Give Your Hand “Our country is inldanger, not from foreign enemies, but from our own mis-' guided policies ... If you will give me your hand, I.will work with you, and we will have a new America.” These words, spoken by Robert F. Kennedy recently at Kansas State Uni versity, inspired pandemonium among the 13,000 students who had jammed Ahearn Fieldhouse to see him. They ap plauded until their hands were sore and rushed the stage to mob their idol. With the same enthusiasm, we too extend our hand to Mr. Kennedy. We firmly believe that he jis the only elect able presidential candidate who can ef fectively treat the sickness and misdi rection which plagues! our not-so-great society. We cannot support the candidacy of Eugene McCarthy. The reason is simple. He has no chance of winning. Despite his burgeoning popularity, McCarthy’s strength with the people that count —the delegates to the Democratic National Convention—is insignificant. The latest Newsweek delegate count gives Mc- Carthy a piddling 272 votes of the 1,312 necessary for nomination. Eight hundred fifty-eight delegates, on the other hand, are [leaning to Ken nedy,” and as his political machine be gins to churn, he will likely attract many more. And however reprehensible the phrase may sound, it is still necessary to operate a political machine to win an election in this country. Even Mc- Carthy’s “Children’s Crusade" has not wrung all of the less savory elements out of American political life. Kennedy’s most troublesome op ponent, in fact, is not McCarthy at all but Hubert Horatio Humphrey, Rather than cast a vote for radical change by choosing Kennedy or McCarthy, many Democratic strongmen prefer a more moderate Humphrey candidacy. Ebulli ent, teddy-bearish Hubert is a likable man. But his former liberal, independent bearing has been tarnished forever by his association with, and unswerving latlij (EnUwian FublliMd Tuesdgy through Saturday during Ilia Fall, Wlnlar and Spring Tarmj, and Thursday during Iha Summer Term, by students of The Pennsylvania state University, second class postage paid at Stata College, Pa. I*lol. Circulation: 11,500. editorial and Butlnass Offlca Basemtnt of Sackett (North End) Business oftico hours: Monday through Friday/ 9:30 a.m. to 4 p.m. PAUL J. LEVINE Editor William Epstein Managing Editor PAGE TWO r' ' 'V' sws; *:•/••• v •• v • •*: We put our old bus in a new box. If there was anything the old bus didn't need, it was more room on the inside. Which brings us to the first thing you should know about the new box. -There's more room on the inside. In fact, the Volkswagen Station Wagon has almost twice as much room inside as conventional station wagons. On the outside; (which is a little bigger, too) we replaced the 13 little windows with 8 big ones. And pne of them is a wrap around windshield. What next? .A wraparound bumper to help you step up into the driver's compartment through wider front doors. As for the 2 side doors, they're not there anymore. We replaced them with a single sliding safety door. It locks when it's open and locks when it'd closed. An aisle through to the back is now stand ard equipment. (After all, whafs a bus with out an aisle?) I If you'd rather do without the charm and convenience of an' aisle, it'll cost you. But you'll get 2 [nore seats (total: 9) for your trouble. \ Only Volkswagen would give you fewer windows. Fewer dtbors. Fewer seats. And call it an improved wagon. Mierley Volkswagen, Inc. Ah 1500 North Atherton Street State College j -i* Collegian Ads Bring Besults Editorial Opinion support of Lyndon Johnson .and his war policies. Furthermore, Humphrey does not effuse the youthful spirit necessary to entrance the students of the nation. Bobby Kennedy, in contrast, during the last three weeks has driven students wild in 15 states,. The normally conserv ative Kansas State student body cheer ed uncontrollably when Kennedy de clared: "If our colleges And universities do not breed men who riot, who rebel, who attack life with all the youthful vision and vigor, then there is some thing wrong with our colleges." On the Vietnam war, Kennedy fa vors gradual de-escalation. “Every day the war is prolonged,” he declared in Oregon recently, “costs us $B5 million more for every single day than the cost of a moderate program to bring jobs to young people in the ghetto for an entire summer all over America.” Domestically, Kennedy, like Mc- Carthy, has called for a massive $3O bil lion program to eliminate the ghettoes which rot and smolder in our cities. A blanket, emergency program covering education, housing, jobs and income, Kennedy is convinced, must be instituted if we are to prevent a second civil war. He has proposed that the government make itself the “employer of last resort,” if the rural and ghetto poor cannot otherwise find jobs. He has proposed that the business community be prodded, by tax incentives, to build in the ghet toes and hire more hard core unemploy- We do not support Robert Kennedy because we consider him a demi-god, worthy of blind, unthinking adulation. We support him because we feel he of fers the most realistic solutions to the foreign and domestic problems which have rent the nation in the last five years. We therefore urge the student body to demonstrate its support for, progress and constructive change by voting for Kennedy in today’s mock election and by actively supporting him in his campaign for the presidential nomination.— M.S.S. Successor to The Free Lance , est. 1887 62 Years of Editorial Freedom Mail Subscription Prieo: $1.50 a year Mailing Address Box 461, Stole college, PI. 16801 Phone 165-2531 Member of The Associated Press .CvguKiWAQtH or amcaica, me. AUTHORIZED DIALER WILLIAM FOWLER Business Manager Michael S. Serrill Editorial Editor VVSONESDAY7APRIL ,\s Playtex-invents the first-day tampon" (We took the inside out to show you how different it is.) Outside: it’s softer and silky (not cardboardy). Inside: it’s so extra absorbent... it even protects On your first day. Your worst day! In every lab test against the old cardboardy kind... the Playtex tampon was always more absorbent. Actually 45% more absorbent on the average than the leading regular tampon. Because it’s different. Actually adjusts to you.' It flowers out. Fluffs out. Designed to protect every inside inch of you. So the chance of a mishap is almost zero! r •- Try it fast. |i ' Why live in the past? -M |JMjTCA . \.s'£.S..^.V. V .<*A. AA .%.C> .•■ % ...M \ •. s'..,\,<, vx Oita's.A.'. .A ." \\ ' * BERRY’S WORLD vY-*' fl W yM k|F yl iraji •KSSS* a a ii "Q.K. { it's your turn to get the 'head count' and it's my turn to figure the ‘kill r-*W!" Letters to the Editor Letter Policy Not To His Liking TO THE EDITOR: Are you hung up? I usually ignore your letter, policy, but Saturday you made it big enough .for all to see, so accept the conse quences. " , . "Letters mus't be typewritten, double-spaced, signed by no more than two persons, and no longer than 30 lines," Typing and double-spacing are no hassle, but what justi fication is there for limiting the number of signers to two, especially When you have already printed many letters signed by three or more? And why must you limit the length to 30 lines? One interesting 300-line letter could replace 10 "classes on Good Friday" letters. Your policy goes on to require identification of the writer. However, in any publication I have read, the most frank, interesting, controversial, and valuable letters have been those ended with “name withheld by request.” If the University counseling services can insure confidence, the Collegian is lacking something when it cannot do the same. If you “ ‘fairly’ select, edit, and „ condense" (inner quotes mine), then why was the ignorance of D. Wood, Graduate, selected and unedited, when more worthy let ters were either cut or rejected? Solution: publish as many letters as possible every day - let the reader decide what is worthy of his attention. The Collegian is not a "professional" newspaper, as its red-tape policies would suggest. Red tape is a moronic waste. I prefer to read "non-professional" newspapers (e.g., underground papers), which do not sacrifice complete ness for the sake of filling exactly a given number of lines of type. You are hung up on Establishment formality. I would say more, but my 30 lines will not permit it. Gerald Miller, 70 (EDITOR'S NOTE: Sorry to give'reader Miller so much “hassle" over Collegian’s letter policy, but there are some very good reasons for the rules. Limiting the length to 30 typewritten lines (approximately 300 words) is necessary so that Collegian can print as many letters as possible in the available space. As for group signings, the same is true. Too many names take too much space. Collegian has re ceived letters with as many as 25 signatures. If it takes more than two people to construct a read able letter, the University’s English department should be investigated. Finally, Collegian DOES withold names by request. Identification of the letter writer, however, must still be verified at the Collegian office. A final note for reader Miller: You had three more■ lines to write about Establishment formality .”) !4, 1968 • ••>• 2& V* •S-'ic.* • ‘ / • ••; *nNWW'«I U I W w W , © IWS by NEA, Ik. USG SPRING WEEK ARTS FESTIVAL SIMONand GARFSNKEL May 8:30 sth p.m. Today General Sale Starts Tomorrow Ground Floor HUB Blacks Must Assume Decision Making Role C EDITOR’S NOTE: The author of today’s "Faculty Forum” article is the instructor of the first Negro history course offered at the University. His comments are taken from his speech to the 19S8 conference of the Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission.) By DANIEL WALDEN Associate Professor of History For possibly one third of this country’s inhabitants—black and white—the political and economic processes are a mockery of its ideals. Democracy, to those prevented from enjoying its benefits, is both a temptation and a patch of greener grass on the other side of the fence. In sum, it is a forbidden temp tation. To 'remove the barriers— the racism, the political, economic, social, psychological and educational barriers —is our first task. At the same time, the blacks in our. society must be supported so that they 1 will make decisions and share power—as other groups and indi viduals do—on the basis of their numerical strength, their economic position, their tal ents, and their feeling of self. As other religious and ethnic and immi grant groups have acted, so the black man should act. The cost of contin ued racism or insufficient -*- response to this social cancer is too enormous to contemplate. To speak of the right of the black man to participate in the decision - making process is, at least officially, n o impediment to progress. The American credo on this point is clear. But the i m plementation of that right is - another matter. WALDEN Simply put, the admitted right has become a necessity, a categorical impertive. Hence .our preoccupation, in part, is with the time as well as the content. The social and psychological effects on black people of this centuries-long’ degrad ing and humiliating experience are clear for all to see. Their sense of group position re mained low; they came to believe, as'Ken neth Clark in “Dark Ghetto” has written, in their own inferiority. Living in a society that says, in effect, one must be white to be unconditionally American also suggests that being black is a misfortune.. Whites Are To Blame And, reinforcing that robbery of identity every day, the white power structure col laborates in the economic serfdom of blacks by its actions, or lack of actions, as the case, may be. In political terms, the white power struc ture ruled the black communities through local blacks responsive to white leaders, the machine, or what have you. As a corollary, the Establishment held certain assumptions cal culated to perpetrate the status quo; that what is good for Americans, white Americans, is therefore good for blacks, that a viable proudly presents in concert is the only f#/ Block Minimum Order of 20 An FMK Production Faculty Forum coalition can be made between a stronger and a weaker partner, and that the continuing appeal to conscience will sustain the frame work and coalition. Something like a benevo lent feudalism, with a selectively apartheid base, was the model to be sustained. Thus, as Killian and Grigg have pointed out, most white Americans, living in a white world, do not perceive the subjective inequalities inherent in the system of segre gation because they do not experience them daily as the Negro does. Bather, to use Milton Gordon’s term, “Anglo-conformity” rules, and the end result in a racist framework is the sustenance of the the racist system even if one is not a racist. , For example, many of the reforms-, po litically initiated in New York, Chicago, De troit, and elsewhere, have been politically ex pedient, visible reforms, complaints about' corruption, police brutality and the building code, however, are usually ignored. The de mands to put the' interests of blacks first, the demands, for representation by grass-roots leaders, the demands for greater black politi cal power were also largely ignored, or shunted aside because the white leadership perceived the dimension of basic change so differently. But as W.E.B. Dubois said long ago, and A. Philip Randolph said more recently, blacks “must make their own crisis decisions bear ing upon their life, labor and liberty.” In Washington, D.C., Stokely Carmichael was leading the effort until Dr. King’s death. In turn, the representatives of those groups will form coalitions of equals with the white power structure, be they political, financial, labor, secular, religious, municipal or state. And, at the same time, the new awareness of identity and dignity will lead to a more meaningful vote against racists and passive followers (conservative or liberal) at the polls and in the marketplace and through the communications media. Fully 68 years ago, Dußois wrote that the problem of the color line would be the problem of the twentieth century. In 1906, at the founding of the Niagara Movement, he specified that “we will not be satisfied to take one job or title less than our full man hood rights. We claim for ourselves every single right that belongs to a freeborn Amer ican-political, civil, and social—and until we get. these rights- we will never cease to protest and assail the ears of America.” Though the words are now more insis tent, this is what blacks throughout the land are still asking for. A political party system that seeks only to "manage conflict” and hope for the best is an anachronism. An edu cational system that continues to cripple hundreds and thousands of black children year offer-year must be replaced. For these reasons, new and substantially different forms of expression are generating an “in dependent politics" to effectuate change. The basic goal is not “welfare colonial ism” but the inclusion of black people at all levels of decision-making. It is not satisfac tory if black people are merely recipents from the decision-making process: They must be participants in it. The new will, the new consciousness, is here. The Third World, to follow Franz Fanon’s lead, is starting a new history of Man. Reforms Politically Expedient Dußois Predicted Problem Rec Hall 5 2.50 sal»
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers