Huntingdon globe. ([Huntingdon, Pa.]) 1843-1856, October 24, 1855, Image 1

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BY W. LEWIS.
THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE,
Per annum, in advance,
IL && if not paid in advance, 2 00
~ Ne paper discontinued until all arrearages
'*ire paid.
~. A failure to notify a discontinuance attbe ex
pirition of the term subscribed for will be con
-I•ldered a new engagement.
terms of Advertising
Six lines pr less,
squa.re, 16 bxerier, 50 . 7.5 100
,s I. 100 1 50 0 205
" . 1 50 2 25 3 00
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" $3 00 $5 00 8800
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2 1 equtiria,
3 It
4 "
10 "
Professional and Business Cards not exceed.
n 4 6 line s,one year; 4 00
INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE.
The Kansas Legislature and Hon. John
L. Dawson.
SHAWNEE MANUAL LABOR SCHOOL,
Territory of Kansas, Aug. 30, 1855.
TO THE HON. JOHN L. DAWSON.
The undersigned, citizens of the Territory
- of Kansas, have learned with much regret
that you thought proper .to decline the accep
tance of the office of Governor of this Terri
tory, so appropriately tendered to you by the
President of the United States. They, in
common with their fellow citizens of the
West, have marked with deep interest and
unqualified approbation, your career as a
public man. They have observed that sound
nationality which is conservative of the
rights of the States, whether North or South,
and more particularly do they, as Western
men, feel under obligations to you for your
exertions in behalf of the Homestead Law, a
measure of more importance to them than
any which has engaged the attention of Con
gress for many years past.
Though the comforts of a residence amidst
the refinements of a more advanced state of
society may have been more alluring to you
than the possession of office on this frontier,
we venture to hope that they are not so se
ductive as to disincline you to make us a
visit, and to accept of the hospitalities of
frontier and squatter life. To this end we
beg leave to invite you, at such time as may
suit your convenience, between the first and
the middle of the month of October, to be
amongst us for the purposes indicated. We
can promise a fine climate, the sight of a
country of unsurpassed beauty and fertility,
- and a greeting by generous and ,- ;ordial
hearts.
Please signify, at your earliest conveni
ence, your acceptance or rejection of the in
vitation.
• With profound respect, Sat..
Lucian J. Eastin, Member of Council,
(K. T.) Leavenworth.
D. A. N. Groves, " cc
David Lykins, Paola. •
R. R. Rees,' Leavenworth.
Wm. P. Richardson, " Whitehead.
William Barbee, " Fort Scott.
John Donaldson, Council, Pawnee-
Hiram J. Strickler, " Tecumseh.
A. M. Cofrry, " Paola.
M. W. McGee, Member of House,
Washington.
Wm. G. Mathias, " Leavenworth city
Thomas W. Waterson, " Whitehead.
Joel P. Blair, " Bryan, K. T.
John M. Banks, " Willow Springs,
W. H. Tebbs, " Osawkee, K.. T.
F. J. Marshall, CC Marysville, K. T.
E. W. Younger; " Shugar March.
Wm. A. Heiskell, " Paola.
-Saml. A. Williams, " Fort Scott.
0. H. Browne, " Glendale.
D. L. Croysdale c' Tecumseh.
Samuel Scott, , West Point.
Jonah Weddle, - Kickapoo City.
Geo. W. Ward, Douglas, K.l'.
A. Payne, Leavenworth.
And. McDonal,d Council,L ecompton.
Thos. Johnson,_
President Council.
.John H. Stringfellow, Speaker of House.
Joseph C. Anderson, Speaker pro tern.
BROWNSVILLE PA., Sept., 16th 1855.
GENTLEMEN,OF THE COttNCIL AND HOUSE or
REPRESENTATIVES OF KANSAS:
Circumstances which I ',need not 'partictv
larly advert to, which yet are imperative in
their nature, compel me to decline the invi
tation which you extend to tne in_ such flat
tering terms, to visit your. Territory. How
ever high - the gratification which I should ex
perience from the acceptance of the hospi
talities which you so .cordially tender me,
and front beholding those attractive regions
in the glory of a prodigal 'and luxuriant na
ture, I yet console • myself, that for any pur
pose of public usefulness which I might „pro
pose by such a visit, it is yet quite unneces
sary. If any opinions and views of so hum
ble an individual as myself, can be regarded
as of importance with regard to the . present
posture of your Territorial affairs, it will af
ford me pride,-not less, than pleasure,—as
hold it the duty of every good citizen to pro
mote, to the extent of his influence, the wel
fare of his country—to place them unreserv
edly at your service. •
That we may not be.deterred by the first
aspect of difficulties of this kind, we should
remember that they are no nove;ty in our
history. Troubles arising from religious dis
sensions and persecution, and from disputes
in relation to territorial limits, and between
proprietors and communities, have at vari
ous intervals of our colonial existence thrown
a cloud over our 'happiness as apeople,
shrouding it for a time in a depth of gloom
which seemed to threaten a total eclipse.—
Thus we have witnessed the excesses of re
licrious fanaticism, as exhibited in the riscrof
the Salem witchcraft and the persecution of
sects ; and those of local jealousy, in the
different boundary disputes in New England,
and other portions of the confederacy, some
of which have even led to foreign wars. All
of these are troublesome and irritating, and,
to the genuine patriot discouraging subjects.
1 ins. 2 ins. 3 ins
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00 25 00 38 00
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But they have all successively passed away,
and if evils were borne along in their train,
these too have proved but transient, and skies
of brighter promise have still succeeded ; and
at this day we have yet ib thank God as the
most favored of all the tribes of men, who in
different ages have been the recipients of his
country. This should teach us not to be dis
heartened by the menacing aspect of the pe
culiar troubles which now disturb Kansas.
Let us be sure, that out of these too we shall
come unscathed; and with this unfaltering
confidence in a protecting divinity, let us
march steadily forward in the ranks of duty.
To place us on the vantage ground, whence
we may see truly the condition of the ques
tion involved in the. Kansas troubles, it is
proper to advert to a few facts and considera=
tions, which, though either unknown or lost
sight of, are yet important in their bearing,
and necessary to be kept in view, in -order to
a proper apprehension of the causes which
have drawn the question of slavery into the
political arena, and to estimate aright the
movements of individuals and parties in re
gard to it. It is matter of authentic history,
that at the breaking out of the Revolution,
the slave States were engaged in a noble con
test with the avarice of the parent country,
for throwing off the institution of slavery.-
That contest, as it is well known, found sla
very nearly universal within the old limits
of the Union. In no single instance within
the history of this government has it been
voluntarily introduced: The inci easing mag
nitude of the evil had already awakened the
fears of the far-seeing patriots of the South,
but their efforts towards its removal were
vain, so long as England continued to appre
hend detriment to her manufactures, from
the substitution in the colonies of white la
bor for that of the negro. The successful is
sue of our struggle for liberty did indeed re
move the difficulty arising from external re
straint, but the designs of the benevolent
were for a time diverted by the new activity
imparted by freedom to the productive ener
gies of the nation, and by the tempting ap
peals to interest presented by the golden re
turns which flowed in annually increasing
amo , lnt from the extending production of
cotton. The sense of the evils of slavery
was, however, , only suspended, and the
statesmen of the South are still found appeal
ing to their fellow citizens, until 1832, in
tones of earnest and anxious argument, for
the adoption of some effectual means for its
gradual diminution and final extinguish
ment. •
Prior to the passage of the Missouri Com
promise Bill in 1820, patriots of all sections
of the country had been of one mind,—the
common good of a country the one object of
the aspirations and labors of all. At that
time the influence of the North and the South
in Congress was nearly poised, and the• his
tory of events of the day shows conclu
sively, that the contest which resulted in the
passage of that act, was one for power, en
tirely regardless of the interest or welfare of
the slave. It was the effort to obtain the
Political direction of the country, and the
control of its legislation—to shape its policy
in the building up of sectional interests, by
the adoption of measures protective of man
ufaCtures internal• improvements and com
merce, and by the application of the resour
ces of the national treasury—which led to
the fierceness of that struggle, and seduced
Congress into an over-stretch of its powers
in order to quiet the tremendous excitement.
The question having been put to rest for the
time by the acquiescence of the nation in
that adjustment, the slave did.not as yet, in
his domestic relations, attract any regard
from the North, and the efforts of Southern
philanthropists for' the amelioration 'of 'his
condition were not yet intermitted. In the
third of a century which- has elapsed since
the law of 1820, State after State North of
the line of slavery, has •been' added to the
confederacy, each contributing to swell the
influence of the free States. The question of
political:power has thus at length been fully
settled,:bUt the excitement which was begun
for extensive political objects, - has since pas
sed into fanaticism, and those' who were abol
ititiniSti3-from over-wrought benevolence have
become the prey of demagogues, who contin
ue the agitation for their individual benefit
in the attainment of power and place—to the
prejudiae of thecountry,'and at the sacrifice
of its peace and the stabilities- of its institu
tions.
The - unconstitutionality of the ComprO ,
raise Act was indeed admitted at - the very
next session of Congress, sO: far as Missouri
was concerned, by the joint resolution Of
March, 1821, under which, and not under the
Act of 1820, that State was received into
the - Union,-upon the footing of the old States,
in all respects whatever, excepting a funda
mantal condition which in no • wise impairs
the . truth 'of the general assertion. Congress
having thus early disregarded her own act,
from a perception that in its passage she had
gone beyond the constitution, the progress of
time showed, in the continuance of the Ab
olition excitement, its total inefficiency, and
the unconstitutionality, of such legislation
having been almost universally conceded,
that body possessed the clear right, which it
exercised in the passage of the Bill for the
organilation of the terrtories of Nebraska
and Kansas, to repeal the law of 1820, and
vindicate the constitution by the restoration
of tho true dectrine, and thus to remove the
question from their deliberations.
'lt is the pride of the English judiciary, as
well as of our own, upon discovering an er
roneous decision, to rectify the error, by a
re-affirmance of the law ; and similar reas
ons of justice and consistency, form the
proper vindication .of the Congress of 1853-'4
in the repeal of. the Missouri Compromise.
The relative expediency of free and slave
labor in Kansas, with reference to the influ
ence of either upon production, upon the
morals and general interests of the Territory
—what effect the adoption of either
may have upon the progress of settle
ment,—upon the advancement in..thd: value
of property,—and to what extent it would
increase or diminish her representation in
the councils of 'the nation, it is not my prov
ince to discuss. These arc questions which
_HUNTINGDON, OCTOBER 24. 1855.
are all committed by your organic law to
your legitimate voters, who are thus suppo
sed equal to the responsibilities which it im
poses.
in the repeal of the law of 1820, and the
organiiatiln of Nebraska and Kansas free
from the restriction 'which it imposed, Con
gress only asserted the right of the people to
form their own government according to the
will of the majority, a right which lies at the
basis of all our institutions, and which we
cannot take exception to, without calling in
question the very principle which has given
us all our distinction as a nation, all our su
periority and greatness. It is the same
which built us up from feeble colonies ,into
wealthy and important provinces, and etlich
occasioned our resistance to British tyranny,
and led to the establishment of American na
tionality. By virtue of that principle it is ;
that the States of the Union and the confed
eracy everywhere exhibit laws framed upon
principles of equality and justice, and ad
ministered by tribunals characterized by in
telligence and virtue ; that the productive
energies of the nation have produced such
fruits in agriculture, manufacture and com
merce; that the works of American inven
tion are sought,•for their admitted superiori
ty, by the most enlightened nations of- Eu
rope ; that we have an empire stretching
from ocean to ocean, with thousands of miles
of easy intercommunication ; and that' the
ships engaged in our commerce '..traverse the
waters of every sea. All these, and more
than I have space to enumerate, are the won
derful results of the'principle of popular sov
ereignty as displayed in our government and
institutions, and whose successful working
cannot be denied without the assertion that
the experiment of a Republic is a failure.
I am not ignorant of the peculiar state of
things exhibited by
- your Territory in the ef
fort to carry out the law of your organiza
tion, in the establishment of a local govern
ment: Not content with the impartial fair
ness with which the subject of slavery is dis
posed of by that law, we have seen attempts
to take undue advantage over the well dis
posed citizen who emigrates of his own free
will and choice, for the purpose br a bona
fide settlement, by bands of men, sent out in
numbers and with means adequate to the
exigency by combinations in the north, for
the purpose of anticipating the action of the
legitimate settlers of the country, and thus
fixing . by a fraud, the character of your insti
tutions when applying for admission as a
State. We have seen under the feeling nat.
urally excited by such 'a proceeding, a coun
teracting movement' on the part of the South,
from Missouri ; and the dispute seems ready
to burst forth into the flames of civil war.—
The interest at stake are even held by the ex
cited and excitable portion of the communi
ty throughout the States,•btit which are fortu
nately everywhere limited in number, to be
of that importance which will justify Disu
nion. But while there is no imaginable con
tingency which can render expedient the dis
ruption of the Union ; there is nothing in the
case of Kansas which can justify even a re
sort to violence. It is not the determination
of a few thousands of men, whatever their
political complexion, and no matter whether
from Massachusetts or Missouri, which can
fiz permanently the character of the institu
•tions of a State. They may do so for the
moment; but it can be permanently done on
ly by the interests of the popalation, as de
termined by climate and soil ; and the rela
tive productiveness of free and slave labor.
This haste to be foremost in the race is there
fore doubtless of less importance than exci
ted passion may persuade us it is. Certainly
in any event, Disunion is-never to be thought
of as a remedy. 'The very fact that for eve-
Ty imagined grievance Disunion is held up
as a threat is sufficient to illustrate the des
peration of that remedy. The enormity of
the proposition is sufficient to stamp its own
fallacy, while its positive inefficacy cannot
fail to strike the commonest intellect. Con
template for a moment the consequences
of that remedy ! Suppose that in conse
quence of the impossibility of settling to our
mutual satisfaction the vexed question of sla
very,- the T_Tniou should separate into two
great organizations, without any natural
boundaries. By this arrangement the sub
ject of slavery south of the dividing line,
forever passes from the control of the North,
while the South is left to feel the full force of
its evils entirely within her own limits. But
how long . could two such organizations, with
constitutions so opposite ; maintain peaceful
relations in such close contiguity ! In the
antagonism of feeling which would naturally
exist, mutual encroacment upon each other's
rights would soon occur. A border broil in
two contiguous states would thus, by sym
pathy am a'common interest, draw to their
assistance other States on both sides of the
line, till the two powers should be engaged
in a war, which, in• respect of the. bad pas
sions which it would evoke, and the frightful
atrocities to which it would lead, may scarce
ly find a parallel in history. In the progress
of such a war,—which it can hardly be sup
posed would he'of brief duration, but which
would doubtless be prolonged until one party
or the other should be entirely wasted in the
conflict—the clear 'perception of 'human
rights would grow confused—with the 'sus
pension of the pursuits 'of peace, their value
would be forgotten ; the very idea of a repub
lic,would fade out 3 and a people, mentally
as well as well as morally degraded, would
soon offer their willing necks for the yoke of
some milithry chieftain, who, alike -regard
less of the enslaver and the enslaved, will
Sieze . the occasion for the permanent estab
lishment of his authority, and rule them with
a rod of iron. •Thus, instead of ameliorating !
the condition of the slave, tile' shall become
slaves ourselves. Thatethis is no idle picture,
we may 'learn from the case of Athens and
Sparta, both members of a common confeder
acy; when, after the civil strife of the Pelo
ponesian war, the former passed Under the
kingly rule of Philip of Macedon, and from
that - of the - States of the Achaean league,
which'flourishing only while united; in an
evil Bur listened to the voice of internal
jealousy, and, calling in the assistance of
Rome, soon fell under her galling yoke. Dis
union, therefore, affords no remedy for the ,
doMestic dissensions of the States, and is on
ly to be contemplated as the opening door
through which a passage may be found to a
stronger government, when the miseries of
anarchy shall have proven IA incapable of
governing ourselves. Of a ruin so complete,
so dark and so hopeless as that, to this proud
est, achievemement, of man's intellectual
end rriaral nature, may Heaven forever avert
the day.
I would, therefore, earnestly exhort every
friend of Kansas, by his love for himself and
his children,—by his desire for the welfare
of his remote posterity,—and by his love for
his country—her past achievements, and her
present position in the van of nations in this
the most enlightened age,—to cast away the
counsels of passion, of prejudice, and mo
mentary excitement, and listen to those of
moderation, of reason, and of justice—the
practical lesson of whose teaching is, that
violence can accomplish nothing of any per
manent value, and may be productive of irre
parable mischief. Let every one who is
without legal qualification for the eXercise of
the elective franchise, carefully avoid inter
ference ; and let every legitimate voter use
his privilage with scrupulous regard to the
rights and feelings of others, and the Kansas
troubles will vanish as by magic ; and one
more testimony,—and that the most honora
ble and distinguished, because the exigence
is the most trying—will be afforded of the
fitness of our countrymen ev.eryivhere and
under all circumstances, to be entrusted with
the privileges and responsibilities of self gov
ernment.
In conclusion, Gentlemen, let me thank
you most cordially for the unsolicited honor
of your invitations, and let me express the
pleasure it would afford me to enjoy the ob
servation personally, of the many interest
ing features of your territory—her broad and
fertile plainsher rich valleys, and her ge
nial climate. The developement of her re
sources presents a magnificent field for the
energies of her population ; and I trust they
will be guided by a wisdom which will lead
to complete success. For the commendation
Which you are pleased to express of my ef
forts in behalf of the Homestead ; I hope to
have the opportunity, another season, of
thanking you in person. Of the policy of
that measure, I yet entertain profound con
victions, and hope still to see it placed upon
the Statute Book. Accept my assurances of
regard for each of you individually.
Very Respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
JOHN L. DAWSON.
The Ccst of Sebastopol
In order to form any correct estimate of
the immense labor, expense, :-nd desperate
valor the capture of Sebaston- tas cost the
Allies, in addition to the terrible sacrifice of
life, recourse must be had to the report of
General Niel, who had commanded the en
gineering department of the French army
since the death of Bizot, and to the second
report of Pelissier, which resumes in a very
complete and lucid manner the incidents of
the combined assault and the general history
of the siege. To borrow at once the conclu
ding passage of this report-.-"Thtis," says
the Marshal, "terminated this memorable
siege, during which the relieving army was
twice beaten in the open field, and the means
of defence and attack of which had assumed
colossal proportions. The beseiging army
had in its different attacks about 800 g uns
mounted, which fired more than 1,600,000
rounds, and our approaches, dug during 336
days, of open trenches through 'a rocky
ground, to an extent of 86 kilometres (54 En
glish miles,) were made under the constant
fire of the place and with incessant combats
by day and night." During the siege there
was employed no less than 80,000 aabions,
60,000 fascines, and nearly 1,000,000 earth
bags. The most remarkable sieges in history
have hardly ever attained to more than a tenth
of these extraordinary proportions. Nor are
the results, of the casualties of the army less
extraordinary. The final combined assault
—taking the official reports—cost the French
army no less than 7,551 men killed, wounded
and missing; the British loss on the same day
was 2,447, so that the total loss of the Allied
armies amounts to not less than 10,000 men
on this dreadful occasion. But if to this num
der of victims be added the large losses sus
tained by both armies at Balaklava,
at Joker
mann, at the attack of the 18th of June, and
at the battle of the Tchernaya, besides the
constant drain of men by sorties and in the
trenches, which exceeded 100 men a day, we
conceive that the losses sustained by the be- ,
sieging forces under fire cannot be less than
50,000 men, and probably surpass that num
.ber; to these must be added the still more un
happy victims of disease and privations, who
were at one time swept away more rapidly
than by the sword of the enemy; and we are
probably below the truth in estimating these
losses at 40,000 for the Allies, which would
raise the total to 90,000.
Marshal Pelissier's report gives us a full and
accurate statement of the enormous means
brought to bear in the final assault. Of- the
French' works, the approaches on the left had
been advanced to within thirty or forty yards
of the Flagstaff and Central Bastions, and to
within' twenty-five yards of the salient of the
Malakhoff Redoubt and the Little Redan. The
French artillery had constructed 100 batteries
perfectly served, and presenting 300 guns in
the left 'and 250 on the right attack: The
English engineers bad been unable, from the
rocky nature of the ridge on which the Great
Redan was planted, to advance nearer than
200 yards from that works; General Harry
Jones had, however brought 20b English guns
to bear on this point. One of the consequen
ces of the advantageous proximity of the
French to the works they were about to storm
was that-the explosion of the mines which
gave the signal of the attack blew in a part of
the counterscarp, and showed the Men they
had little to fear from the Russian counter
mines. At the distance at which the head of
the English sap was still placed no - such ef
feet could be produced.
The French left attack against the Central
and Flagstaff Batteries, under General Do
Salles, was organized with mach care. Six
regiments of the line were .told off for the at-
tack on the Central Bastion and five for that
on the Flagstaff, besides Gen. Claldini's Sar
dinian Brigade; twelve more reg,iments - were
bfought up to act as a reserve on this point
only, so that the left attack mtist have been
made by 10,000 men supported by 10,000
fresh troops. Nevertheless, this attack fails
from causes somewhat similar to those which
led to the defeat of the British attack on the
Redan. The RusSians retreated behind tra
verses within the work and behind the lu
nette, from which they keep up a fire of
grape and Musketry, which baffled the assail
ants and at last drove them back to their tren
ches. Marshal Pelissier had hover reeerved
the flower of the French army for the attack
on the Malakoff, under the commands of
General Macmahon and General Bosquet; it
was there that the Zouaves and the Chasseurs
were principally engaged, end it said that
about 30,000 men were brought into the
trenches by instalments of one-third at a time
to act against the Malakoff and the Little Re
dan. These troops were carefully provided
with everything they could require in their
desperate enterprise. The hill of Malakoff
was surmounted by works which had assumed
the form and strength of a regular pentagonal
fortress, of about the same extent as the
Citadel of Antwerp, intersected by every kind
of earthwork and garrisoned by about 3,000
men. The ditch surronnding it was 18 feet
deep, the scarp 18 feet high, so that the defen
ces to be scaled were 36 feet from the bottom;
and similar works were repeated within the
first enciente. With incredible rapidity and
energy the French troops swept over these
tremendous obstacles, overpowred the garri
son, and then held the work for four hours
against the repeated efforts of the Russians to
recover the position. No greater or more
difficult exploit is recorded in the annals of
war, and the immense loss sustained proves
by what - desperate effort the advantage was
gained.
From the San Juan Central American, Sept.2o
Resources of NicaraUga.
We have partaken of a great variety of
fruits and vegetables which are indigenous
to the soil of Central America. Among
these are the orange, lemon, limes bananna,
cocoanut cocoa plum, alligator pears. Guava.
cocoa p urn ) a igator
plantains, paypayas, marmion, rose apple,
granadilla, watermelon, cantalopes, bread
fruit, citron, and a variety of others which we
have not yet become familiar with. Those of
the vegetable that we have seen consist of
cocoa, a species of our potato, ocreyam, sweet
potato, peas, Lima, French, and vanilla
beans, spuashes, tomatoes, peppers, pumpkins
&c. We have no doubt that a great portion,
if not all of the products of the States can be
cultivated here. We notice many fruits and
plants similar to the growth of Florida and
the more northern States, but they are more
matured and in a greater variety. The cactus
grows to a gigantic height. And the sensi
tive plant exhibits in a marked degree its pe
culiar characteristics.—Beautiful roses with
a variety of their species grow wild and
luxuriant.
The vegetable productions of commerce
Eire principally sarsaparilla; annato, aloes,
ippecacuannu, ginger, Vanilla, Perilvan bark ;
cowage, Copal, Gumma-Gabic, Copavia Caou
tchouc, Dragons Blood, Vanglo and Oil-Plant.
The staple products of the State, and those
which arrive to great perfection, are Sugar,
Coffee, Tobacco, Indigo, Maize, or Indian
Corn, Rice, Chocolate, Cocoa, Coffee. Among
I the valuable Trees may be noticed Mahogany,
Logwaod, Brazil-wood, Cedar, Lignumvitae,
Fustic, Yellow-Pine Dragonsblood-tree, Silk
Cotton-Tree, Oak, Copal-Tree, Buttonwood,
Ironwood, Rosewood ; Nicaraguawood, Cala
bash, &c. What and other cerial grains
flourish in the elevated districts and northern
part of the Republic.
In fact one can haire any clitnaie they wish
from the atinbsphere of the plaint, to the broken
and mountainous country which extends even
to the coast. The mineral resources of Nicara:-
gua are numerous, consisting of gold, silver
copper, iron, lead and coal mines, the latter are
easy of access and within a short distance of
the coast. Sulphur is found in great quan
tities, also nitre, sulphate of iron, and a num
ber of other minerals. '
The beef of San Juan is very good but there
is not so large a stock as in the interior, still
there is sufficient for practical purposes, and
we venture to say that any amount of the
Durham species could be raised here or a few
miles higher up the coast. Wild animals
abbund, such as the tiger, wild hog, monkey,
etc., all of which are harmless, except when
attacked.
The poultry is excellent and plenty of it,
also birds of all kinds, parrots paroquets,
btillfinch, canary and almbst every other spe=
cies that the . tropics produce. We have had
the pleasure of lunching on snipe and can
warrant their flavor. Fish, Oysters, Clams,
Shrimp - , and Crabs can be found in the bay
and rivers. The Jack Fish, Drummer, and
a species of Sheeps-Head we think peculiarly
fine. Clams are round and small but very
tender and delicate. The Cow-Fish is con
sidered a great relish by the natives, but we,
have not yet mustered courage to partake of
this,.or the Alligator, we shall continue to no
tice from time to time the natural productions
of the country as they are developed' and
brought before us
T ATERING
dATTI.E.—Among the many
causes of stock not thriving as much as might
be desirable during the winter, is their too
scanty supply of water. A few have run
ning water in their cattle yards, and their
stock drink 6 as nature requires it; but moSt
farmers water their stock either at the
or by driving them to a running brook twice,
or often but once a day. Watering is done
by rule from fall to spring, regardless of
weather or food. I have observed stock so
dry as to refuse to eat dry food, but after be
ing, watered they eat it voraciously. Now,
it is a well-settled fact that no animal will
thrive well while suffering for want of food,
water or shelter. Let those, therefore, who
want to turn out their stock in the spring in
pied condition,
attend 16 these things and
let therm see that the poorer and weaker stock
get as much as they want.—Farnicr and
Vis to r.
VOL. 11, NO. 18
From the Pennsylvanian
Alas ! Poor Coffroth 1
We extract from the 'State Journal of Cali
fornia, of Sept. 20th, the following paragraph
in relation to the accident whi h happened
JA:' , IES W. COI - FROTH, a State Senator of
California, elected originally by the Demo
crats, but recently- by the Know-Nothings.--
Years ago, we were closely associated with
Mr. COFFROTH, and probably were mainly
instrumental in converting him to Pemocra
cy. He started in manhood a Whig, became
a compositor on the Spirit of the Times, and
subseqbently foreman of the Printing Office,
He was next employed as Clerk in the busi
ness office, and just before the Spirit of the
Tins was sold by Col. Dv Eor.t.n, became
assistant Editor. Many of the articles claim
ed by him as his own produetions, were writ
ten by another person. So were the lighter
literary articles with which he made love to
the ladies. He left Philadelphia hastily, for
reasons which did not add much to his integ
rity, and we mentally predicted that be
would play the part he has just acted, when
he was first elected by the Democrats. He
was a fine looking mar.,, and quite preposses
sing in his Manners; bin extremely faulty at
heart. His punishment i 8 prObahly deserved,
if his vices has increased with his vealt.
.
SENATOR. COFFROTIL—This gentleman,
says the State Journal, is elected to the Sen
ate by about one hundred majority. It is re: :
lated of him that, at Benicia, in 1853, ho
made the following remark : "If' ever I desert
the democratic party, may My right arm be
withered." Our readers are already aware
that on the day of election he fell from his
horse and so completely shattered his right
arm that it was thought he would be compel
led to have the limb amputated. A remarka
ble coincidence!
. .
IiEROISM OF A DOG IN THE QIUMEA.—The
following account of the exploits of a dog in
the Crimea, which we translate from the Ga
zette of Trieste, surpasses everything hereto-
fore recorded of the devotion and bravery of
this noble animal t
"A great sensation has been created in the
camp of the allies by the heroic deeds of
dog belonging to Colottel Mettman, of the
73d Regiment Of the Line. On the 16th of
August, dnring the battle of the Tchernaya,
the quadruped broke his chain, fought in the
ranks of the army, saved the ,life of a ser
geant and a soldier, and took three
prisoners. A ball struck his foot, but the
wound only embittered the animal the more.
He threw himself upon a Russian officer;
flung hitn to the ground arid dragged him
priSdner by his boat collar to the .Prench. A
physician has bound up the wound, and the
four-footed hero is convalescing. Ho will
probably receive some mark of honor, as an
other dog in the English army has been re
warded with a medal for his devotion to hip
master."
Baltimore Election
As a fit companion for the Democratic trl'-
umph in Pennsylvania; we Chronicle the re=
suit of the election in the city of Baltimore.
The Sint, of the 1 ith intt. says
"The whole number of Votes cast yester
daye amounts to 22,580, of which 11,808
were given to the democrats and independent
anti-Know-Nothing candidates. These fig
ures represent an average democratic gain of
3,777 over the vote of Mr finks, the K. N.
candidate for mayor; who was elected by a
majority of 2, 741; it consequently repre
sents an average democratic majority in all
the city of 1636."
Thus do the strong holds of the datit lan
tern party wheel into the Democratic ranks.
But a year ago the worshippers of "Sam"
were shouting themselves hoarse over their
su'cess. Then nothing was heard but "invul;;
nerable Sam !" "triumph victory of the
Americans !" "where is the Democratit, 'Par=
ty &c. How the tune is changed now !
The smile of exultation has fled from the fa
ces of these midnight conspirators. The bul:.
lying asst Trance of these rrien has dwindled
down into Uriah Heap meekness ; and in
stead of hooting at Democracy, they damn
each other. Such is the end of Know .Noth
ingism, and it is a fitting death for a party
botQ in Sing Sing.
Prom Texas
Nxw ORLEANS, Oct. 16.—Galveston dated
to Sunday have been received by an arrivaf
at this port.
Captain Callahan, in command of the Tex
as Rangers, has had a battle with a force of
Mexicans and Indians; 700 strong. Forty of
the enemy were killed, and four of the Tex
ans. The enemy retreated. Capt. Calla
han calls on Texas for assistance, as lie is
expecting another attack. He is detertnined
to exterminate the Intlianti. .
Galveston papers of the 6th inst. note sev
eral fresh Indian outrages on the frontier.—
A daughter of R. N. Davis; of Medina county,
was lately killed by them, near his dwelling.
A man named Skidmore had also been killed
near Fort Belknap, and another named Von
flier near Castroville. Capt. Wallace and a
party attacked a gang of Indians near Medina
killed two and capturing several horses.
• ,
[l:7' It is a work of considerable difficulty
to believe all the stories of vegitablel . ife that
come to us in' the California papers. tire
can stand beets as long as a man's leg and
thirty inches in circumference, onidnti, as
large as a peck measure, and cabages weigh
ing sixty pound; but when they swear to a.
hundred and twenty brisheli of wheat to the
acre, and potatoes Weighing half a hrinlred
we begin .to hesitate. But their big trees
are the wonder of the world. The Mam
moth Grove is a
,foret of such monsters-
Situated . 4,500 feet above gan FFati4sca; it
has come to be a summer resort of the peo
ple. The largest tree is 95 feet in circum
ference; and two are 95 feet in circUmferenee,
and 300 feet high, and beautiful to look at.—
A.t the grove is a first Olatie hotel. To the
body of the big tree there is a hOone 24 by
80, which contains two fine bowline? alleys.
The stump of this two is intended for a bait
room.—Buffalo Advertiser.