E =EI BY W. LEWIS. • THE HUNTINGDON GLOBE, Per annum; in advance, sl 50 41 " if not paid in advance, 2 00 No paper discontinued until all arrcarages 'are paid. A failure to notify, a. discontinuance at the ex !•Pira.tioti of the terdusubscribed for will be con leiclered a new engagement. . Terms of Advertising. Six lines or less, 1 square, 16 lines, brevier, 50 75 100 2 41 t, ' 1 00 1 50 2 00 3 I. tequrar, 2 .•• 3 4 46 5 1.9 00 25 00 38 00 " 25 00 40 00 60 OD Professional and Business Cards not exceed ing d lines, one year, 84 00 10 ~ Agents for the Globe. following gentlemen are authorized to receive the names of all who may - desire to be come subscribers to the GLOBE, and to receive advance payments and receipt for the same. HENRY ZIMMERMA-N, Esq., Coffee Run. WM. CAMPBELL, M'Connellstown. BENJ. F. PATTON, Esq., Warriorsina rlt, JOUN OWENS, Esq., Birmingham. R. F. lIASLE'rT, Spruce Creek. H. B. MVTINGER, Water Street. SILAS A. CRESSWELL, Manor Hill. . DAVID BARBICK, West Ba rree. Ozaortzt; Ennisville. Grr..cmyr CITA:qEY, Esq., East Barren. Dr. M. MILLER., Jackson tp. SAMUEL M'VITTY, Shirloysburg. S. B, Younrc, Three Springs. M. F. CAMPBELL, Esq„ Mapleton. J. R. IhmrrEit, Petersburg. J.*S, HuNT, Shaile'aup. D, H. CAMPBELL, Marklesburg. H. C. WAmuntf, Alexandria. J. S. GEnsErr, Cassville. Petition for License TO the Honorable the Judges'of the Court of Common Pleas of Huntingdon county at April Term 1855. Your petitioner George Randolph having rented that well known tavern stand in the village of Saulsburg, Barrce township, situ ate on the great leading road from Lewistown to Petersburg, now occupied by John G. Stew. art. The petition of George Randolph respect fully represents that he is well provided with house room and conveniences for the lodging and accommodation of strangers and trowllers, he therefore prays your Honors to grant him a license for keeping a public inn or tavern and he will ever pray. m h. 6'553 GEORGE RANDOLPH We the undersigned subscribers, citizens of Barree township, la which the above mentioned in or tavern is prayed for to be licensed, do cer tify that George Randolph, the above applicant, is of good repute for honesty and temperance and is well provided with house room and con veniences for the lodging and accommodation of strangers and travellers, and that said inn or tavern is necessary to accommodate the public and •entertain strangers and travellers. Samuel Coen, Thomas Stewart, Jas. Car mont, John Houck, John Harper, Reuben Duff, John Corven, Joseph Forreste, .John G. Stewart, Richard Brindle, James Fleming, R. I. Massey, John Peightal, Peter Living ston. Petition for License TO the Honorable the JudgeS of the Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace for the county of Huntingdon: the petition of John Montgomery respectfully shewcth that he has purchased the well known stand known as the Jackstown Ho tel, and is desirous of continuing to keep a pub lic house therein, he therefore pray's your Ho nors to grant him a license to keep a publici' house at the place aforesaid for the ensuing- year and he will ever pray, &c. JOHN MONTGOMERY We the subscibers, citizens of Brady town ship in the county of Huntingdon, recommend the above petitioner and do certify that the inn or tavern above mentioned is necessary to ac commodate the public and entertain strangers and travellers, and the petitioner above named is of good repute for honesty and temperance, and is well provided with house room and con veniences for the lodging and accommodation of strangers and travellers. ' Andrew Wise, John Vandevander, Adam Warfel, Philip Holler, Samuel Sharer, Fran cis Holler, Daniel Gray, James Simpson, J. K. Hampson, James M'Donald, John M'- Donald, James A. Simpson, Samuel G. Simp son, Richard Meredith, Jesse Yocum. Feb. 6, 1855. Petition for License TO the Hon. theJudg,es of the Court of Quar ter Sessions of the Peace fbr,the county of Ilan. tingdon: The petition of Ezekiel & Nathan White, respectfully showeth : That your peti tioners occupy a commodious house, situate in the town of Coahnoat, in the township of Tod, which is well calculated for a public house of entertainment, and from its neighborhood and situation is suitable as well as necessary for the accommodation of the public, and the en tertainment of strangers and travellers. That they are well pro'tided with stapling for horses, and all cmveniences necessary for the enter tainment of strangers and travellers; they there fore, respectfully pray the Court to grant them a license to keep an inn or public house of en. tertainment there : and your petitioners will ever pray &c Coalmont, February 28, A. D. 1855. We, the undersigned, citizens of the town. ship or Tod aforesaid, being personally acquain ted with Ezekiel & Nathan White, the above named petitioners, and also having a knowledge of the house for which the license is prayed do hereby certify that such house is necessary to accommodate the .public, and entertain siren qrers and travellers ; that they arc persons of good repute for honesty and te!nperance, and that they arc well provided with house room and conveniences for the lodging and accommoda tion of strangers and travellers. We therefore beg leave to recommend them for a license, agreeably with their petition. Andrew Donelson, Samuel G. 'Miller, James- S.' Reed., David Flucic, James P. Reed, Joseph' Barnet, Jesse Cook, Thome s' Cook, George Her ton; William Carr; John' W. W rife, Enoch Shore, Levi Evans, Samuel B. Donelson. ) T.:. . tic I'm ti i iff,.e. iL . C' _, . , 1 ins. 2 ins. 3 ins. 25 37} 50 50 2 25 3 00 3±n. 6m. ' 12 in. " $3 00 85 00 $8 00 " 500 .800 12 00 " 7 50 10 00 15 00 " 9 00 14 00 23 00 EZEKIEL WHITE, NATHAN %VERT& From the W estern Democratic Review. The Substance Without its Shadow Man was endowed by his Creator with the right to do as he pleases; being subject to re straint only so far as his conduct interfeia with the privileges of others. This is the substance, without thegloss. In.the course of ages, however, we have lost sight of this or ganic truth ; and have, of necessity, become entangled in a thousand webs of error, from which it seems almost impossible for us to he extricated. We speak .not as- the slave of. any party, for we owe' allegiance ti' none';' nor as the organ of some mere incident of the sunshine of political majorities, for ma joritieS are only less frequently than minor ities groping in. error, not as the advocate of mere expedienCy; for we have found ab stractions, as a general thiirg, lesS dangerous than temporizing policy not in fear of any form ofconVentional - tyrant' y.for - 3.ve acknowl edge no masters, political, civil, or ecedesias tical ; but as one - conscious of the rights he' inherited from the' Maker, and of his obliga tions to his fellow men. It is humiliating to confess our errors as a people, but justice requires that they be sta- . ted. It is due to 'ourselves, to the world; and particularly to the generations that shall suc ceed us, to acknowledge that we have bowed. the knee to a thousand deities, become sup-' pliants to our inferiors, and sacrificed the re-' spect due to a great nation upon the alter of sordid motives and personal aggrandizement. Democracy is founded in common sense; it depends not upon Revelation for its institu tion, nor upon human conduct for its sanc tion ; it is not the creature of mere conven tionalism, nor the slave of governmental de crees ; it rises, in its primitive majesty, above all party, above all social enactment, and above all creed ; it is in politics, what alge bra is in mathematics—the science in which we are permitted to use the desired, result in ascertaining unknown quantities; it is the great beacon-light of ages, shining at once back to the transgression of Adam, and for ward to the resurrection of the just—inter preting all mysteries, solving all problems, correcting all errors, deducting all truths.— Here we have infinite wisdom for an origin, and universal good for a mission. Such is the Archimedean law with which it is our privilege to move the world ! and shall we linger in the harbor of error, rather than break away the thin veil which hides the Mighty ocean of truth ! It is to the press of Arberica, that the world's humanity is tur ning; here is the only hope for the unconten ted masses that have groaned, from the day on which the gate of Paradise was closed on our first father until this hour; under the iron heel of oppression. It is ours to meet or disappoint the expectations of those who trely feel the wants of the thousand millions that dwell upon the earth. Heretofore the press of America has been almost a nega tive power; it might well be calleda stilled giant—possessing all the frame-work for mighty effort, but palsied by a cowardly fear of popular prejudice; we have written and published, riot for the advancement of principle,'but for the accommodation of ex pediency 3 almost every line has weighed in the scale of dollars and cents, arid if the bal ance inclined but in the pitiful "estimation of a hair," our pusillanimous course was de termined. This, though severe, is not a burlesque description, but, alas ! a faithful copy of the record. Our objects is not to disparage the Ameri can press, we are proud of its power, proud of its independence, and proud of the mag nificent results of which