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'' '' ':; :.'i*i',l': , •'' . ..":' - '' , . fe!' . . - • 7:4 , ?.. „ . BY W. LEWIS. THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, Per annum, in advance, IL && if not paid in advance, 2 00 ~ Ne paper discontinued until all arrearages '*ire paid. ~. A failure to notify a discontinuance attbe ex pirition of the term subscribed for will be con -I•ldered a new engagement. terms of Advertising Six lines pr less, squa.re, 16 bxerier, 50 . 7.5 100 ,s I. 100 1 50 0 205 " . 1 50 2 25 3 00 3m. Gm. 12m. " $3 00 $5 00 8800 " 500 800 12 00 " • 7 50 10 00 15 00 2 1 equtiria, 3 It 4 " 10 " Professional and Business Cards not exceed. n 4 6 line s,one year; 4 00 INTERESTING CORRESPONDENCE. The Kansas Legislature and Hon. John L. Dawson. SHAWNEE MANUAL LABOR SCHOOL, Territory of Kansas, Aug. 30, 1855. TO THE HON. JOHN L. DAWSON. The undersigned, citizens of the Territory - of Kansas, have learned with much regret that you thought proper .to decline the accep tance of the office of Governor of this Terri tory, so appropriately tendered to you by the President of the United States. They, in common with their fellow citizens of the West, have marked with deep interest and unqualified approbation, your career as a public man. They have observed that sound nationality which is conservative of the rights of the States, whether North or South, and more particularly do they, as Western men, feel under obligations to you for your exertions in behalf of the Homestead Law, a measure of more importance to them than any which has engaged the attention of Con gress for many years past. Though the comforts of a residence amidst the refinements of a more advanced state of society may have been more alluring to you than the possession of office on this frontier, we venture to hope that they are not so se ductive as to disincline you to make us a visit, and to accept of the hospitalities of frontier and squatter life. To this end we beg leave to invite you, at such time as may suit your convenience, between the first and the middle of the month of October, to be amongst us for the purposes indicated. We can promise a fine climate, the sight of a country of unsurpassed beauty and fertility, - and a greeting by generous and ,- ;ordial hearts. Please signify, at your earliest conveni ence, your acceptance or rejection of the in vitation. • With profound respect, Sat.. Lucian J. Eastin, Member of Council, (K. T.) Leavenworth. D. A. N. Groves, " cc David Lykins, Paola. • R. R. Rees,' Leavenworth. Wm. P. Richardson, " Whitehead. William Barbee, " Fort Scott. John Donaldson, Council, Pawnee- Hiram J. Strickler, " Tecumseh. A. M. Cofrry, " Paola. M. W. McGee, Member of House, Washington. Wm. G. Mathias, " Leavenworth city Thomas W. Waterson, " Whitehead. Joel P. Blair, " Bryan, K. T. John M. Banks, " Willow Springs, W. H. Tebbs, " Osawkee, K.. T. F. J. Marshall, CC Marysville, K. T. E. W. Younger; " Shugar March. Wm. A. Heiskell, " Paola. -Saml. A. Williams, " Fort Scott. 0. H. Browne, " Glendale. D. L. Croysdale c' Tecumseh. Samuel Scott, , West Point. Jonah Weddle, - Kickapoo City. Geo. W. Ward, Douglas, K.l'. A. Payne, Leavenworth. And. McDonal,d Council,L ecompton. Thos. Johnson,_ President Council. .John H. Stringfellow, Speaker of House. Joseph C. Anderson, Speaker pro tern. BROWNSVILLE PA., Sept., 16th 1855. GENTLEMEN,OF THE COttNCIL AND HOUSE or REPRESENTATIVES OF KANSAS: Circumstances which I ',need not 'partictv larly advert to, which yet are imperative in their nature, compel me to decline the invi tation which you extend to tne in_ such flat tering terms, to visit your. Territory. How ever high - the gratification which I should ex perience from the acceptance of the hospi talities which you so .cordially tender me, and front beholding those attractive regions in the glory of a prodigal 'and luxuriant na ture, I yet console • myself, that for any pur pose of public usefulness which I might „pro pose by such a visit, it is yet quite unneces sary. If any opinions and views of so hum ble an individual as myself, can be regarded as of importance with regard to the . present posture of your Territorial affairs, it will af ford me pride,-not less, than pleasure,—as hold it the duty of every good citizen to pro mote, to the extent of his influence, the wel fare of his country—to place them unreserv edly at your service. • That we may not be.deterred by the first aspect of difficulties of this kind, we should remember that they are no nove;ty in our history. Troubles arising from religious dis sensions and persecution, and from disputes in relation to territorial limits, and between proprietors and communities, have at vari ous intervals of our colonial existence thrown a cloud over our 'happiness as apeople, shrouding it for a time in a depth of gloom which seemed to threaten a total eclipse.— Thus we have witnessed the excesses of re licrious fanaticism, as exhibited in the riscrof the Salem witchcraft and the persecution of sects ; and those of local jealousy, in the different boundary disputes in New England, and other portions of the confederacy, some of which have even led to foreign wars. All of these are troublesome and irritating, and, to the genuine patriot discouraging subjects. 1 ins. 2 ins. 3 ins 25 371 50 00 14 00 23 00 Li 9 00 25 00 38 00 00 40 00 60 00 " 15 .t. ' 25 But they have all successively passed away, and if evils were borne along in their train, these too have proved but transient, and skies of brighter promise have still succeeded ; and at this day we have yet ib thank God as the most favored of all the tribes of men, who in different ages have been the recipients of his country. This should teach us not to be dis heartened by the menacing aspect of the pe culiar troubles which now disturb Kansas. Let us be sure, that out of these too we shall come unscathed; and with this unfaltering confidence in a protecting divinity, let us march steadily forward in the ranks of duty. To place us on the vantage ground, whence we may see truly the condition of the ques tion involved in the. Kansas troubles, it is proper to advert to a few facts and considera= tions, which, though either unknown or lost sight of, are yet important in their bearing, and necessary to be kept in view, in -order to a proper apprehension of the causes which have drawn the question of slavery into the political arena, and to estimate aright the movements of individuals and parties in re gard to it. It is matter of authentic history, that at the breaking out of the Revolution, the slave States were engaged in a noble con test with the avarice of the parent country, for throwing off the institution of slavery.- That contest, as it is well known, found sla very nearly universal within the old limits of the Union. In no single instance within the history of this government has it been voluntarily introduced: The inci easing mag nitude of the evil had already awakened the fears of the far-seeing patriots of the South, but their efforts towards its removal were vain, so long as England continued to appre hend detriment to her manufactures, from the substitution in the colonies of white la bor for that of the negro. The successful is sue of our struggle for liberty did indeed re move the difficulty arising from external re straint, but the designs of the benevolent were for a time diverted by the new activity imparted by freedom to the productive ener gies of the nation, and by the tempting ap peals to interest presented by the golden re turns which flowed in annually increasing amo , lnt from the extending production of cotton. The sense of the evils of slavery was, however, , only suspended, and the statesmen of the South are still found appeal ing to their fellow citizens, until 1832, in tones of earnest and anxious argument, for the adoption of some effectual means for its gradual diminution and final extinguish ment. • Prior to the passage of the Missouri Com promise Bill in 1820, patriots of all sections of the country had been of one mind,—the common good of a country the one object of the aspirations and labors of all. At that time the influence of the North and the South in Congress was nearly poised, and the• his tory of events of the day shows conclu sively, that the contest which resulted in the passage of that act, was one for power, en tirely regardless of the interest or welfare of the slave. It was the effort to obtain the Political direction of the country, and the control of its legislation—to shape its policy in the building up of sectional interests, by the adoption of measures protective of man ufaCtures internal• improvements and com merce, and by the application of the resour ces of the national treasury—which led to the fierceness of that struggle, and seduced Congress into an over-stretch of its powers in order to quiet the tremendous excitement. The question having been put to rest for the time by the acquiescence of the nation in that adjustment, the slave did.not as yet, in his domestic relations, attract any regard from the North, and the efforts of Southern philanthropists for' the amelioration 'of 'his condition were not yet intermitted. In the third of a century which- has elapsed since the law of 1820, State after State North of the line of slavery, has •been' added to the confederacy, each contributing to swell the influence of the free States. The question of political:power has thus at length been fully settled,:bUt the excitement which was begun for extensive political objects, - has since pas sed into fanaticism, and those' who were abol ititiniSti3-from over-wrought benevolence have become the prey of demagogues, who contin ue the agitation for their individual benefit in the attainment of power and place—to the prejudiae of thecountry,'and at the sacrifice of its peace and the stabilities- of its institu tions. The - unconstitutionality of the ComprO , raise Act was indeed admitted at - the very next session of Congress, sO: far as Missouri was concerned, by the joint resolution Of March, 1821, under which, and not under the Act of 1820, that State was received into the - Union,-upon the footing of the old States, in all respects whatever, excepting a funda mantal condition which in no • wise impairs the . truth 'of the general assertion. Congress having thus early disregarded her own act, from a perception that in its passage she had gone beyond the constitution, the progress of time showed, in the continuance of the Ab olition excitement, its total inefficiency, and the unconstitutionality, of such legislation having been almost universally conceded, that body possessed the clear right, which it exercised in the passage of the Bill for the organilation of the terrtories of Nebraska and Kansas, to repeal the law of 1820, and vindicate the constitution by the restoration of tho true dectrine, and thus to remove the question from their deliberations. 'lt is the pride of the English judiciary, as well as of our own, upon discovering an er roneous decision, to rectify the error, by a re-affirmance of the law ; and similar reas ons of justice and consistency, form the proper vindication .of the Congress of 1853-'4 in the repeal of. the Missouri Compromise. The relative expediency of free and slave labor in Kansas, with reference to the influ ence of either upon production, upon the morals and general interests of the Territory —what effect the adoption of either may have upon the progress of settle ment,—upon the advancement in..thd: value of property,—and to what extent it would increase or diminish her representation in the councils of 'the nation, it is not my prov ince to discuss. These arc questions which _HUNTINGDON, OCTOBER 24. 1855. are all committed by your organic law to your legitimate voters, who are thus suppo sed equal to the responsibilities which it im poses. in the repeal of the law of 1820, and the organiiatiln of Nebraska and Kansas free from the restriction 'which it imposed, Con gress only asserted the right of the people to form their own government according to the will of the majority, a right which lies at the basis of all our institutions, and which we cannot take exception to, without calling in question the very principle which has given us all our distinction as a nation, all our su periority and greatness. It is the same which built us up from feeble colonies ,into wealthy and important provinces, and etlich occasioned our resistance to British tyranny, and led to the establishment of American na tionality. By virtue of that principle it is ; that the States of the Union and the confed eracy everywhere exhibit laws framed upon principles of equality and justice, and ad ministered by tribunals characterized by in telligence and virtue ; that the productive energies of the nation have produced such fruits in agriculture, manufacture and com merce; that the works of American inven tion are sought,•for their admitted superiori ty, by the most enlightened nations of- Eu rope ; that we have an empire stretching from ocean to ocean, with thousands of miles of easy intercommunication ; and that' the ships engaged in our commerce '..traverse the waters of every sea. All these, and more than I have space to enumerate, are the won derful results of the'principle of popular sov ereignty as displayed in our government and institutions, and whose successful working cannot be denied without the assertion that the experiment of a Republic is a failure. I am not ignorant of the peculiar state of things exhibited by - your Territory in the ef fort to carry out the law of your organiza tion, in the establishment of a local govern ment: Not content with the impartial fair ness with which the subject of slavery is dis posed of by that law, we have seen attempts to take undue advantage over the well dis posed citizen who emigrates of his own free will and choice, for the purpose br a bona fide settlement, by bands of men, sent out in numbers and with means adequate to the exigency by combinations in the north, for the purpose of anticipating the action of the legitimate settlers of the country, and thus fixing . by a fraud, the character of your insti tutions when applying for admission as a State. We have seen under the feeling nat. urally excited by such 'a proceeding, a coun teracting movement' on the part of the South, from Missouri ; and the dispute seems ready to burst forth into the flames of civil war.— The interest at stake are even held by the ex cited and excitable portion of the communi ty throughout the States,•btit which are fortu nately everywhere limited in number, to be of that importance which will justify Disu nion. But while there is no imaginable con tingency which can render expedient the dis ruption of the Union ; there is nothing in the case of Kansas which can justify even a re sort to violence. It is not the determination of a few thousands of men, whatever their political complexion, and no matter whether from Massachusetts or Missouri, which can fiz permanently the character of the institu •tions of a State. They may do so for the moment; but it can be permanently done on ly by the interests of the popalation, as de termined by climate and soil ; and the rela tive productiveness of free and slave labor. This haste to be foremost in the race is there fore doubtless of less importance than exci ted passion may persuade us it is. Certainly in any event, Disunion is-never to be thought of as a remedy. 'The very fact that for eve- Ty imagined grievance Disunion is held up as a threat is sufficient to illustrate the des peration of that remedy. The enormity of the proposition is sufficient to stamp its own fallacy, while its positive inefficacy cannot fail to strike the commonest intellect. Con template for a moment the consequences of that remedy ! Suppose that in conse quence of the impossibility of settling to our mutual satisfaction the vexed question of sla very,- the T_Tniou should separate into two great organizations, without any natural boundaries. By this arrangement the sub ject of slavery south of the dividing line, forever passes from the control of the North, while the South is left to feel the full force of its evils entirely within her own limits. But how long . could two such organizations, with constitutions so opposite ; maintain peaceful relations in such close contiguity ! In the antagonism of feeling which would naturally exist, mutual encroacment upon each other's rights would soon occur. A border broil in two contiguous states would thus, by sym pathy am a'common interest, draw to their assistance other States on both sides of the line, till the two powers should be engaged in a war, which, in• respect of the. bad pas sions which it would evoke, and the frightful atrocities to which it would lead, may scarce ly find a parallel in history. In the progress of such a war,—which it can hardly be sup posed would he'of brief duration, but which would doubtless be prolonged until one party or the other should be entirely wasted in the conflict—the clear 'perception of 'human rights would grow confused—with the 'sus pension of the pursuits 'of peace, their value would be forgotten ; the very idea of a repub lic,would fade out 3 and a people, mentally as well as well as morally degraded, would soon offer their willing necks for the yoke of some milithry chieftain, who, alike -regard less of the enslaver and the enslaved, will Sieze . the occasion for the permanent estab lishment of his authority, and rule them with a rod of iron. •Thus, instead of ameliorating ! the condition of the slave, tile' shall become slaves ourselves. Thatethis is no idle picture, we may 'learn from the case of Athens and Sparta, both members of a common confeder acy; when, after the civil strife of the Pelo ponesian war, the former passed Under the kingly rule of Philip of Macedon, and from that - of the - States of the Achaean league, which'flourishing only while united; in an evil Bur listened to the voice of internal jealousy, and, calling in the assistance of Rome, soon fell under her galling yoke. Dis union, therefore, affords no remedy for the , doMestic dissensions of the States, and is on ly to be contemplated as the opening door through which a passage may be found to a stronger government, when the miseries of anarchy shall have proven IA incapable of governing ourselves. Of a ruin so complete, so dark and so hopeless as that, to this proud est, achievemement, of man's intellectual end rriaral nature, may Heaven forever avert the day. I would, therefore, earnestly exhort every friend of Kansas, by his love for himself and his children,—by his desire for the welfare of his remote posterity,—and by his love for his country—her past achievements, and her present position in the van of nations in this the most enlightened age,—to cast away the counsels of passion, of prejudice, and mo mentary excitement, and listen to those of moderation, of reason, and of justice—the practical lesson of whose teaching is, that violence can accomplish nothing of any per manent value, and may be productive of irre parable mischief. Let every one who is without legal qualification for the eXercise of the elective franchise, carefully avoid inter ference ; and let every legitimate voter use his privilage with scrupulous regard to the rights and feelings of others, and the Kansas troubles will vanish as by magic ; and one more testimony,—and that the most honora ble and distinguished, because the exigence is the most trying—will be afforded of the fitness of our countrymen ev.eryivhere and under all circumstances, to be entrusted with the privileges and responsibilities of self gov ernment. In conclusion, Gentlemen, let me thank you most cordially for the unsolicited honor of your invitations, and let me express the pleasure it would afford me to enjoy the ob servation personally, of the many interest ing features of your territory—her broad and fertile plainsher rich valleys, and her ge nial climate. The developement of her re sources presents a magnificent field for the energies of her population ; and I trust they will be guided by a wisdom which will lead to complete success. For the commendation Which you are pleased to express of my ef forts in behalf of the Homestead ; I hope to have the opportunity, another season, of thanking you in person. Of the policy of that measure, I yet entertain profound con victions, and hope still to see it placed upon the Statute Book. Accept my assurances of regard for each of you individually. Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant, JOHN L. DAWSON. The Ccst of Sebastopol In order to form any correct estimate of the immense labor, expense, :-nd desperate valor the capture of Sebaston- tas cost the Allies, in addition to the terrible sacrifice of life, recourse must be had to the report of General Niel, who had commanded the en gineering department of the French army since the death of Bizot, and to the second report of Pelissier, which resumes in a very complete and lucid manner the incidents of the combined assault and the general history of the siege. To borrow at once the conclu ding passage of this report-.-"Thtis," says the Marshal, "terminated this memorable siege, during which the relieving army was twice beaten in the open field, and the means of defence and attack of which had assumed colossal proportions. The beseiging army had in its different attacks about 800 g uns mounted, which fired more than 1,600,000 rounds, and our approaches, dug during 336 days, of open trenches through 'a rocky ground, to an extent of 86 kilometres (54 En glish miles,) were made under the constant fire of the place and with incessant combats by day and night." During the siege there was employed no less than 80,000 aabions, 60,000 fascines, and nearly 1,000,000 earth bags. The most remarkable sieges in history have hardly ever attained to more than a tenth of these extraordinary proportions. Nor are the results, of the casualties of the army less extraordinary. The final combined assault —taking the official reports—cost the French army no less than 7,551 men killed, wounded and missing; the British loss on the same day was 2,447, so that the total loss of the Allied armies amounts to not less than 10,000 men on this dreadful occasion. But if to this num der of victims be added the large losses sus tained by both armies at Balaklava, at Joker mann, at the attack of the 18th of June, and at the battle of the Tchernaya, besides the constant drain of men by sorties and in the trenches, which exceeded 100 men a day, we conceive that the losses sustained by the be- , sieging forces under fire cannot be less than 50,000 men, and probably surpass that num .ber; to these must be added the still more un happy victims of disease and privations, who were at one time swept away more rapidly than by the sword of the enemy; and we are probably below the truth in estimating these losses at 40,000 for the Allies, which would raise the total to 90,000. Marshal Pelissier's report gives us a full and accurate statement of the enormous means brought to bear in the final assault. Of- the French' works, the approaches on the left had been advanced to within thirty or forty yards of the Flagstaff and Central Bastions, and to within' twenty-five yards of the salient of the Malakhoff Redoubt and the Little Redan. The French artillery had constructed 100 batteries perfectly served, and presenting 300 guns in the left 'and 250 on the right attack: The English engineers bad been unable, from the rocky nature of the ridge on which the Great Redan was planted, to advance nearer than 200 yards from that works; General Harry Jones had, however brought 20b English guns to bear on this point. One of the consequen ces of the advantageous proximity of the French to the works they were about to storm was that-the explosion of the mines which gave the signal of the attack blew in a part of the counterscarp, and showed the Men they had little to fear from the Russian counter mines. At the distance at which the head of the English sap was still placed no - such ef feet could be produced. The French left attack against the Central and Flagstaff Batteries, under General Do Salles, was organized with mach care. Six regiments of the line were .told off for the at- tack on the Central Bastion and five for that on the Flagstaff, besides Gen. Claldini's Sar dinian Brigade; twelve more reg,iments - were bfought up to act as a reserve on this point only, so that the left attack mtist have been made by 10,000 men supported by 10,000 fresh troops. Nevertheless, this attack fails from causes somewhat similar to those which led to the defeat of the British attack on the Redan. The RusSians retreated behind tra verses within the work and behind the lu nette, from which they keep up a fire of grape and Musketry, which baffled the assail ants and at last drove them back to their tren ches. Marshal Pelissier had hover reeerved the flower of the French army for the attack on the Malakoff, under the commands of General Macmahon and General Bosquet; it was there that the Zouaves and the Chasseurs were principally engaged, end it said that about 30,000 men were brought into the trenches by instalments of one-third at a time to act against the Malakoff and the Little Re dan. These troops were carefully provided with everything they could require in their desperate enterprise. The hill of Malakoff was surmounted by works which had assumed the form and strength of a regular pentagonal fortress, of about the same extent as the Citadel of Antwerp, intersected by every kind of earthwork and garrisoned by about 3,000 men. The ditch surronnding it was 18 feet deep, the scarp 18 feet high, so that the defen ces to be scaled were 36 feet from the bottom; and similar works were repeated within the first enciente. With incredible rapidity and energy the French troops swept over these tremendous obstacles, overpowred the garri son, and then held the work for four hours against the repeated efforts of the Russians to recover the position. No greater or more difficult exploit is recorded in the annals of war, and the immense loss sustained proves by what - desperate effort the advantage was gained. From the San Juan Central American, Sept.2o Resources of NicaraUga. We have partaken of a great variety of fruits and vegetables which are indigenous to the soil of Central America. Among these are the orange, lemon, limes bananna, cocoanut cocoa plum, alligator pears. Guava. cocoa p urn ) a igator plantains, paypayas, marmion, rose apple, granadilla, watermelon, cantalopes, bread fruit, citron, and a variety of others which we have not yet become familiar with. Those of the vegetable that we have seen consist of cocoa, a species of our potato, ocreyam, sweet potato, peas, Lima, French, and vanilla beans, spuashes, tomatoes, peppers, pumpkins &c. We have no doubt that a great portion, if not all of the products of the States can be cultivated here. We notice many fruits and plants similar to the growth of Florida and the more northern States, but they are more matured and in a greater variety. The cactus grows to a gigantic height. And the sensi tive plant exhibits in a marked degree its pe culiar characteristics.—Beautiful roses with a variety of their species grow wild and luxuriant. The vegetable productions of commerce Eire principally sarsaparilla; annato, aloes, ippecacuannu, ginger, Vanilla, Perilvan bark ; cowage, Copal, Gumma-Gabic, Copavia Caou tchouc, Dragons Blood, Vanglo and Oil-Plant. The staple products of the State, and those which arrive to great perfection, are Sugar, Coffee, Tobacco, Indigo, Maize, or Indian Corn, Rice, Chocolate, Cocoa, Coffee. Among I the valuable Trees may be noticed Mahogany, Logwaod, Brazil-wood, Cedar, Lignumvitae, Fustic, Yellow-Pine Dragonsblood-tree, Silk Cotton-Tree, Oak, Copal-Tree, Buttonwood, Ironwood, Rosewood ; Nicaraguawood, Cala bash, &c. What and other cerial grains flourish in the elevated districts and northern part of the Republic. In fact one can haire any clitnaie they wish from the atinbsphere of the plaint, to the broken and mountainous country which extends even to the coast. The mineral resources of Nicara:- gua are numerous, consisting of gold, silver copper, iron, lead and coal mines, the latter are easy of access and within a short distance of the coast. Sulphur is found in great quan tities, also nitre, sulphate of iron, and a num ber of other minerals. ' The beef of San Juan is very good but there is not so large a stock as in the interior, still there is sufficient for practical purposes, and we venture to say that any amount of the Durham species could be raised here or a few miles higher up the coast. Wild animals abbund, such as the tiger, wild hog, monkey, etc., all of which are harmless, except when attacked. The poultry is excellent and plenty of it, also birds of all kinds, parrots paroquets, btillfinch, canary and almbst every other spe= cies that the . tropics produce. We have had the pleasure of lunching on snipe and can warrant their flavor. Fish, Oysters, Clams, Shrimp - , and Crabs can be found in the bay and rivers. The Jack Fish, Drummer, and a species of Sheeps-Head we think peculiarly fine. Clams are round and small but very tender and delicate. The Cow-Fish is con sidered a great relish by the natives, but we, have not yet mustered courage to partake of this,.or the Alligator, we shall continue to no tice from time to time the natural productions of the country as they are developed' and brought before us T ATERING dATTI.E.—Among the many causes of stock not thriving as much as might be desirable during the winter, is their too scanty supply of water. A few have run ning water in their cattle yards, and their stock drink 6 as nature requires it; but moSt farmers water their stock either at the or by driving them to a running brook twice, or often but once a day. Watering is done by rule from fall to spring, regardless of weather or food. I have observed stock so dry as to refuse to eat dry food, but after be ing, watered they eat it voraciously. Now, it is a well-settled fact that no animal will thrive well while suffering for want of food, water or shelter. Let those, therefore, who want to turn out their stock in the spring in pied condition, attend 16 these things and let therm see that the poorer and weaker stock get as much as they want.—Farnicr and Vis to r. VOL. 11, NO. 18 From the Pennsylvanian Alas ! Poor Coffroth 1 We extract from the 'State Journal of Cali fornia, of Sept. 20th, the following paragraph in relation to the accident whi h happened JA:' , IES W. COI - FROTH, a State Senator of California, elected originally by the Demo crats, but recently- by the Know-Nothings.-- Years ago, we were closely associated with Mr. COFFROTH, and probably were mainly instrumental in converting him to Pemocra cy. He started in manhood a Whig, became a compositor on the Spirit of the Times, and subseqbently foreman of the Printing Office, He was next employed as Clerk in the busi ness office, and just before the Spirit of the Tins was sold by Col. Dv Eor.t.n, became assistant Editor. Many of the articles claim ed by him as his own produetions, were writ ten by another person. So were the lighter literary articles with which he made love to the ladies. He left Philadelphia hastily, for reasons which did not add much to his integ rity, and we mentally predicted that be would play the part he has just acted, when he was first elected by the Democrats. He was a fine looking mar.,, and quite preposses sing in his Manners; bin extremely faulty at heart. His punishment i 8 prObahly deserved, if his vices has increased with his vealt. . SENATOR. COFFROTIL—This gentleman, says the State Journal, is elected to the Sen ate by about one hundred majority. It is re: : lated of him that, at Benicia, in 1853, ho made the following remark : "If' ever I desert the democratic party, may My right arm be withered." Our readers are already aware that on the day of election he fell from his horse and so completely shattered his right arm that it was thought he would be compel led to have the limb amputated. A remarka ble coincidence! . . IiEROISM OF A DOG IN THE QIUMEA.—The following account of the exploits of a dog in the Crimea, which we translate from the Ga zette of Trieste, surpasses everything hereto- fore recorded of the devotion and bravery of this noble animal t "A great sensation has been created in the camp of the allies by the heroic deeds of dog belonging to Colottel Mettman, of the 73d Regiment Of the Line. On the 16th of August, dnring the battle of the Tchernaya, the quadruped broke his chain, fought in the ranks of the army, saved the ,life of a ser geant and a soldier, and took three prisoners. A ball struck his foot, but the wound only embittered the animal the more. He threw himself upon a Russian officer; flung hitn to the ground arid dragged him priSdner by his boat collar to the .Prench. A physician has bound up the wound, and the four-footed hero is convalescing. Ho will probably receive some mark of honor, as an other dog in the English army has been re warded with a medal for his devotion to hip master." Baltimore Election As a fit companion for the Democratic trl'- umph in Pennsylvania; we Chronicle the re= suit of the election in the city of Baltimore. The Sint, of the 1 ith intt. says "The whole number of Votes cast yester daye amounts to 22,580, of which 11,808 were given to the democrats and independent anti-Know-Nothing candidates. These fig ures represent an average democratic gain of 3,777 over the vote of Mr finks, the K. N. candidate for mayor; who was elected by a majority of 2, 741; it consequently repre sents an average democratic majority in all the city of 1636." Thus do the strong holds of the datit lan tern party wheel into the Democratic ranks. But a year ago the worshippers of "Sam" were shouting themselves hoarse over their su'cess. Then nothing was heard but "invul;; nerable Sam !" "triumph victory of the Americans !" "where is the Democratit, 'Par= ty &c. How the tune is changed now ! The smile of exultation has fled from the fa ces of these midnight conspirators. The bul:. lying asst Trance of these rrien has dwindled down into Uriah Heap meekness ; and in stead of hooting at Democracy, they damn each other. Such is the end of Know .Noth ingism, and it is a fitting death for a party botQ in Sing Sing. Prom Texas Nxw ORLEANS, Oct. 16.—Galveston dated to Sunday have been received by an arrivaf at this port. Captain Callahan, in command of the Tex as Rangers, has had a battle with a force of Mexicans and Indians; 700 strong. Forty of the enemy were killed, and four of the Tex ans. The enemy retreated. Capt. Calla han calls on Texas for assistance, as lie is expecting another attack. He is detertnined to exterminate the Intlianti. . Galveston papers of the 6th inst. note sev eral fresh Indian outrages on the frontier.— A daughter of R. N. Davis; of Medina county, was lately killed by them, near his dwelling. A man named Skidmore had also been killed near Fort Belknap, and another named Von flier near Castroville. Capt. Wallace and a party attacked a gang of Indians near Medina killed two and capturing several horses. • , [l:7' It is a work of considerable difficulty to believe all the stories of vegitablel . ife that come to us in' the California papers. tire can stand beets as long as a man's leg and thirty inches in circumference, onidnti, as large as a peck measure, and cabages weigh ing sixty pound; but when they swear to a. hundred and twenty brisheli of wheat to the acre, and potatoes Weighing half a hrinlred we begin .to hesitate. But their big trees are the wonder of the world. The Mam moth Grove is a ,foret of such monsters- Situated . 4,500 feet above gan FFati4sca; it has come to be a summer resort of the peo ple. The largest tree is 95 feet in circum ference; and two are 95 feet in circUmferenee, and 300 feet high, and beautiful to look at.— A.t the grove is a first Olatie hotel. To the body of the big tree there is a hOone 24 by 80, which contains two fine bowline? alleys. The stump of this two is intended for a bait room.—Buffalo Advertiser.