ffl 1 ; JI ll kRI ill pli p-Jri lip TOpD IIUTCIIIXSO, Publisher. I WOULD RATHER EE RIGHT THAJT PRESIDENT. nRY Ci.ay. TERMS S1.SO IX ADVAXCK. j. VOLUME 2. EBENSBURG, PA., THIJESDAY, ' JULY-18,. 1861. NUMBER 48. DIRECTORY, CPAHED EXPRESSLY FOR "THE ALLECIIAXIAN.'' Msr or post ofjficiks. Post Ma stcrs. Joseph Graham, Joseph S Mardis, Districts. Yoder. Blacklick. Venn's Orcek, Bethel station, ''arrolltown, 'Chess Spring?, Vre550n, Ebensburg. Fillea Timber, Uallitzin, Henjlock, Joanstowa, Lorcttc, Mineral Point, Munster. Pershing, Piattsville, P.oaeland, St. Augustine, S.vi'.p Level, Son nun, ,SuuiaierhiIl, Summit, Wilraore, Benjamin Wirtner Daxnl. Litzinger, John J. Troxell, Mrs. II. MCague, Isaac Thompson, J. M. Christv, Wni. M'Gougn, II. A. Bbgg3, Win. Gwinn, E. Wissinger, A. Durbin Francis Clement, Andrew J. Fcrral G. W. Cowman, Win. Ryan, Sr., George Conrad, B. MColgan, Wm. Murray, Miss M. Gillespie Andrew Beck, Cnest. Washint'n. Ebensburg. White. Gallitzia. Washt'n. Johnst'wn. Loreito. Conem'gh. Mur.3ter. Conem'gh. Susq'ban. White. Clearfield. Richland. Washt'n. Croyle. W asht'n. S'mnierhill. CHURCHES, &.C. Presbyterian Rev. D. Haebiso.n, Pasior. -preaching every Sabbath morning at 10$ o'clock, and in the evening at 3 o'clock. Sab-, oiith School at 1 o'clock, A. M. Prayer uieet iiij every Thursday evening at C o'clock. Mcthodist Episcopal Ch urch Rev. S. T. Sitow, Treacher in charge. Rer. J. G. Goclet, As sistant. Preaching every Sabbath, alternately it 10 o'clock in the morning, or 7 iu the eveuiug. Sabbath School at 0 o'clock, A.M. 1'rarcr meeting every Thursday evening, at 7 o'clock. UWc'i Independent Rev Ll. R. Powell, p.l5.or. Preaching every Sabbath morning at 10 oiock. and in the evening at C o'clock. Sabbath School at 1 o'clock, P.M. Prayer meeting on the first Mondaj- evening of each month ; and on every Tuesday, Thursday and ': ri.i.iy evening, excepting the first week i:i each month. Cilvinistic Methodist Yir.x. Jonx William?, r.istor. Preaching every Sabbath evening at land C o'clock. Sabbath School at 10 o'clock, A. M. Pnvyer meeting every Friday evening, j.r 7 o'clock. Society every Tuesday evening t: 7 o'clock . D:.'dp!es Rev. W. Lloyd, Pastor. Preach ing every Sabbath morniug at 10 o'clock. 'Purtie'uffT Baptists R.iv. David Jenkins, Pastor. Preaching every abbath evening at 3 o'clock. Sabbath School at at I o'clock, P. M. Catholic Rev. M. J. Mitchell. Pastor. Services every Sabbath morning at 10 o'clock and Vespers at 4 o'clock in the evening. EBESBl'RG MAILS ARRIVE. Eastern, daily, at 12 o'clock, noon. Vt'esiern, at 12 o'clock, noon. MAILS CLOSE. Eastern, daily, at G o'clock. A. M. Western, " at 0 o'clock, A. M. fjfS"Th mails from Butler, Indiana.Strcngs tnwn. kc. arrive on Thursday of each "week, t 5 o'clock, P. M. Leave Ebensburg on Friday of each week, t S A. M. E?TTlic mails from Newman's Mills, Car rulkown. &c. arrive on Monday. Wednesday atvl Friday of each week, at 3 o'clock, P. M. Leave Ebensburg on Tuesdays, Thursdays nl Saturdays, at 7 o'clock, A. M. Post Office open on Sundays from 9 to 10 o'clock, A. M. UAILnO.iD schedule. W1LMORE STATION. Vest Express Train leaves at 8.33 M. M. M. Fast Line " Mail Train East Express Trair " Fast Line " Mail Train y.o7 p. 8.02 P. i i 3.42 A. M. 7.30 P. M. 9.45 A. M. Thc Fiist Line West docs not stop COIXTY OFFICERS. Jua jfs of the Courts President, Hon. Geo. Taylor, Huntingdon; Associates, George W. Kiil-Vj Richard Jones. Jr. Pro ikvnotary J o s e p h M ' D o n al d . ll"jister and Recorder FdA'ard F. Lytle. S'ttrift'. Robert P. Linton. Dpntt Sherijf. William Linton. buirict Attorn"!. Philip S. Noon. County Coimnistiontrs. Abel Lloyd, D. T. .Storm, James Cooper. CUrk- to Commissioners. Robert A. M'Ccy Treasurer. John A. Blair. Poor House , Directors. David O'llarrc, ilichael M'Guire, Jacob Horner. Pvor Jlouse Treasurer. George C. K. Zahm. ;P,or House Steward. James J. Kaylor. Jferrantile Appraiser. II. C. Devine. Aulitors. Henry Hawk, John F. Stull. v-"ohr..S. Rhey. Cou,ittf Surveyor. E. A. Vickroy. Coroiur. James S. Todd. Superintendent of Common Schools. James M. Swank, CRESBURG ISOIi. OrriCERS. Justices of the reace. David II. Roberts, ILirrison Kinkead. Ilunjm David J. Evan1?. Town Council Evan Grifiith, John J. Evan?, Miliaru I). Davis, Thomas B. Moore, Daniel J- Evans. Clerk to Council T. D. Litzinger. . Borough Treasurer George Gurley. Weigh Master William Davis. School Directors William Davis, Reese S. ;5yd, Morris J. Evans, Thomas J. Davis, JI2h Jones, David J. Jones. Treasurer of School Board Evan Morgan. CV,.ir,Gcorge W. Brown. Tux Collrctor George Gurley. Judge of Election Meshnc Thomas. Inspectors Robert Evans, Win. Williams Autstor Richard T. Davis. fcz Alleshasia ?1."0 in advanc PRESIDEHrS MESSAGE.. Fellow Citizens of the Senate axu House of Representatives: Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion authovized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation, lt the begining of the Presidential terra, four months ago, the functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended within the several states of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida, excepting only thoso of the Post Office Depart ment. Within these i'tcs all the forts, ar senals, dock-yards, extern houses and the like hud been seized and wore held in open hostili ty to this Government, excepting only forts i'ickens, Taylor a:;d JctlVrson, oa and near the Florida coast, and Furt Sunipter in Char leston Harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been put in improved condi tion. New ones had been built and nnr.cd forces Lad been organized and were organi zing, all avowedly with the same hostile pur pose. The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Governiuei.i in and near these States were either beseigod or meuaced !y warlike preparations, and especially Fort i'umpter, which w.-is ne.vly surrounded by vtli-piojected ho.-tile batteries with guns equal ia quality to the text of its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A uisproportionate share of the Federal mus kets and ritles had somehow found their way into tbese States, and had been st-iaed to be used against the Government. Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them, had beeu seized for the s ir.is object. The navy was f-cattered in distant sea, leaving but a very small part of ii within the immediate reach of the Government. Orliccrs of the Federal army aod navy resigned in great num bers, raid a!! those resigning a large nmubir had taken up anus aguint the Government. S'.niultaneou.-dy ai.d in connection with ail this, the purpose to sever the Federal' Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this purpose an ordinance had been adopted in i each of these i'tates declaring the Pistes re spectively to be separated. lVo:n the National Union. ? forum hi for instituting a combined Government of these SUtes had been promul gated, and this illegal organization iu the character of Confederate Stales was already invoking recognition, aid, and iuterventioii from foreign Powers. Finding this condition of things, and be lieving it to he nn imperative duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, if possible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made, and was deelareu in the Inaugural Ad di tss. The policy chosen looked to the exhaus tion of all puicetul measures before a rescrt to any Ftronger ones. It sought only to hold the public pdaces and property not already wrested, from the Government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, dis cussicu and the ballot-box. It prom'ued a continuance of the ma'ls, at the Government's expense, to the very people who Wire resis ting the Government, and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbances to any of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was forborne, without w hich it was believed possi ble to keep the Government on foot. On the Glh of .March, the present incum bent's first full day in oiScc, a letter of Major Anderson commanding at Fort Sampler, writ ten ou the 2Sth of February, and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was, by that Department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort, within the tinio tor his relief rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions, and with. view of hol ding possession of the sam, with a force of less than 20,00'J good and well-disciplined men. This opinion was concuntd in by all the officers of his command, ndtheir memor anda on the subject was made enclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was im mediately laid before Lieut. General Scott, who at once concurred in that opinion. On riilecliMi. however, lie took full time, consul ting with other oiliccrs, both ':' the army and navy, and at the end of four dais, came re luctantly, but decidedly, to th j same conclu sion as before. lie al-o stated at the same time that no such Mi!I:cient force wa.i then in control of the Government, or could be raised and brought to th'j irr&ti:iJ within the time when the provisions would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of the Idm'inistration in the case to the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the circum stances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which it w(.s to be done would not be fully understood, that hy many it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure the latter recognition abroad; that, in fact it would he our Nationol destruc tion consummated. This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it wouM bo reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear in dication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sunipter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for t'ne landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the lorger and slower route by ea. The first return news from the order was received just one ' week before the fall of Fort Sumpter. The news itself was that the oiTicer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn; acting upon some yuatsi armistice of the lat ; Administration, and of the existence of which the present .-ldininis-tration, up to the time the order was despatch ed, and only too vague and uncertain ru-aors to fix attention, bad refused to laud the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumpter was impos nible, rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter named fort. In such a conjecture the Government had a few days before commenced preparing an ex pedition, as well adapted as might bo to re lieve Fort Sumpter, which expedition was in tended to be ultimately used or not, according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it forward, as had boon intended in this contingency. It was also re Poived to noiify the Government of outh Carolina that if the attempt .should, not be I . 1 .1 T 1 1 IT i x.- Al. . resisieu, mere wouiu oe no ciort 10 mrow iu men, arms or ammunition without further no tice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given, whereupon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition. It is thus teen that the assault' upon and the reduction of Fort Sumpter, was in no sense a matter of self defence cr. the part of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit aggression upon tliem. They knew they were expressly no tifiedthat the giving of bread to the few brave andhunrgy eicii of the garrison was ait which could, on that occasion bo attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They know that this Govern ment desired to keep this garrison in the fort, not to assail them bat merely to maintain visible possession, trus ting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discus sion, and the ballot-box, for final adjustment. And they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object to drive out tho visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissol ution. That this was their object, the Executive well understood, and having said to them ia the Inaugural address, ' you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggres sors," he took pains not only to keep this dec laration good, but also to keep the case no free from the power of ingenious sophistry as that the World should not be able to mis understand it. DytLeuffair at Fort Sumter with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reachrd. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government began the con flict of arms without a gun in siiht or in ex pectancy to return their fire, s-.vo only the fjw iu the fort, sent to the harbor years be fore for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have for ced upon the country the distinct issue im mediate dissolution or blood. And this issue embraces more than t;C fate .f tLc-e-C Uidted States. It presents to the whole family of man, the question whether a Constitutional Repub'ic or Democracy a government of the people by the same people can or cannot luautain its territorial integrity against its domestic foes. lt presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control tl'.e Administration uc tan this cording to the organic law iu always, upon the pretences an3' case, made in case or any other pretence, break up their government, and thus practically put an end to the freest government upon the earth. It forces us to ask; Is there in all Republics this inherent and fatal weakness? Must a government of necessity be too strong tor the liberties cf its own peopre, or too weak to mantain it3 own existence ? So viewing the issue, no clu.ice was left but to call out the war power of the Government and so to resist the force employed for its de structiouby force for its preservation. Tb.fi call was made and the response of the country was most gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectations. Vet none of the States com monly called slave States, except Delewarc gave a regiment through regular State organ izations. A few regiments have been organ ized within, some others of those States by individual enterj. rise, and received into the Government service. Of course the seceded States so called, and to which Texas h;id been joined about the time of the inaugura tion, gave no troops to the cause of ' the cause of the Union. The border States s.o called, were not uniform in their action, some of them being almost uuananimous for ih e Union, while in others, us Virginia and North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkan sas, the Union sentiment wa3 nearly repres sed and Filcnced. The course taken in Vir ginia was the most remarkable, perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the people, of that State to consider thi3 very question of disrupting the Federal Union was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this body the people had thosen a large body of professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and with them adopted on ordi nance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upou Sumpter, or the great resentment at the Government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. Although they sub mitted the ordinance for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month distant, the Convention and the Legislature, which was also in session at the same time aud place with leading members of the State not members of cither, immediately com menced acting as if the State were rready out of the Union. They pushed their mili tary preparations vigorously forward all over the Stat-?. They seized the United States armory at Harper's Ferr3', and the navy yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They receiv ed, perhaps invited, into their State largo bodies of troops, with their warlike appoint raents, from the so-called confederate States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-opearation with the so called seceded States, and sent mem bers to their Congress at Montgomery, and finally, they permitted the insurrectionary Government to be transferred to their capi tal at Richmond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its notst within her borders and this Government haa no choice le't but to deal with it where it finds it, and it has the less regret as the loyal citizens have in due form claimed its protection These loy al citizens this Government is bound to recog nize and protect as being in Virginia. In the Border States so called, in fact the Middle States, there are those who favor a policy which they call armed neutrality ; that is; an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way and tbe Disun ion the other, svet their soil. Thn would be dis union complete. Fguratively speaking it would be the building of an impassible wall a hcig the line of separation, and yet not quite au impassable one, for under the guise of neu trality it would tie the hands of tho Union rTton, and freely pass supplies from among t':em to the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an" open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble o:T the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from tUe external blockade. It would lo for t'le DIsunionists that which of all things they most desire--feed them well, and give them dis'iDiou without a struggle of their own. If recuTTiizes no fidelity to the constitution, no "..ligation to maintain the Union: and while vj-ry many who favored it are doubtless loyal, it is nevertheless very injurious in ect. :' Recurring to the action of the Government, it may be stated that at first a call was made for seventy five thousand militia, and rapidly fallowing this, a proclamation was" issued lor closing the ports of the insurrectionary dist ricts, bv proceedings in the nature of a block ar'.e. So far, all this was considered to f,e strictly legal, r At this point the insurrectionists announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering. Other calls were made for vol unteers to serve for three years, unless sooner discharged, and also lor large additions to the reglar army arid navy. These measures wheth er strictly legal or not, were ventured upon ua ler what appeared to be a popular demand und a public necessity, trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily r atify them. It i believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency of Congress. S'oon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to authorize the Command ite General in proper cases, according to his d-scretiou, to suspend the privilege of the writs of habeas corpus, or, in other words, to arrest aad detain, without resort to the ordinary pro cess and forms of law, sueh individuals as he might deem dangerous to public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality '!u?d propriety of what has been done under it, are questioned, uid the attention of the coun try has been called to the proposition of one who is sworn to take care that the laws be faithfully executed should not himself violate tliem. Of course some cansideration was given to the questions of power and propriety, before this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be faithfully executed were being resisted, and failing in execution in nearly one-third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear, that, by the use of the means necessary to their execution, some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liber ty that practi-ally, it relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should, to a very limited extent, be violated ? To state the question more directly, are all the laws but ous to go unexecuted, and the Government itself go to pieces lest that o:ie be violated ? Even iu such a case, would net the oilicia! oath be broken if the Government should be overthrown, when it was believed that disregarding the single J law would tend to preserve i But was it was not believed that the question presented. It was not believed that any law was violated. The provision of the Con stitution, that the privilege of the writ of habeus corpus shall not be suspended unless w hen m case of rebellion or public safety may require it, invasion, the is equivalent to a provision taat such privilege may be a provision taat suspended wnen, rn case ot reoeuion or in vasion, the public safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion and that the public safety doe3 require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ, w hich was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress and not the Executive is invested w itb this power. But the Constitution itself is silent us to which or wiio is to exercise the power, and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed that the fravners of the instrument intended, thatin every case the danger should run its course. Congress could be called together, the very assembling of which might be prevent ed, as was intended in this case by the re bellion. No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion of some length will probably be presented by the Attorney Gen eral. Whether there shall be any legisla tion on the subject, and if any, what, is sub mitted entirely to the better judgement of Congress. The forebcarance of this Government had been so extraordinary and so long contin ued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union was prob able. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now everywhere prac tically respected by foreign powers, and a general sympathy with the country is mani fested throughout the world. The reports ot the Secretaries of the Trcas ury, War and the Navy, will give the infor mation in detail deemed necessary and con venient for your deliberation and action, while the Executive and all the departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts considered import ant for you to know. It is now recommended that yon give the legal nrean3 for making thi3 contest a short and decisive one; that you place at the control of the Government for the work at least 400,000 men and $400,000,000. That cumber of men is about one-tenth of those of proper pge3 within the regions where nppareutly all are williug to engage, and the sum is less than u twenty-third part of the money value owned by the men who scern ready to devote the whole. A debt of $000,000,000 now 13 a less Eura per head than was the lebt of our own revo lution, when we came out of that struggle; and the money value in the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was Uien than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to pre serve our liberties a3 each had then to es tablish them. A right result at thi3 time will bs worth more in the world than ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant, and that it nced3 only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanc tion, and the hand. of the Executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One "of the greatest perplexities of the Government is to avoid receiving troops faster than pro viding for them. In a word, the people will save the Government if the Government it self will do its part only indiffererftly well. It might seem at first thought to be of little dlderence whether the present move ment of the South oe called secession or re bellion. The mover3 however well under stand the difference. At the beginning thy knew that they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by any name which implies violation of law. They knew that their people possessed a3 I much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, and as rauca pride iu and reverence for the history and Government of their common country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly they commenced by an insidious debauching of the public mind. Thej' in vented an ingenious sophism, which, if con-ccedc-d, was followed by perfectly logical steps all through the incidents to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is, that any State of the Union may, consistently with the Nath ional Constution, aad therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union, with out the consent of the Union or of any other State. The little disguise, that the supposed right i3 to be exercised only for a just cause, because they themselves are to be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice. With rebellion thus sugar coated, they have beeu drugging th". public mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they have brought many a good man to a williuguess to take nparrns against the" Government some days after an assem blage of men have enacted the farcical pre tence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day before. This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of it3 currency, from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a State, to eajh State of our Federal Union. Our States have ne ither more nor less power than that I reserved lothem in the Union bv the Con stitution, 110 one of them er having been ft State out of the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their British colonial dependence, and the new ones each came into the Union di rectly from a condition of dependence, ex cepting Texas, aud even Texas, in its tem porary independence, was never designated a State. The new ones only took the desig nation of States on coming iuto the Union; while that one was first adopted for the old ones iu and by the Declaration cf Indepen dence. Therein the United Colonies were declared to be free and independent States. But even then the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual jdedge aud their mutual action, before, attlie time, and afterwards, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith, hy each and all the original thirteen, in the articles of Confederation, two years later, that "the Union shall be perpetual," is most conclusive. Having never beeu States either in substance or name outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipo tence of State Rights asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is raid about the sovereignty of the j States, but the word, even, is not in the National Constitution, nor as is believed, iu j r.uy 01 tue rnaie . onsiuuiioi.s. u uat is a sovereigntj- in the political sense cf the term? Would it be wrong to define it "a political community without a political su perior?" Tested by this, no one of our State s except Texas, ever was a Sovereignty, and even Texas gave up the character oncoming into the Union, by which act she acknowl edged the Constitution of the Uuited States, ami the laws and treaties of the United States, made in pursuance of the Constution, to be for her the supreme law of the land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law, and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separated, procured their independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase, the Union gave each of them w hatever of independence and liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and in fact it created them as States. Orig inally some dependant colonies made the Union, and in turn, the Union threw off their old dependance for them and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State Constution independent of the Union. Of course it is not forgotton, that r.ll the new States framed their Constitutions before they entered the Union; nevertheless dependant upon, and preparatory to coruiug into the Union. Unquestionably, the States have the pow ers aud ihe rights reserved to them in and by the National Constitution; but among these, purely, are not included all conceive uble powers, however mischevioua or des tructive, but at most, only such os are known I in the world at the time as eorerrtmental powers, and certainly a power to destroy the Government itself had never known as governmental, a merely administrative pow er. " This relative matter of national power and State rights a3 a principle is no other thaa the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole, should ba confided to the whole, to the General Gov ernment; while whatever concerns only tho State should be left exclusively to the State. This 13 all there is of original principle about it. Whether t'ne National Constitution in defining boundaries between the twy, has applied the principle with exact accuracy is not to be questioned. We are also bound by that defining without question. What is now combatted, is the position that seces sion is consistent with the Constitution, i3 lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it, aud nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with money tb countries out of which several of tbeso States were formed. Ia it just that they shall go oil without leave and without re funding? The nation paid very large sumg in the aggregate, I believe, of a hundred millions to relieve Florida cf the aborigin al tribes. I3 it just that she shail now go off without consent or without making any return? The nation is now in debt for money applied for the benefit of these 60 cailed seceded States in common with tho rest. Is it just either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay the whole? Part of the oresent National debt wa contracted to pay the old debts of Texa Is it just that the shall leave and pay no part of it herself? Again, if one State may secede, eornay an other, and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors ? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money ? If we now recognize this doc trine by allowing the Seceders to go in peace it is ditiicult to see what we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. Tbe Seceders insist that cur Constitution admits of secession. They have assumed to make a national constitution of their own which of necessity they have cither discard- ' cd or retained the right of secession a3 they insist it exists in ours. If they have discard ed it, they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If the3- ha.ve re tained by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent they mnst fecedo from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust' object. The principle itself i one of disintegration, and upon which no government can possibly endure. If all the States save one should assert tha power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder poli ticians would at once deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest outrage up on State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called driving the oneflut, should be called the seceding of the others from that one, it would be exactly what the seceders seem to do, uuless in deed they make the point that the one be cause it is a minority, may rightfully do what the other because they are a majority may not rightfully do. These politicians are sub tle and profound on the rights of minorities ; they are not partial to that power which made the Constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself "The People." It may well be questioned whether there is to day a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State except. perhaps, South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are tho major ity in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded States. A3 the contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them it is ventured to ailirm this, even of Virginia and Tennessee, for the result of an election held in military camps, where the bayonets were all on one side of the question voted upon, cun scarcely be considered as a demonstration of. popular sentiraentr At such an election all that large class who are not at once for the Union and against coercion would be co erced to vote against the Union. It may be affirmed, without extravagance that the free institutions we enjoy have de veloped the power and the condition of our whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and impressive illustration. So large an army as the Government has now on foot was never known, without a soldier in it but who had taken his place there of his own free choice. But, more than this, there are many single regiments whose mem bers, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, profes sions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there ia scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, raid perhaps a court abundantly competent to administer the Government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, inw adversaries in this con test. But if it is, so much better the reason why the Government which has conferred such benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. Wiioevt r, in any section proposes to abandon such a Government, would do we'll to consider in deference to what principle it is that hi does it. What hotter he is likely to get in its stead ? Whether the substitute will ive, cr be in tended to give, so much of good to the peo pl ? There are some foreshadowing? on this subject. Ouradversaries have adopted some decl irationsof Independence ia which, unlikb the good old one, penned by Jc:Teron, they omit the words, "All men are qual." Why ? They have adopted a temporary national coutitulionin, t'ne priub!e of w hich, unlike our good olrl our, signed bj Washington, they omit, "We, the people," and substitute "We, tho deputies of the sovereign aud inde pendent States." Why?. Why tbi didib- f Ih
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