I, HIX KI rt n T, TO 31 KEPT KI8HI, Wilf X.WBOSi'., T l Br. I'll R 1 ' U T. TIICKSDAY::::::::::::::::::::::::MAnCIi G. Our J?H2on. "We have recently been assailed, through the columri3 cf certain to-cail.il Pcmo crutic newspapers, as being an Abolition ist. For thi3 there has not been even the shadow of a foundation, as every honest man who knows us will readily admit. To make a charge is one thing ; to prove it is quite another thing. The former bus been made, it is true, but the litter, we submit, has not been forthcoming, and with a sublime consciousness that it could cot be adduced from any thing we have ever done, or said, or written, we have hitherto contented" ourself - with merely interposing our denial against a baseless fabrication, dictated only by party spirit and personal euvy. We propose now, however, to set forth our views and opin ions in regard to tho grave subject of American Slavery, and to discuss the position we occupy towards it ; and in doing so, w e will be as plain, practical and temperate as possible. We hold that Slavery, in this country cr elsewhere, is a social, moral and polit ical evil. We deny iu the most emphatic manner, that any man ha3 a right to hold another in bondage ; for every man ha3 a natural right to his own liberty, and to deprive him of this, except for crime, is to perpetrate a most heaiou3 wrong. la proof of this, we need only refer to our immortal Declatation of Independence, which declares as self ev'dent truths, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among them are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." By placing our finger upon this admirable text, we are at once enabled to refute in the strongest manner the absurd doctrine that one man may rob another of his in alienable, right to his own liberty. The principles here stated are broad and com prehensive, and it cannot be denied that they apply to Slavery, no matter where or under what form, it may exist. Such, too, were the views and feelings of Wash ington, of Jefferson, of .Madison, and of all the illustrious fathers of our Jlepub lic. They were all opposed, in principle, to the institution of American Slavery, and each vied with the ether in his efforts to secure its ultimato abolition. And if we cr.me down to a later period, we find tuch pure patriots as Henry Clay an imated by the same sentiments. The "old man eloquent" was always a most ardent friend of a system of gradual emancipation. Preferring to Slavery, in a speech before the American Colonization Society, in 1827, he said : "If I could only be in strumental in eradicating this deepest etain upon the character of our country, I would net" exchange the proud satisfac tion 1 should enjoy, for the honor of all the triumphs ever decreed to the most euccessful conqueror." But we need not multiply authorities on this head. Our position has been like that of mot Northern men, born, raid ed ucated, and residing in the free States ; wc have always believed Slavery to be tcrong, and therefore "never were and nev er ctuld be its friend. Yet it bv no means iVilows from this that wo arc, or . ever were, an Abulitior.Ut. The premi- j a political crusade against it where we res will by no means warrant such cmclu- j bad no rightjto do so under the Constitu siou. While, to a certain extent, we j lion. For we ha c been born and reared agree with the members of that party in ! under that Constitution ; we have always their eppozititm to Slavery, we always uif. j euusxir -nfiously respected it, and, as a leg fcred from them as to the manner e.f that ! aCy of unspeakable importance, we may opposition, cr tie rr.rde of getting rid of: ay that we have locked upon it with a the evil. Let us look fur a moment at the re-Is- j Hon which cur irovevriTncnt su.-tahis to- i wards the institution ot Slavery. The j people of the present dny ate, of course, I nut responsible iu any way for its origin ; ; tuey are responsible ouiy tor the wanner j in which they treat it. It was imposed j upon the Colonics, by the government of; r- . ..! .ii ! v.l iituw., .::,uium u,e soiemn pro- . . i i i tests cf the Colonists themselves; but j when the authority of the parent , 1 ? ! came to be cemcd and shaken off, the j ewi iiau giou to sucu au extent that it : Slave St'itc?, m de-liince of the Conslitu could net be abolished. It presented a j tkmal retiiction iu other words, to treat jrrave question for the founders cf our j the restric tion as being of no force or F.epub.zc tc ireet and settle, because those : ! members of tho Confederacy who had Slavery amongst them, would not consent to enter the Union, unless the Constitu tion contained Boma guaranty that the leral qoverument would not interfere with tho institution. The-achievement ! of our independence had indeed been a great consummation, but the infinite va liety of conflicting interests which bad to be disposed of and provided for, rendered it an exceedingly diliicult and delicate task, to form a ovcn.mciit which could preserve what had been so dearly won. Nuthing but ''compromise" could effect the ;reat object. The old Confederation had proved lamentably defective, and its place bad to be snppiJed by a stronger ai:d a better eystem. The States being original, sovereign, and independent iu everything, were exceedingly jealous and tenacious of their rights ; and for a time it was feared by the great patriots of that ijy, that a compromise could not be made which would settle the diverse interests of the States, and at the fume time pro mote the welfare of the Geuerul govern ment sought to be established. Hut while the enemies of liberty everywhere were anxiously hoping for failure, the Federal Constitution was finally adopted, and the Union formed. In this great work, it became necessa ry to define precisely the powers of the General Government, to as to avoid ny interference with, or encroachment upon, th'i rights of the individual States. These powers were, therefore, distinctly enumerated in the Constitution, whilst the following provision the Tenth Arti cle of the Amendments was inserted for the purpose of determining State rights : "The f owers not delegated to the Uni ted States by the Constitution, nor pro hibited by it to the States, are reservid to the States respectively, or to the people." From thi it follows, that the several States were left entirely sovereign and in dependent in relation to the institution of Slavery within their respective limits, the power to control it not being delega ted by the Constitution to the General Government, but reserved to the States themselves. Aud this, of course, apples to the States afterwards admitted uiuler the Constitution, as well as to the origi nal States cf the Union. Vie thus see where our ancestors left the question of Slavery,' and, a a conse quence, we must see who are the parties responsible for its contiuuuuce in our country. The free State, it must be ad mitted, were in a ir.ea.sure responsible for its origin, but they have lung since made ample atonement "by abolishing it within their respective limits. But iu the exer cise of political power, they could not rightfully go further than this. "Without violating the Constitution, how would it be possible for them to interfere with Sla very in the Slave States ? Neither the General Government, nor the people of the Free States, ever had that matter giv en them in charge, but on the contrary expressly stipulated not to assume it. They are in no wise responsible for its existence, aud in a political sense, hive no more right to interfere with it in the Slave States, than they would have to dictate Po the" Emperor of llussia, the ab olition of Serfdom in his dominions. Such have ever been our views iu re gard to Slavery it: the States. While wc have always been opposed to the institu tion, and have never ceased to condemn it before the world ; while we have al ways hailed with delight the employment of moral means, and ever) thing iu the way of precept aud example which could possibly lead to or in any way influence its ultimate extinction; yet we have nev er done, or said, or written anything in regard to ii, - inconsistent with our duty I and position toward it as a citizen of the United States we have never joined in j sort of 31 ore than this. we have taken a solemn oath to snnort it mul if v.-. if w.-.nM !, in cur citizecshin and bo then could vre, eutc-rtaiuin theso vi'ivq itii provisions without contracting the tain of perjury ? It would be impossible ! If this le so, then, how could we be a member of the so-called Abolition narty ? , .. . it we understand the mine v, os nf i!1(1t 1 organization (and wc believe we do,) its - J f vi puiiiuui a j . ii y i.t ki in j about the abolition of Slavery, in the cttect That party held a national Con-J vention, at Buffalo, New York, in August, 1843, to nominate candidates for Presi dent and Vice President, to be voted for in the canvass of 18-14. In their platform adopted on the occasion, they declared that "27ie moral laics cf the Creator are paramount to all human laics;" "iceovght to obey God rather than man ;" "considering that, as Abolitionist, the strength of our cause lies in its righkoasnezs, and our hope I for it in our conformity to the lams of God;" "ae oice it to the Sovereign Hitler of tne Universe, as a proof of our allegiance- to htm, dr., "to regard ana to treat ine uura clause of the fourth article of the Constitu , - , ... . .-? .7 7 tion of the United States," &c, AS "UTTER LY (JULL and void." Let us call atten tion also to a sentiment taken from a noted Abolition organ published in Bos ton "This Union it is a lie, an impos ture, and our first business is to seek its utter overthrow. Let the Union be accuised! Z.joJc at the awful ccmjiromises of the Con stitution ly which dial instrument in satura ted with the blood of the Slave !" Aud such, too, were the sentiments of William Lloyd Gakkison, a noted Abolitionist, when he declared, iu a speech, in New York, on the 1st of August, 1855, that "this Union is a lie; the American Union is a sham, an imjjoslvrc, a covenant tcith death, an agreement icith full, and it Is our business to call for a dissolution." We doubt not many, not to say all, of the members of the Abolition party have sincerely entertained these views ; but however this may be, they have certainly not been our convictions at nny period in our life, nor have they had our sympathy when expressed by others. We never J did and never could recognize the preten ded right of any body of men, acting as a political jaity, to set at naught "the Su preme law of the laud" even iu the slightest particular. To permit any part of that instrument to be so annulled or disregarded, would be equivalent to au admission that the residue might as read ily bhure the same fate. This could only result in disrupting the glorious fabric of the Union, aud involve us ia Anarchy a state cf things worse even than the worst form of government that ever exis ted. W e have always fi owned upon, and raised our voice against every movement cal culated to bring about Disunion, no matter in what quarter it had its Origin. And a3 a consequence, we have always been as consistent iu opposing at the ballot-box, the Abolitionists of the North who would destroy the Union to put doicn Slavery, as we have been consistent in opposing the L'isuuiouiats of the South, who would destroy the Union to perpetuate Slavery. We have fcteadily and conscientiously vo ted and labored against both, and we see no reason to regret our action. WTe trust that we have now successfully repelled the charge of Abolitionism that has been attempted to be fastened upon us ; and as we arc not disposed to conceal our political proclivities, we will state that we are a lit publican. Whilst we be lieve the Constitution is not against Sla very, we believe it is not for it, and re specting its provisions ourself, we would have othcrs respect them also. " Wbih-t we would net encroach upon the rights of any of the States, we would not have them encroach upon the rights of the General Government. YhiLst we would not seek, by auy political action, to abol ish Slavery where it exists in the States, we have always sought to prevent its exten sion to the territories, whether claimed as a right under the Constitution, or in any other way or maimer. After a long series of encroachments, the South finally attempted to fasten Slavery upon the ter ritory of Kansas. So great-was the wrong attempted, that the Bepublicau Party sprung up, as it were, br magic, to resist its consummation. It did not succeed in its first effort to 'elect a President, never theless it persevered till victory crowned its banners. YvTe early attached ourself to the organization, and ought to know something of its principles, and as efforts arc frequently made, for political effect, to confound these principles with the doc trines of Abolitionism, we propose briefly to consider them as they relate to the question of Slavery. Abolitiouism, i.s we have shown, has been an aggressive movement made against Slavery, as existing in the States. Be- publicanism, on the other hand, has not in any wise interfered with it where es tablished, but has insisted that the evil should not be extended to the territories. It 1,., 4i.,. t. . jjujiuuu tnut iuu "nor- maPcondition of all the territories of the c mnea cmuics is mat oi r reeucm : that t our Republican fathers, when they ha 13 ey cad abolished Slavery in all bur National ter litory, ordaiacd that 'no person should be deprived cf life, libcrt'. or rronertv without due process of law it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever e uch- legislatioii is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it." Surely there is nothing in this which savors in the slight est degree cf Abolitionism. . Nor has the Itepublican Party ever ad vocated or counselled any violation of State Bights. On the contrary, it has always scrupulously respected and obser ved them, and set itself squarely against their invasion, whether by Executive, Legislative or Judicial usurpations, or by Aboiitioa raids like that of Old John Brown. A political party should always be judged by its public manifestoes, and the speeches and votes of its public men. If we recur to the Bcpublican Platform, adopted at Chicago, iu 18G0, we find that it expressly declares, "that the mainte nance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order acd control its own domestic insti tutions according to its own judgment ex clusively, i essential to that balance of j power ou which the perlectiou and endu- ranee of our political fabric depends ; and ice. denounce the laickss iniusloit ly an.icd force of the noil of any Stale or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." Aud if we follow the ciattcr up, we find that, as a pacifica tory measure, Bcpublican Senators and Representatives in Congress," recently vo ted for an amendment to the Constitu tion, so 23 to stipulate, in express terms, agaiust any interference with Slavery iu the States thus making plain what was before but negatively expressed and giv- iDg the highest evidence of their desire to respect the reserved rights of the States under the Federal compact. Nor will it do to say that the Bcpubli can Party has been sectional iu its char acter, or to charge it with desiring, or being instrumental in any attempt, to dis solve the Union. In its Platform of Principles before referred to, it is express tmn all schemes for Disunion, come from what- vir source ihny mny." The public con duct of all Bcpublicau officials lias always harmonized with these patriotic deciara- tions, and the most striking proof we can oiTe-r of the loyally and patriotism of the Parly itself, is to point to Abraham Lincoln, whom it elevated to the Presi dency a man who, when he Tame into power, found the Union in the agonies or dissolution, and was the first to reach out his hand to save it. We have suffered this article to grow somewhat lengthy, but we have conceived this necessary in order to vindicate our self and our principles. As we promised at the outset, we have discussed the ques tions involved, as temperately as possible, and have striven to say nothing offensive to wards anybody or any Party, iu what we have said, we have proceeded entirely upon the id fa, that the Union, though now in peril, is nevertheless in existence, and that the present War is waged only yur ;ls reservation, and not for the pur pose of unduly interfering with the ir.sti tutlqn of Slavery, cr any other right which the Bebellious States possess under the Constitution. But, in the language of the immortal Jackson, we declare what we believe to be the general senti ment of the people "the Union must and thall be. preserved ;" and if, iu the accom plishment of this great work, Slavery shall sutler, the cause may be laid at the doors of the Bisuuioni.sts of the South. In the prosecution and management of the Yrar, which has so uujustly been for ced upon us, we rely with uushaken con fidence upon those who are placed in au thority. Wc cordially endorse every act of President Lincoln's thus far, and we feci well assured he will press onward in the good work so nobly begun, and do nothing from which any loyal or patriotic heart can withhold its approbation. Gen Panks' army occupied Harper's Ferry unopposed, on Wednesday last, with all the necessaries for a permanent occupation. The advance took posses sion of Polivar Heights yesterday, and pushed its rr contioi.-ance to Clmrle-.stowii, and occupied Loudon heights to prevent any flank movement by the enemy. A despatch from Cairo, reports that a gicat light was seen in the direction of Columbus on Saturday night, indicating that the rebels are evacuating theirtrong hold preparatory to a general retreat down the Mississippi. At last accounts, Nashville had been occupied by a portion of Gen. Puell's army, under General Nelson, and prcpa rations were being mado to pursue the retreating rebels under Gen. Johnson. Prig. Gen. Lander, died at Paw Paw, Virginia, ou Saturday last. declared, that Fed.ral Coxstitu- L . ..v- - has prevented its t-lti-u to the uul::j . ... I vided form five or s;x Liiis which have . c . ., tlv.',.,.;,.,. v. ij--. , the Kxilits ot the Mates, and the , r , r,u,l"lu'" ..v....;,.'...! . , (. i t it ? i i.ecu read, ine amiexcu section ot tne j tn v ti 1(i ;,.,,. ,.r ,T t, ., i ; .-t niun oj the States, must and 'shall be pre- ! . , .... to ue tne lriena c. .u,.a....... Lau.. , 7.. 7.7 ;., ,.ilr...,u.nm" as u ruaieu lue --'ate, wi.i gnejou bein-an example of ic cxkhinsr lowtr Clt. H Li IUUV Ve l.Lt v.'--'-vr... . a - . f - - Lcllcr From ESarri'sbur?. IIaiuusuuiu;, March 1, 18G2. Correspondence of The Alleghauiau. I have watched with care the proceed ings of the Legislature during the last week, with the view of communicating to the people of Cambria county, through the columns of The A I.L eg n a n I an , any thing that miht have transpired, which T xv..nhl r-nn.i..W nf ricculiar interest to them. Very little has occurred in either House, that can be considered of im portance to your readers. Of that little, I will speak. On Monday last, 3Ir. Persuing pre- se-meei a oiiiiou nom u.;iuiS county, for an act requiring the poor taxes cr mo county to ue pam unrai) to w. roor house treasurer. In tne evc-nt ot such a law, the county treasurer would be i deprived of the percentage on that tax, which has heretofore passed through his hands. It is a question to be decided by calculation, as to how much the county would save by the propor-ed arrangement. less such an enactment can be advoca- a measure of economy, the tax payers have ilttle or no interest iu the matter. Mr. pKitsillNa, on the same day, read in his place, a supplement to the Act "to provide for the erection of a hou-e of. employment and support, of the poor of Cambria County." Not having the bill before me, I cannot inform you oi it purport, but I suppose it to be based upon the petition referred to. When it is re ported back from the Judiciary committee (local.) and placed upon file, I will endeavor to send you a copy. On Tuesday, in the Senate, a bill was passed entitled "Au Act to provide for the adjudication and payment of certain military claims." This bill has since been reported" iu the House, with sundry amendments. The proposed amendments extend the bill, s as to cover all the cases some idea of its purport Hue. 2. That ?uch scttTnf nt shall embrace the claims lor p:.y of ttll Penuivivanla volun teer?, from 't lie !a ti.ev entered anv eacatnn- ; lo UiC lime u.,.v vt.ve 3,Vcril ,:i:j0 t;K. oCr-ice I ot 'he United b't-.ues ; and ulso th u.iy of o5 cers from the date of their cov.imi.-jions. and of privates (ror.i the date f their i ::roiimei.t : j'covkLc1. T hat no such claims-hall If allowed I unless the claimant has been actually f ,vora into the or vice- ot ihc state or of the United rftati?. by oae of his own c.'tlcers. or Ly a iciiiilur inusicrii.'T olliecr cf the armv. Mr. PjiitsiiiNO, also read in place a bill entitled "An Act to divide the borough of Conemaugh, iu tle County of Cambria, into two wards." That the balance of power may be kept in apililbrlu (I allude to ccmnty Conventions.) there should be t . p . . . - . . . i : . . i i i l . ... . . . a new district formed in the North oi the j nor. county. j The House adopted the foi'.'jwic? res On Wcdncsdav. iu the House, the ! utl0n : c w ? ' ,i . , , . I ZnolvcJ, That the r-crt- ri o: ;:.e ft-" Special Order was the act to repeal the j p!.ss, aild all clLcrSj lt. rcue.-f. d i- act of last Session, entitied "An Act for j publicity, by telegraphic dcfpatcl.yj er .L.r .i . i ,i . ., i wise, to the procecdini of tL:.- tlui'i :e- the commutation of tlie tonnage tax, , ' , , , . , , ,. ., . , . 0-L 0 ' L.tiua to tue coiitemrd.aca ii.on..jtu. u. naica was discussed up to the hour of adjournment. The speech cf M.r. Scoxr. of Huntingdon, was decidedly the mo-t forcible onc delivered on the question be fore the House. As I understand his position, it was as follows : He contended ,' the House ou Monday last, ml cui-2 tj.a tliat the act could not be repealed merelv ! Your no;' hbevs of ludlana county er.lcr on the grouud of its being prejudicial to tain a bimilar diversity cf -cs cc t-9 tho interests ot the people, that it was not within the constitutional power of the Legislature to do so. It was iraor ally conceded that Mr. Scott fully proved the correctness of this view of his subject. He, however, argued that, if the repeal ing act infringed upon the Constitution of the United States if the Legislature transcended its power in passing it, it might be declared unconstitutional, by an application to the Supreme Court, lie further contended that, if it had been pro cured by fraud, it was null and void, and that it was competent lor the Court to so declare it, upon proof being made. The investigation now progressing may result in such developments as will induce the advocates to change the direction of their efforts, by an appeal to tho Judicial Branch of the Government. I am neither a lawyer nor the son of a lawyer, but I opine that, if the allegation of fraud be established, the result will be the enforce ment of the original law, and, not only the exacting of tonnage duties in the future, but the collection of the debt due at the time of the repeal ;is well as the duties which have accrued up to the pres ent time. I have often heard the Hash phrase, "it is a big thing on Snyder." Methinks this possible result would be a big thing on the Pennsylvania llailroad Company. Ou Thursday, the Special Order in the House was, ' A furthor supplement to the net nti- irc An A C. uawe of a system of ed-al;0I1 , " 005 schools, approved the 6th of May Vni''! up." J' s t-ko This bill was debated at cornlic-y Isngth. Air. Fi.usniNc; said : ' The sentiment of the S'nte is sectiou ot the hill rtouirW, ". constitute a tt-cebers month. XI X will be to excite oppositiou to tli bchool system. The wi of ,, i01 twenty d;ys, of six nours each, hrt . ' ! r ! laborer. ' u'M'i , , mr '-' '" -tiO CO1 During the debate, Mr. Pen; nixr, fB;. ther said : I nru uot in favor of teachi npr six dav. wet eek. They should be kept c,,ca live 8 week, but not 20 days a month. "-V3 a The vote on the amendment aiukirip j twenty-two Cays a .school mouth vus id I tcJ Ud was ap,0 onc rcftujr:r ' U , urjay m eaeh mo-alh to be to exorcises or institutes fur the i: UiCut 0f teachers." The bill J j j)0ctp0neJ for the present, j p 11JOht respectfully take i,hue Kith V ,,f ...SI!1NG as to tlc r,rc.r,,.;ttv of pun.-ori, in speaking on the question tf the time to be devoted to .nhool exert'' scs, and his fling at IcacLeis end t!:r compensation. If Mr. pL;:tju.a est!, mates the value of a teacher's HrvWs the wages of "the common laboitr," an equal length of tine, I camjot perceive why the same rule should uot be aj.r:;t,J to the lawyer. A .jia!lt-r investmcjiUlU make a passable lawyer than is reqal-ci to. "bring out" a good teacher. lbs money expended by parents in giving tht rcquired education to a sueccsiul ttucti- or. si.o.iiu. in aa it'si.ec. hp. .-,:! r re vtuue to their cfiT-rri atid be vbj advocates any measure, which b as lor its object the lowering of the com reaction of the teacher, as'.atn ;a lowtrlt; iLe standard of quali?.-:aii-n. The l&u a' i the Common Scuooi 5sccm Las Icon the poor, miserable reward doled out tc til ers. It has driven off ability fruia o petitiou fur Scho.ds. It has tl j .c;iliiu." a Jcr; ier ioso!t for t-knt. I: .1 am CDavinced tiiat, m ui;: g utteriicu Ij the laii-jrv.aic iiuotci aove, h was & vie- T.I i tila ox 'a f tb.- L i ue." On yesterday, (i'rlday. t.;e to r - I passes a o;ii, wincn it tne oi last .:i "3 iUtLol'lZO; vl Kt.-fi Vc CcU: !-' tTi aic se-;uicra i;. r.e-fie eiect the ct-uipany ili.c- rs. It is itt:.- soiiteJ, that several A' tLe comp.mic, un- i der General M' Call's ccu.ii:ad, L-ve ic- Com. considerably demoulizcJ, in coue oucuce of conteiitioi.s trrcwb? rut ,f choice of company oia.-e-rs to supply v--canck'S. In the eve-bt of this bib 2&:vz ths U 1 luusc. Hie vacauv.c: s will le iuineul- j ately filled by appointment by thi UuVir- aria v. Mr Peksiiinu's eoaiiituents t E01 the only people in the S:ate who uiiier i cpiuion on the dog-tax qutstioi. H'3 aunexed extracts from the j r.cceJ!nss ia same sul-ject : Mr. Alexander prescr.toj i've ?ct-; from citizens of Indiana colt:?-, f.ii.c; i -the passage of a- law tarin.j s-ec? 13 CUUiitr. f Alo. two remonstrance; from c.t.zo-5 -. In. liana c o irii ill -i the law taxing dos in aiJ couuty. So scon as the result of this ocr.tt. I tween sheep ou the osie haiiu, ar.-i a.i on the other, shall have been ascertain, it will be published to thj world, ly friend, iiuso. JUST llECLlYEb; THREE CARRELS LAuS TUOVT, A PRIME ARTICLE, AT A. A. BARKER'S STORE. ONLY TWEKTY-FIVE f'JSTS FES L'0ZE-v CALL AND SAlirLR THEM Fbonsnr.rg-, M.irc!i C, l?t-3. IS SOLUTION of i'AlITXKllSHII; The partnership heron : ro u--lietweeu tho nndersifrneJ. ur.Jer ' tae ; - Wike & Carducr, is 'this d..y ,-'"1"3 ,r'e mutual consent. The Rooks ai'J V,Ay left in the bauds of Isaac Witr. to hoia -l meat w ill te made. ISAAC .VnvrP W'M. 11- OAi-'-" Wileaore, Jan. 30, 1K2-". 7nr.NiiiUKG ioi;Mhy , .ill The withdrawal of the frrcBi.. book-keeper from the Khea-'" renJers it absolutely iieccfsan t--' ,e!ay. counts shall be settle.! up without an Persons doirous of savmjr ."l Vj Ierlif coals, had belter chU n:1:'. Ce. out further notice. 1-- OLA- Kbeuj-bur. Jan. 13. Iff--
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers