such, we mean administratively, as to command con fidence. Less than two years ago it sprang into gigantic existence, and commanded something kindred to admiration or fear.— With a strong hand and a grasp so bold that a stout and honest heart seemed to nerve it, it took possession in one place or another of power and patronage. Pennsylvania and Massachusetts and New York all yielded.— But the instant it conquered, power it show ed itself unfit or unable to administer it.— This was manifest to every eye, and there were many, ourselves among the number, who looked at this result with disappoint ment. The two repulsive elements of secre sy and sectarian proscription, alien to the heart and intelligence of the American peo ple, only worked out their genuine fruits when secret and sectarian party got into place. A general sentiment of distrust per vaded every one's mind, and the end was what we said. Now, is it to be wondered at that with these facts still recent—for two years is the limit—conservative men should regard with suspicion a nomination about which they have not only not been consul -tod, but from which they have been repel led ' To such conservative men who have not yet spoken, we say, in all earnestness, re serve your judgment. This nomination has no antecedents to command acquiescer.ce from Whigs or those who act with Whigs. Least of all, has it any claims on Pennsyl vanians. We have not forgotten the scenes "of last winter's legislation, and its impotent intrigues, and remember well that the party whose Convention now nominates Mr. Fill mere was in power and responsible then.— Philadelphians, too, may well pause before they follow this New Yoik city lead, find ing.; as they do, among Mr. Fillmore's prom 'bent thanksgivers in this Convention, those who have wgnalized themselves by bitter op position to our local interests. The time will• soon come when those who have hereto fore professed Whig principles, and who have, as yet i formed no other coanexion, ought to determine on their course and manfully pro claim it. The Atmosphere—lts Wonders The atmosphere forms a spherical shell surrounding the earth to a depth which is unkdown to us, by reason of its growing te nuity as it is released from the pressure of its own superincumbent mass. Its upper sur face cannot be nearer to ua than, fifty, and can scarcely he more than five hundred miles. It surrounds us on all sides, yet we see it not; it presses on us with a load of fifteen pounds on every square inch of surface _of our bodies, or from seventy to one hundred tons on us all, yet we do not so much as feel its weight. Softer than the finest down, more impalpable than the finest gossamer, it leaves the cobweb undisturbed, and scarcely stirs the slightest flower that feeds on the dew it supplies; yet it bears the fleets of na tions on its wings around the world and crush es the most refractory substances with its weight. . *hen in motion, its force is sufficient to level the most stately forests and stable buil dings with the earth ; to, raise the waters of the ocean into ridges like mountains, and dash the strongest ships to pieces like toys. It warms and cools by turns the earth, and the living creatures that inhabit it. It draws up vapors from the. sea and land, retains them dissolved in itself or suspended in cis terns of clouds, and thrown them down again as rain or dew when they are requi red. It bends the rays of the sun from their path to give us the twilight of even ing and of dawn ; is disperses and refracts their various tints to beautify the approach and the retreat of the orb of day. But for the atmosphere, sunshine would burst upon us and fail us at once, and at once remove us from midnight darkness to the blaze of noon. We should have no twilight to soften and beautify the landscape, no clouds to shade us from the' scorching heat; but the bald earth, as it revolved on its axis, would turn its tanned arid weathered front, to the full and unmitigated rays of the lord of day. It affords the gas which vivifies and warms our frames, and receives into it self that which. has been polluted by use, and is thrown off as noxious. It feeds the flame of life exactly as it does that of the fire. It is in both cases consumed : in both cases it be comes combined with charcoal, which re quires it for combustion, and is removed by it when this is over. "It is only the girdling encirling air," says a. writer in the North American Review, "that flows above add around us and makes the whole world kin. The carbonic acid with to day our breathing fills, the air, to-morrow seeks its way round the world. The date trees that grow round . the fall of the Nile will drink it in by their leaves ; their stature; the cocoa nuts of Tahita will grow rapidly upon it; and the palms. and bananas of Japan will change it into flowers. The oxygen we are breathing was distilled for us some short time ago by the magnolias of the Susquehannah, and the great tress that skirt the Orinoco and the Amazon; the giant rhododendrons of the Himalays contributed to it, and the roses and myrtles of Cashmere, the cinnamon tree of Ceylon, and the forests ol der than the flood, buried deep in the heart of Africa, not behind the Mountain of the Moon. The rain we see descending was thawed for us out of the icebergs which have watched the polar star for ages; and the lotus lilies have soaked up from the Nile and exhaled as vapor, 'snows that rested on the summit , of the Alps." The British Enlistment Question. We give this week an abstract of the im portant correspondence and other documents communicated to the Senate on the subject of British military enlistments in the United States. Nothing is more thoroughly settled, as a doctrine of public law, than every people is master in its own territory; that each country has a right, if it pleases, to remain steadily neutral, in the face of other beliger ent countries; and that no one beligerent na tion has a right to use, for its beligerent pur poses, the territory of any neutral state. Of coarse, the beligerent cannot, without the consent of the neutral, recruit within its for ces of either land or sea. Moreover, if the neutral, in the exercise °f l its sovereign dis cretion, permits this to one beligerent with out permitting the same to the other, it for feits its neutrality, and becomes itself a be ligerent party. Nay, without regarding the subject in the particular relation of neutral rights, it may be assumed as indisputably certain that every state has exclusive right to the use of its own military means; and especially of that prima ry and most indispensable of all the instru ments of war, men. Of course, not even a friendly state, in the time of the most pro found peace, has any right to enlist men within another's territory without the con sent of the latter; and the attempt to do it, under any circumstances, and for any pur pose whatever, without such consent, is an act of intrusion, of disrespect, and even of outrage on the national sovereignty. The United States, in common with most other modern nations, have municipal laws founded upon, and enacted in aid of, this great universal principle of the public law of Europe and America. An act of Congress provides "thAt if any person shall, within the territory or jurisdiction of the United States, enlist or enter himself, or hire or retain another person to enlist or enter himself, or to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the United States with intent to be enlisted or en tered in the service of any foreign prince, State, colony, district, or people, as a soldier, or as a marine or seaman, on board of any vessel-of-war, letter-of-marqe, or privateer, every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall be fined not exceeding one thousand dollars and be imprisoned not exceeding three years." Thus it will be seen that the statute makes provision to punish as malefactors all indi viduals, who engage in foreign enlistment in the United States. But the statute could not meet, and does not profess or pretend to meet. the wrongful act of any foreign government, which should undertake, as a government, to open-recruiting offices in our cities, or to spread recruiting officers over the country, in order to raise men fel its military service. We cannot indict foreign governments; we cannot arrest them and put them in pi icon ; we cannot redress their misdeeds by.means of the ordinary judicial or administrative author ities, in the course of internal public adminis tration.. In such a contingency, the govern ment aggrieved has to deal with the govern ment aggrieving on the great principles of sovereign right, which regulate the interna tional relations of independent states. Hence it follows that no foreign govern ment, in such a matter, has any right to look into our municipal laws, or examine what their tenor is on such a subject. That is none of its business. That is the sole con cern of the officers of justice and of the accu sed individual . party in the prisoner's box.— The foreign government has no right to look to any other point, save whether we consent that it may recruit men in our territory; it is bound, as the first step, to ask our consent; if it proceed to recruit without our consent, in so doing it injures us,-it insults us; it gives us right to all such redress as the circumstan ces require, just, as in any other case of na tional wrong,.such as the capture of our ships, or the hostile attack of our cities. In 'all such cases it is perfectly immaterial Whether there be or not any municipal law to punish the individua I offender. Take, as il lustration, the analogous case of the marching of troops across our territory, which is an ex ample of the invasion of neutral rights, placed, in works on public law, side by side with the enlistment of troops for foreign service. If a foreign government should undertake, with out our consent, to march troops across our territory, would it be any answer to our de mand of redress to say that it is not forbidden by act of Congress? Clearly not. No more is it material to consider, or has any foreign government business to inquire, in the mat ter of recruiting, whether the thing done or attempted be or not within the letter of an act of Congress. One thing more: If a foreign government, presuming, as it has no business to do,to look into our statutes on the subject, undertakes, in the language of an eminent judge, to look into them in order to see how, by a series of arrangements artfully devised, its agents may evade those laws, then the national wrong is only the more flagrant. it has no right to do the thing any way, whether forbidden by statute or not. If it professedly disregards the law, that is manly at least. If, professing to observe the law,.the foreign government undertakes, by ingenious and elaborate devi ces, to defeat and evade it, that is disingehu ous, as well as otherwise wrongful to our na tional sovereignty. All these considerations are plain, palpa ble,"almost self-evident truths of natural jus tice. Accordingly, at the very commencement of the existing war in Europe, Mr. C. the British minister in the United States, addressed the Secretary of State, to express the confident trust of his government that the United States would sincerely exert every effort to enforce upon their citizens the necessity of observing the strictest neutrality. To be sure, he after wards proceeded to apply this to the contin gency of Russian maritime armaments in the ports of the United States, expressing again the confident hope that orders would be giv en to prevent the equipment of privateers un VOL. .11, NO. 89. der Russian colors -in our ports, and, also, "that the citizens of the United States shall rigorously abstain from taking part in arma ments of this nature, or in any other measure opposed to the duties of a strict neutrality." Mr. Crampion said nothing expressly berg of tire enlistment of soldiers in the United States. Mr. Marcy, in a letter addressed to him a few days afterwards, quietlyleminded him of this by saying that our government would not permit the equipping of privateerit in our ports, neither would it permit the en= listing of men within our territory ; assuring Mr. Crampton "that the United States, while claiming the full enjoyment of their rights ad a neutral power, will observe the strictest neutrality towards each and all the belliger ents." It is a most memorable fact, that this - ap prehended abuse of our neutral territory for beligerent purposes, which the British gov ernment took so much pains to prevent on the part of Russia, has been perpetrated' by Great Britain herself, and by heralone. Sho had "drifted" into a great war without the slightest forethought of adequatemilitary or even naval preparation. We will not ven ture to speak, as her own journalists and public men law , *.a. done, of the deplorable de ficiencies oftife military force which she had in the trenches before Sebastopol. Suf fice it to say, that her .ministers, instead of proposing great and honorable measures for a great national exigency, resorted to the mis erable make-shift expedient of recruiting in dividual mercenaries in foreign neutral coun tries, in deliberate and open violation of the neutral rights and national sovereignty of all the world. She scattered her recruiting agents over Germany,' the Netherlands, Switzerland, Italy, -and the. United States; placed the recruiting officers under the in struction of her diplomatic agents; and per severingly continued, to her own discredit and to the disturbance of her friendly rela tions with other governments, raking up for her military service the scum of the popula tion of Europe and America. In the United States, month after month, from the beginnintiof March down to August, our laws were set at nought, the public peace I of our cities disturbed, and thd ministerial and judicial officers of the country subjected - to the most invidious and painful labor in the vain attempt to put a stop to British enlist ments, until it became necessary for our gov ernment to make of it a public question be tween the two nations, which question at length 'assumed unwonted gravity, when, after sometime, it came to be ascertained, by irrefragable proofs, that the whole business, unlawful and injurious to our public rights as it was, had been conducted, all along, un der the diligent superintendence of the British minister, Mr. Crampton. When the matter had thus proceeded for the period of some six months, the . British government, it is true, desisted from the attempt, with declaration that it did so to avoid further wounding the sensibilities of the United States. But, in stead of rendering, even in words of explana tion, any satisfaction for what it had done, it has, on the contrary, occupied itself with dis puting about the construction of our munici pal law, into which it had no authority to in quire, altogether disregarding, meanwhile, the question of our neutral and sovereign, rites as an independent nation. Mr. Marcy, after discussing the question with Lord Clarendon for the last six months in a series of able and argumentative despatch es, has elicited from the British government only perseverina , defence of the wrong. We have now reached the inevitable result. The President of the United States, in the dis charge of his public duty, and for the vindi cation of the national peace and honor, has been constrained 'to require of the British: government the recall of Mr. Crampton and the dismissal of. the British consuls at New York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati.. • How to OvercoMe Evil. Johnny Wilson sat on the stairway, crying as though his young heart would break. I took him on my lap, and told him to tell ma why he was crying. "Billy Johnson was just above me in the spelling class, and because 1 turned him down, he gat angry. At noon I was flying my new kite on the plain he came up asking me ta let him fly it. Thinking it would make us