it will be the agent in coming times. We declaim against the comparative insignificance, in many instances, and the positively evil char acter in others, of the fruits which have al ready ripened. What has been accomplish ed ? What great iiirprovements have been effected by the labors of the last three-quar ters of a century ! Is truth supported with more freedom, than in Revolutionary times ? As the shackles of foreign influence have gradually been shaken off, have we not hound ourselves in domestic chains stionger than those of the old world T Has not social, political or ecclesiastical tyranny, cloaked in a thousand dangerous forms, tampered with the virtue, insulted the intelligence, and par alized, to no inconsiderable extent, the migh ty arm of the American press? Is there any unity in our action ? Are we laboring for any common end '? Are we not divided t upon all questions of principle and policy? and does the vast engine, for the accomplish ment even of the minutest object, work as a "stupendous whole'?" In view of the start ling condition of the press implied in these interrogatories, we propose to examine some of the evils under which we have labored, and which it will be our duty to remedy. First, then, we remark—this is a pecunia ry age. We are all daily and hourly Wor shippers of the almighty dollar. Law, med icine, divinity, and all other professions, are pursued in temples sacred only to Mammon. We walk, stand, sit down, rise to our feet, preach, practice, give nostrums, and perform every business of life, directly, and almost exclusively in view of our pecuniary salva tion. No place is so sacred as to forbid the intrusion of the .lust for gain. We sell our deed for happiness on earth and our prospect of bliss beyond the grave, just as many' times each day as we can get a bidder. Our boas ted disinterestedness is mere matter of theo ry—a commodity which rises and falls in the market like flour or pork, according to sup ply and demand. This remark, like the pre ceding, applies to all the avocations of life. This wreched thirst for filthy lucre, seems peculiarly to characterize and degrade our time, has, as might reasonably be expected, given birth to every species of counterfeiting which the wickedness, folly and ingenuity of man can invent and execute. We have become a nation of legalized imposters.— We make unto ourselves images of every thing human arid divine. Our laws are so constructed that whole armies of hungry cor morants can feed at the public treasury, and fatten upon the hard earnings of the poor.— All the avenues of public life swarm with this accursed brood,.who secure an immunity from the penitentiary, and public odium by - • s '''";=;-- • " - ; EILNTINGDON, MARCH 21. 1855. gross falsehoods, first well told for mutual. benefit, and afterwards embelished for pub lie:use. Our law proceedings might well be defined in a few words—the practice of ta king money out of the pockets of the poor, and placing it in the hands of the rich. So ciety is in no clanger of setting down to any thing like quiet and harmony, so long as the laws permit the merest pettifogger to incite more difficulty in one day than a court of conciliation 'could - "amicably adjust" in ten 'years. Our physicians humbug us without mercy. A newspaper is not considered fil led, unless its columns are laden with extrav agant laudations of some miserable nostrum, concocted by an ignorant quack, at a dollar a bottle. Even the covers of the great Eng lish Reviews are frequently devoted to this mercenary trafic. We cannot translate the Bible into a hea then tongue, for-the purpose of dissemina ting a knowledge of Christ and him crucified, without prefixing a few leaves in praise of Prof. Humbug's "Vegetable Extract," and appending to the last chapter of the Apoca lypse.some monster fables in refference to Dr. Townsend's "Sarsaparilla!" -Our mer chants, mechanics, Sal., following the unhal lowed example, construct their wares in such a manner that they will require constant re pairs, and frequent substitution. The books now issued by our great publishing houses will fade and be utterly worthless hundreds of years before those issued in the reign of Henry the VIII. will be illegible. Falsehood reigns in every department and truth is at a great discount, for the reason that it'is not profitable.- Our painters paint for the hour, and our writers do not write for after times. A book or a picture that will sell, is the desid eratum; time devoted to the elaboration of a narrative, or a work of art, is regarded as lost. The intellectual labors of our greatest statesmen, poets and scholars, do not pay the printer, whilea compilation of extravagant stories like "Uncle Tom's Cabin," or "Ida May," or even Barnum's miserable "Auto biography," presenting the complete record of a misspent life, are sold at fifty, seventy-, five, or an hundred thousand dollars. A taste for the plausible, the accurate, the genuine, and the venerable, seems to have been rooted out of the public mind of Amer ica. If we may judge by the number of ex clamation points which we find in the ga zettes, there is an immense demand for mon ster births! hangings! rapes! murders! Arc tic disasters! steamboat explosions! and death at Sebastopol !!! A periodical is considered perfectly tame if it does not record an "arri val," or some unexampled accident, in which a large number of men, women and children lose their Jives; and the editor who, failing to find in his exchanges-the extraordi nary items desired, exercises his inventive faculties in manufacturing something for the occasion, is regarded a public benefac tor. But the evils of which we have spoken are not the only ones, nor even the chief, to which we would advert. A species of po litical religionism has taken possession of the public mind, and threatens to overturn all the ancient principles upon which socie ty is based. Hypocrisy has won a hold up on our affections, to which our fathers were comparative strangers, and with which it is to be hoped our children will be absolutely unacquainted. "We are a religious people!" Yes, who has not heard that we, as a people, are religious? This is a conceded fact; it is in the mouths of all; over the entire world, the Americans are pointed to as overflowing with religious sentiment; it is even heresy to doubt it; it is the aim of a majority of our journalists to show that we—the American people—possess all the religion, and all the -morality, not invested in gods and angels. We cannot advertise a patent medicine, or give circulation to a novel, without publish ing a certificate that one has cured a cler gyman, or that the other has been read by the same, just as though religion had any thing to do with the various elements of a medical compound, or could in any degree en hance the merits or excuse the follies of a hundred or two pages treating of the adven tures of love sick damsels ! That the prac tice to - which we allude has become a per fect bore, there can be so doubt. We talk about independence of the ecclesiastical pawed.; we discourse of the religious servi tude under which the masses of Europe groan; but are we, of republican America, not the serfs of those who assume ,to be our moral and sphitualguardians? True, we have not an established church, but it is our "estab lished" practice to bow like suppliant slaves to those whom God created no better than ourselves. We charge that the Catholics were guilty of gross and enormous crimes; but we ask in the name of all that is good arid just, what would have been thought and said, it three thousand priests—summoning the shade of St... , Peter—by command of -Pius IX., had met somewhere in the prairies of the west, and drafted a memorial to Con gress, and threatened to hurl the thun derbolts of the Almighty against every one who should dare to vote to give the people oF the territories the right to make their own laws? Would not one mighty voice have been heard, sounding from the New England hills, and echoing from every part of the Union calling upon the masses to take up arms to punish the insolence of the vicares of the "Woman of Babylon?" the language would have been exhausted of its opprobrious' epithets in expressing our appreciation of the unparalleled insult to the intelligence and progress of the age. Every newspaper in the land would have teemed in worthy indig nation, and octavo volumes would have crowded Putnam and Harpers' establish ments for five years, devoted to no other subject, and urging, in all prabability, anoth er crusade, similar to those of .the eleventh and twelfth centuries,- directed, this time, against the "seven-hilled city." The Tur kish desecrations of the Holy Sepulchre at Jeruselem would have sunk into insignifi cance by the side of the terrible abomina tion of the Vatican. •'lie speak not against the sacred calling of the ministry, but merely against the abuse of that calling. We object to every species of ecclesiastical tyranny, and we care not whether it comes under Catholic or Protest ant colors. We provided in our constitution against an established religion ; our fathers operated upon the principle that every man has a right to worship God in his own way; all we ask now is, that we adhere to what is nom mated in the bond. The great difficulty with us, perhaps has been, we have not aimed at a sufficiently high standard of civilization. We have inst emerged from the heavy shadows and scien tific gloom. of the middle ages. It is matter for agreeable speculation, however, that we are now making rapid advancement in ail that characterizes a lofty civilization. But, much as we are inclined to admit that we are tending, all things considered. to a higher, purer, and nobler civilization; we are compelled, in justice to truth, to say that the admission must be taken with many grains of allowance. The fact is before us, that there is also a tendency in our own day to an intolerable interference, on every hand, with the private rights of men. We have accomplished little in ignoring the "eark ness and superstition'' of past ages —of which it is our patented privilege to complain—if we have,eimply exchanged kings, and courts, and the peraphraiialia of crowns in general for . the substance.tof despotism under the name of republicanism. Our legislators, in many' States of the Union, seem bent upon reanimating the ancient policy of regulating, by authority, the individual and domestic conduct of every member of the community. This determination was strikingly evinced in the'strenuous opposition—engendered by po litical demagogues—to the repeal of the 6th section of the Missouri act of 1820, but is much more forcibly illustrated by the at tempts, within the last six or eight years, to legislate men into sobriety, to compel a puri tanical observance of the Sabbath, and to perfect every species of municipal despotism. The excessive use of ardent spirits is an evil of which all good men complain, and which all patriots desire to remedy. But we should not, in reforming an abuse, in traduce a new element of despotism; we should not make slaves of the masses in order to make them sober; we should not open the flood-gates of tyranny in order to close those of whiskey ; we 'should not, in repressing an admitted evil, fly to one more gyeantic in its dimen sions, and against which the generations that proceeded us, for thousands of years, fought in vain. The liquor law of Main has done some good, but it has done more mischief.— It set an example of a departure in our State legislation from the ancient landmarks of Democratic government. That example has already been followed by several members of the confederacy, and there is reason to be lieve it will be followed by many more. Indiana has fallen into the train, and desi rous of outstripping her neighbor of "down east," she has passed a more rigid suniptuary law than can be found upon the statues of any State or nation within the last five hun dred years. If the lax in question simply prevented drunkenness, or if it kept men from prostituting, by the constant use of miserable liquors, all the faculties with which they. are endowed by the Creator, we should raise no objection; but unfortunately, such is not the fact. That law departs, in its operation, from the ordinary functions of constituted authority; it "strikes home" at the independence of the citizen; it institutes an inquiry into the contents of the human stomach, and makes each individual the sub ject of irresponsible and unusual search; it takes private property without affording re muneration, and organizes a perpetual and despotic guardianship over the individu al man; it is, in one word, an unprecedented and intolerable invasion of the inalienable rights cif the citizen. Despotism has but one essener! come how it will—whether with the bold tread of the giant, or the stealthy lurking of the tiger--it is the same. But we forbear, for the present, to dwell at large upon this point; we leave the matter to the people whose virtue has been questioned, whose intelligence has been outraged, and whose independence has bean subverted.— "Tell it not in Gath" that we of the West have so far degenerated from the proud and radical republicanism of our patriot sires of the Revolution as to require guardians to watch over our interests, and scrutinize and punish with tyrannical hand our minutest errors. When Draco was Archon of Athens, he made death the penalty for the violation of the most insignificant laws. He said the least offense deserved this punishment, and he could find no greatet for giant crimes.— The name of Draco has become a by-word, and an epithet descriptive of monster cruelty. The "blue-laws" of Connecticut embodied every petty tyranny known to the cate gory of despotism. But are we radically be hind our brethren of an ancient and modern times in our efforts to triumph over the liber ties of the people! We are already laboring to make it a crime to exercise out rights on the day which we, without any very good reason, denominate the Sabbath. The Sabbath was a Jewish institution, peculiarly adapted, we , believe, to - the ancient dwellers at Jerusalem, it had certain incidents which were partic ularly Jewish, and which would be totally inapplicable in our own day. As well might we engraft upon the soil of America all the rigid customs of Hebrew antiquity as attempt to compel in our own clime a He brew observance of the Sabbath. That at least one day in seven should be devoted to rest from the ordinary avocations of life, is a philosophical truth, which stands out with the mighty indorsement at once of Revela tion and common sense; but who dreamed, until within the last few centuries, that law should be applied to compel men to abstain from physical labor, and to wake out of I sleep every seven days with faces long and sad as the - first martyrs ! Are we mad, that we suppose human intelligence will give way to any such miserable freaks' of incapa city, ignorance, arid bigotry ! It is time for us to arouse from our sleep, and assert the true dignity and nobility with which we were endowed by the mighty ruler of the universe! We are on the eve of another tree mendous conflict; the clouds are lowering, and the fearful mutterings of the approach ing tempest can already be heard; it is for the giant Democracy of the country to meet the impending storm, let us man with noble hearts and stalwart arms the proud old Dem ocratic ship—the vessel of the Constitution and the Union—freighted with the hopes of the world—and issue such a broadside as will consign the embattled hosts of bigotry and wrong to a grave so deep that the resur recting angel of justice will hardly be able to lift them into the regions of light for pun ishment! Cal! us a RA-republican—co.ll us what you will, but do not charge us in God's name with laboring night and day to rob the masses of their inalienable rights. We love liberty as well as we love the rising of the morning sun, and we hate tyranny as we hate the devil. But it will be asked, why attach so ,much solemnity to the crisis that looms up in the political horizon of the future '?- Why these dismal forebodings of approaching danger and disaster to our cause, relying upon whose goodness and purity We will surely battle and conquer 'I Why, Democrats of the Union, but that, in our humble opinion, dis guise it as we rnay , the conflict between-right and wrong, between honest, straightforward , and manly principles on the one hand, and the grossest political profligacy that boldly bids defiance to contempt and shame on the other, has only commenced. Emboldened by an unlooked-for triumph in the unfortunate, and to every man who loves his country and her free institutions, the lamentable result of the recent elections, the banded cohorts of bigotry and treason, of fanaticism and intol erant persecution—the sworn and relentless enemies of equal rights to all classes of our fellow citizens, independently of creed and clime; these ruthless destroyers of all those sacred and invaluable privileges and franchi ses guaranteed by that noble and immortal structure of constitutional liberty, whose foun dations were laid deep in revolutionary blood, have united by a yet closer tie than that which prompted them to combine. And the corrupt and unprincipled ambition which lusted after place and power, gratified in its unhallowed outburst, and changing to a lona-- ing and ravenous desire to retain it, they will, doubtless, in view of the great national con teSt not far distant, whose. thunders warn us in solemn tones, as with the voice of a proph et of God to be up and doing, use every ef fort to maintain their unholy organization, and unhesitatingly and unscrupulously resort to the same_appeals to the basest passions of our human nature—to the, same mysterious signs and nods—the same grips, and oaths, and passwords—to the same vile and unman ly frauds and misrepresentations—in a word, to the same infamous means by which they achieved success, to win additional triumphs over the laws and constitution of their coun try, and rivet down closer and deeper the chains that have been forged in darki , ess for the destruction of the people's liberties. We desire to rouse you to activity by re ferring you to our late crushing and unexpect ed defeat at the ballot box, and to the unfor seen causes by which it was effected. Hence it is we present those causes, in general terms it is true, but yet without attempting to disguise their dire Lifluence for evil to our country, or idly endeavoring to conceal from the light of your common sense the disas trous consequences of which they are the fruitful source, and that are plain and self-ev ident to all who will not rashly close their eyes to the truth, and refuse to take counsel for the furure. Hence it is that we now ad dress you ‘ in behalf of the good cause that is alike dear to our hearts, because it is the cause of our country and our country's lib erty. Therefore it is, fellow Democrats, that we appeal to you by the sacred memories of Jef ferson and Jackson, to stand up in your might, so that when the auspicious, hour shall come, you may be able to rebuke the traitors who would trample down your rights, and strike a blow for the eternal principles of truth and justice, that will annihilate the tyr ranny of fanaticism and intolerance, and aid ! in restoring - to our common country the peace and harmony among its - people, that were once its chief blessing and' its greatest glory. And hence it is, in fine, that we would rec ommend the establishment of Democratic as sociations in,every State, county and towship of the Union, whose objects should be to counteract the efforts of the midnight ene mies of Democracy, and place the govern ment of the country once more in the hands of those who quailed not before the crushing storm, but stood unflinching and unmoved beneath an avalanche of treachery and polit ical corruption=in the hands of that noble band of freeman, who, unbought and'untram meled, are, as they have ever been, the faith ful guardians of the public weal. It may, however, be objected by some to the formation of such associations as we rec ommended, that they will have the bad effect, (for such indeed it would be, and much to be regretted) of alienating from our ranks the many truly national and patriotic members of the old Whig party, who, though once our political opponents, faithfully and manfully stood up side by side with us during the re cent struggle, and magnanimously forgetting the bitterness and acrimony, but not the im mortal memories of the past, nobly loaned their good right arm to our cause—believing, wisely and well, that it was not only our cause, but theirs also—the cause of the Con stitution and the Union, whose preservation in all their proud integrity is dear to every true American heart. But let us consider whether there be any force or reason in this objection. First, then, in establishing Democratic As sociations, we engraft no new principles up on the Democratic creed. The aid of the former will be to secure the triumph and fu ture ascendancy of the latter ; and the latter, as we have intimated, will, without the inter polation of crude or novel dogmas, consist, in every sense of the word—at least so far as all purely politiral questions are concern ed—of the same platform of political princi ples, for the success of which the national and tolerant Whigs of the country joined us in our late conflict with the devouring mon ster of fanaticism and faction. - But to the Whigs themselves, we would say, whither will you go in the, present crisis? Whither will you fly for safety Flow es cape the yawning gulf that opens to receive you ? Or how save yourselves from being swallowed up in the dark vortex of Know .Nothingism, abolitior;ism, and every other foul and unseemly ism in which the evil times that hale come upon us are prolific, unless you enrol yourselves openly, and with out delay, as soldiers in the mighty army of Democratic freemen, who, in years gone by, it is true, were your honest political foes, but who are now your best and truest friends.— Your own time-honoured party, of which you once boasted yourselves the tried and faithful sons, is disbanded and shattered into fragin,3os. . Its great founder, who, whilom, wag your glory and your pride, is no longer among you. The lion-heart of the great Kentuckian—that heart "Which never bc:;t but for the country—" has ceased its mighty throbs. That clarion voice whose trumpet tones, but a little while back, resounded through the hills and valleys of the West is forever hushed. The dark, eagle eye that shed its lustrous fires over our country, for nearly fifty years, is closed in the gloomy silence of the tomb. Like a war rior, after the toils and trials of the fight, he wrapped his cloak around him, and laid - hie weary limbs to rest at Ashland. American society is by no means what it shonld be ; where the greatest evil lies we leave to others to determine but 'Certainly the rise of such a faction as Know-Nothingism —if there were nothing further to prove our position—furnishes abundant evidence that there is fearful weakness somewhere. We are only permitted to conjecture that there is too much bigotry, too much ignorance, and too much genuine aristocracy cloaked under the lionoyed name of Democracy; there is too great a distance between the rich, and the poor. The physicians that have attended to the body politic have certainly made, in too many instances, bad work with their subject. After all our legislation, the poor are starving in the midst of plenty ;• surrounded by tow ering edifices of learning, the great body of our youth grope in blissful ii - rtiorance, not on ly of the higher branches of knowledge, but even of the elementary principles of litera ture ; exposed on every hand,- to every spe cies of vice, the young men of America must be prodigies of virtue, not to yield in innu merable instances to the grossest dissipation and crime. The youth, quittinc , his father's home—without a knowledge of the world's' history—without that strong nerve to resist vice, ‘,Phich can only be the fruit of intelli gence—is precipitated, he knows not how, into the gambling saloon ;• the house of infa my, or the den of some Know-Nothing lodge, where he learns all the ways of sor row, and whence he sets out upon a life jour ney, chequered, at every step, by misery and vice ! ; The press of America has done but little toward remedying these evils, for the reason, las we have before intimated, that there has been little or no unity of action. Can there I not be some understanding in regard to most of these questions ? While differing upon I matters purely political, can we not act as a unit in solving some great problem for the I improvement of the many ? Is there not some common ground, high above the miser able considerations of party and sect, from which we can look down, with pitying eye, upon a world of sin and death ? Have we not all affection sto be moved by propositions to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and re form the viciom 1 We have wandered wide the mark, in I,,,rsuit of magnificent baubles, professedly designed for the relief of human suffering we have passed by—we will not say without observation—mountains of misery, which should make a contrite nation shed tears of blood over its own neglect. We are no advocate of stupendous systems of reform, nor would we have the general Government take the matter in hand. We shall be satisfied on this score, so long,-as gi gantic propositions for public plunder, such as the French Spoliation bill, shall fall under veto of Democratic Presidents. The general eoveroment can never make the people vir tuous, or enlightened, or patriotic ; this labor must be left to the States, and to individual associations. A House of Refuge in every State of the Union—an asylum where unpro tected and unguarded youth could find a re treat from vice and crime—where the star ving myriads of our cities could be fed and clothed—where ignorance could be supplant ed by intelligence—where the principles of virtue could take the deepest possible hold in frail, imperfect human nature—where the wrecks of men and women, fashioned in the image of God, could take shelter, and fled an everlasting harbor from the relentless storms of dissipations; such an establishment, guar ded and watched over by the intelligence and virtue of a State, would do more to elevate the standard of morality, and to enhance the greatness and glory of the nation, than all the Sabbath and Temperance laws, all the propositions to unite Church and State, all the compromises of the Constitution, all the Pa cific Railroads, and all the protective tariffs that have by times agitated and disturbed this country in seventy years. In looking over the whole ground, we see . but one hope for the people of America, and for the generations of men. That hope is , eloninied in our confidence in the time-hon oured Democracy of the Union 1 If we de sert the party of Jefferson, the party of the Revolution, the party that,•with all its faults, has nobly borne aloft. the flag of universal liberty, we go back to political chaos. We may hesitate as to some of our propositions,- but around us—on every side—yawns an un fathomable abyss, in whose dark tumultuous waves —far, far below . the reach of earthly resurrection—repose the awful and majestic remains of republics like our own, once prom! of their independence and glory, once renowned for all the arts of war and peace, once the theme of the adulation of poets, statesman, and scholars, whose names are embalmed in history, once, like ourselves, looking down the stream of time to an cter- - nity of duration, and - an infinity of per fection, but now, alas ! foundered, lost, shat- tered into a thousand fragments ; and "Like the baseless fabric of a vision, Leaving not a wreck behind !!' VOL. 10, NO. 40.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers