ItlfiBBT OK WllOXG. WHEV KIGUT, TO BE KEPT RICIIT, V..EN WRONG, TO BE PUT RIGHT. TIIUKSDAY::;::::::::::::::"."-?3-I1 7. "Tile Fourtli of rIarc!i, 1SCI. LISCOLN INAUGURATED NO ATTEMPT AT UI.SIS- TAXCfi EY TII1C VOl GT.EAT tKTaCSIASM PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS THE COUNTRY SAFE, AND EVERYTHING O. S. ! ! The long-looked for and anxiously ex pected day, the 4th of March, has arrived and departed, and Abeaiiam Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin are now Presi dent and Vice President of the United States. It is with a sense of relief that we pen these words. -Well grounded fears had for some time been entertained that foul means would be used to prevent the inauguration of the People's choice j but thank God, the danger is over, and the country now breathes freer. Let us hope that this happy state of affairs may con tinue, and we never again be called upon to behold such a Reign of Terror as pre ceded the new era. The eventful morning was ushered in by a slight rain, but the weather was cool and pleasant Tho city was thronged by thousands upon thousands, and all the space in front of the Capitol for acres was early crowded by a dense mas3 of human beings. The greatest excitement prevail ed, but everything passed off quietly and in good order Purirjg the delivery of the Inaugural, which commenced at 1J o'clock, Mr. Lin coln was much cheered, especially at any allusion to the Union. The usual oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Taney. This inaugura tion makes the eighth ceremony jof the kind in which the venerable Chief Justice has officiated, he having successfully ad ministered the oath to Presidents Van Buren, Tyler, Tolk, Taylor, Fillmore, Pierce, Buchanan and Lincoln. Annexed is President Lincoln's Inau guTal Address. Its tone and temper is firm ; and, though not very satisfactory 'to compromisers and secessionists, it will meet with a hearty response Irom the true friends of Union and Liberty every where. Readmit: rellow Citizens of the United Slates. Incom pliance with a custom as old as the Govern ment ilself, I appear. before you, to address you briefly, and to take in yt-ur presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of tbe Uni ted States to be taken by the President before Le enters on the execution of his t flicc. 1 do not consider it necessary, at present. For me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is do special anxiety cr ex citement. Apprehension seems to exist among tbe people of the Southern States that, by the accession of the Republican administration, their property and their pcaco and personal security are to be eudangercd. There never has been any reason or cause for such appre hension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare to you that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to in terfere with the institution of slavery ia the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do eo. Those who nominated and elected me, did so with the full knowledge that 1 had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, as a law to themselves and to ine, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: " Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judg ment, exclusively, i- essential to that balance of power on which tho perfection and endu- ranee of our political fabric depend, and wo denounce the lawless invasion by un armed force of any State or Territory, no matter un der what rretext, as among the gravest of crimes."' I now reiterate these sentiments, and in do ing so, I onjy press upon the pubjlc attention, the most conclusive evidence tf which the case 18 susceptible, that the property, peace and cecuiity of no section are to be in any wise en dangered by the incoming administration I Bdd, too, that all the protection which, consis tency pith the Constitution and the Laws, can be giveo, Will be cheerfully given to ail tho States, whei lTfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one taction as to an other. There in mv.ch conlr?ver?y about the delivery of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I read is as plainly written i:i the Constitution as any ether of its provisions : No person l.H to service cr labor in one St&to, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law cr regulations therein, be discharged from such service or labor ; but shah be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or la bor may be due." It i scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the re claiming of what wc call fugitive slariv, and the intention of the law-giver is the Jaw. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution to this provision ad much ns to any other. To the propositi ju, then, that slaves whose cases come within tbe terms of this claiue shall be delivered up, their oaths ore. unanimous-.. Now, if they would make tho effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, framo and pass a law by means of which to keep good that un animous oath? There is some difference of opinion of opin ion whether this clause thuuW he, enlorcel ty national or State authority, but surely that diiTercuce is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be cf but lit tle consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done ; and should any one, in any case, be contented that his oath shall be unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane juris prudence to be introduced, so that a freeman may not be in any case surrendered ns a slave ? And might it not be well, at the same time, to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each State shall be enti tled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens iu the several States." I take the oOieial oath to-day with no men tal reservation, and with no purpose to con strue the Constitution or laws by any hypocri tical rules ; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts cf Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both iu official and private stations, to couform to aud abide by all these acts, which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in lia? ing them held to be unconstitutional. It is seventy-two years since the first inaug uration of n President under our national con stitution. ' During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in suc cession administered the executive bian-di of the Government. Thay have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success ; yet with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulties. A disruption of the Federal Uuion, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that, in contemplation of the universal law, and cf the Constitution, the Union of these States is per petual. .Perpetuity is implied, if not express ed, in the fundamental law of aU national gov ernments. It is safe to assert that no govern ment proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. If wo continue to execute all tho express provUions of our National Constitution, the Union will enduro forever; it being impossible to destroy it ex cept by some action not provided for iu the instrument itself. Again, if theUnitcd States be not a Govern ment proper, but an association oT the States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a .contract, be peaceably revoked by les.s than all luo parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it, or break it, so to speak, but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? JJesccnding from these general principles, we find the proposition that in a legal contemplation of tiic case, the Union is perpetually confii-aed by a history cf the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed in fact, by the articles of Association, in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence, in 1770. It was further ma tured, and the faith of all tlu thirteen stars expressly plighted and enjoined that it should be perpetual, by the articles of Confederation, iu 1778, nnd finally in 1787. One of the de clared objects in ord. lining and establishing the Constitution was to form a mere perfect union, by all or by a part only of the States. Can it be lawfully possible the Union is less than before, the Constitution hav-ng lost the vital element of perpetuity? It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States agaiust the authority of the United States are insurrec tionary or revolutionary according to circum stances. I therefore consider that in view of the Con stitution and laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins on me, that the laws of theUnion be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this ldeem to be onty a eimple duty, on my part, and I shall perform it as far as practicable, uulcss my rightful masters, tho American people, shail withhold the requi.-.itc means, cr in Some authoritative manner direct the 'contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Unioa, that it will constitutionally defend and main tain itself. Iu doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it bo forced upon national authority. The power confided to mcwill be usid to hold, occupy and possess the propert- and places belonging to the Government; to collect duties and imposts; but beyond what may be neces sary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force ngi'inst cr- among tho people anywhere. AVhere hostility to tho United States, in any interior locality, shall be so great, and so universal, as to prevent compe tent resident citizens from holding federal ofii ces, there will he no attempt to force obnoxious stranjrcis among the people for tlyit object. While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce tho exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would bo so irri tating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that 1 deem it belter to forego tor some timo tho use of such offices. The mails, n nless re pelled, will continue to bo furnished in all parts of the Union, so far ns possible. The people everywhere shall have that perfect sense of security which is most favorabie to calm thought and reflection. Tho course here indicated will be followed, unless currert events aud espcrienco shall show a tr.o iificatiou or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my discretion will be exercised according to circumstances actu!fi!y existing, and with a view aud a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, the restoration of the fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are some persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and would be glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. Hut if there bo sueh I need address no words to them. To those, however, who really lovo the Union, may I not speak? be fore entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its b' neSts, its memories and hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain previously why we do eo Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills that you Uy from have no real ex istence? V.' iil you, while the certain ills you liy to are greater than all the real ones you tiy from? Will you risk the commission of to fearful a mistake? All profess to be con tent in the Unioa if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then. thatany right plainly written in the Constitution has ocen denied? I think not. Happily tho hu man mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think if you can, of a single instance iu which a plainly written provision of the Constitution xm ever been denied? If, by tho mere force of uumbers, a majority hall deprive a minor ity of any plainly written constitutional right, it might, iiia mmal point of view, justify a revolution it certaudy would, if such rights were a vital one: but such is li-jt oai"C;'.si All the vital right. of n.inoi iiie-j and of in dividuals ara so plainly assured to them ty affirmations and negotiations, guarantees and prohibitions in the Constitution, that contro versies never arise cone-ji uing them. No fore sight can anticipate, nor any document- of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered b7 national or State au thority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not ex pressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Conatituticn does not expressly say. From questions of this clnss spring all our Constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. I f the minority will not acquiesce the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative for con tinuingthc GDverument but acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a minority in such a case will secede rather than acquiesce, thej- make a precedent which in turn will di vide and ruiu them, for a minority of their owu will secede from them whenever a major ity refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new Confederacy, a year or two hence arbitra rily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments arc now being educated to the exact temper cf doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renew ed secession ? Plainly, the central idea cf secession is the essence cf anarchy. A ma jority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with the deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sov ereign of s. free people. Whoever rejects it, does of necessity fly to anarchy or despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a mi 'ority, ns a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissable ; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy and despotism ia some form is all that is left. I do not forget the position assumed by some, that Constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I de ny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit, as to the ob ject of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases, by all other departments of the Government ; and while it is obviously pos sible that such decision may bs erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it being limited to that particular case, with the chaucc that it may be overruled, and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citi zen must confess that if the policy of the government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their govern ment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there, in this view, any assault upon the Court or the Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to deci le cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their de cisions to political purposes. One section of our countrj believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. Thi3 is the only substantial dis pute; for the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, ana the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each a3 well enforced, perhaj3, as any law enn ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. Would the great body of the people abide by the dry legal; obligation in both eases, r.fter the separation of the sections, more than be fore ? The foreign slave trade, now imper fectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, iu one section, while fu gitive slaves, now only jHirtially surrendered, would not be surrendered at nil by the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate : we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassible wall between theiu A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and be yond the reach of each other. But the differ ent parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and an inter course, either amicable or hostile, must con tinue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separatingthan before? Can aliens make treaties casir than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faith fully enforced between aliens than laws among friends? Suppose 3-011 go to war; you can not light always, aud when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the old identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. The country, with its institutions, belong to the people who inhabit it. Whenever thej shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amend ment, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be ex ercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, and I should, under ex isting circumstances, favor, rather than op pose, a fair opportunity being offered the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that tome the convention mode seems prefer able?, inasmuch as it allows the amendment to originate with the people them; elves, instead only of permitting them to take or reject a proposition originated by others not especial ly chosen for the purpose, aud which might nxt beprecisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution which amendment, however, I have not seeu has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall nev er interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid a misconstructiou of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say, that holding such a provision to be now implied as constitutional law, I have no ob jection to its being made express and irrevo cable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his author ity from the people, and they have conferred none upou him to fix terms for the separation of the .States. The people themselves can do this if they choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty i3 to ad minister present government, as it comes to hi3 hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. Why should there not be a patient conlidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope i;i the world? In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty liuler of Nations, w.tb Ills ctern::l truth and justice, be on, our side of the Xorwi, - on ours of the South, that truth and justice will surely prevail, by the judgmeut of this great tribunal, the Amer ican people. I5y the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have, villi equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands, at very short intervals'. While the people retain their virtue und vigilarce, no administration, by any extreme of wicked ness or folly, can very seriously injure the government iu the short space 01 four years. My countrymen, one and ail, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lo?t by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take delib erately, that object will be frustrated by ta king time, but no good object can be frustra ted by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution, unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it, while the new admin istration wiiriiavc no Immediate power, if it would, to change either. If" it were admitted that you who arc dissatisfied hold the right side of the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelli gence, patriotism,4 Christianity ami a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored laud, are still competent to ad just in the best way all our present troubles. In your hands, my dissatisfied countrymen, and not in mine, is tho momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail j-ou. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Govern ment, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. I am loth to close. Wc are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Tho' passion may have Ptrainrd, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle field and patriot grave, to every loving heart and hearthstone, ail over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus cf the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Washixctox, March .4, 18G1. Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet is a3 follows : Secretary of State, Wm. If. Seward, of New York ; Treasury, Mr. Chase, of Ohio; War, Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania ; Xavy, 3Ir. Welles, of Connecticut; Post master General, Mr. Blair, of Maryland; Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Smith, of Indiana ; Attorney General, Mr. Bates, of Missouri. These appointments have been confirmed by the Senate. Suppression S" Fortune Telling-. The bill fcr the suppression of fortune telling has passed the House and will prob ably pass the Senate. It provides that any person who shall pretend, for gain or lucre, to predict future events by card?, tokens, the inspection or" the head or hands of any person, or by 3113' one's age, or by consulting the movements of the heavenly bodies ; or who shall pretend, for gain or lucre, to effect any purpose- by spell, charms, necromancy, or incantation, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, punished by any Court of Quarter Session in this Com monwealth, with fine aid imprisonment. The first offence shall bo punished with not more than 'two years imprisonment, nor less than fifteen days, and a fine of not more thauJ?(J0, nor less than 10 ; the second offence, with any term of impris onment, aud fine exceeding tho above that the CourOuay'dcenv proper. That any person cr persons who shall advise the takiugor administering of what are commonly called love powders or potions, or who shall prepare thesame tube taken or administered, shall be guilty of a misdemea nor, and shall be punished as above provi ded. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, in reply to an attack made on him in the United States Senate on Saturday by Jo Lane, said : ''The Constitution defines treason to bo the levying war against the Government, and aiding those who did to. If I were President of the United States, I would have those who make war on the Government and fire on its vessels arrest ed, and if tried iid couvicted, by the Eternal God I would have them huri"" He lurthermore asserted that Tennessee would ever remain in the Union. 25 We see by the official record, that a petition, feigned by forty-four citizens of Ebensburg, praying that compensation in money be paid to slaveholders for fugi tive slaves that may be rescued from their masters iu this State, has been presented to the Legislature. Of the forty-four signers, thirty-eight arc Loco-Focos. BSUThe Peace Conference resolutions were rejected by Congress by a vote of 7 yeas against 2 nays. The Crittenden resolutions were also rejected; yeas 18, nays 20. The House Committee's joint resolutions were passed by a vote of 24 yeas to 12 nays. . The bill repealing the Tonnage Tax has passed the Senate, and is now a law. President Buchanan has signed the Tariff Bill, and it is now a law. The Peace Conference. DOPTION OF THK FRANKLIN SUBSTITUTE, Washington, Feb. 27. The Peace Conference-to-day revived and passed, by a vuvc of nin"e States against eight States, the Franklin substitute" to Mr. Guthrie's proposition. The proposition before the Conference was voted on by sections. The first, with reference to dividing the territory, was barely adopted. Indiana did not vote at all; Kansas and N'ew York were divided, and Virginia anel Missouri voted in the negative. The result was 8 against 7, and but for the temporary absence of one of the New York Commissioners there would have been a tie vote. Ihc following is the proposition as adopted. Section 1. In ail tho present territory of the United States north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes of north latitude, iuvoluntary servitude ex cept in punishment of crime, is prohibit ed. In all the present territory south of that lir.c, the status cf persons held to service or labor, as it r.ow exists, shall not be chanued. Nor shall any law be pas.scd .' by Congress cr the territories, of a nature to Inii tier or prevent the talcing 01 sucn persons from-any of the States cf this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation. And the same fchall be subject to judicial cognizance in the federal courts, according to the course of common law. When any territory north cr fcutii of said line, with such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population c-jual to that required for a member cf Congress, it shail1, if its form of government be repub lican, be admitted into tho Union c:i au equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude, as lthe Constitution of fcuch State may pro vide. Section 2. No territory shall be ac quired by the United States, except by discovery, and for naval and commercial stations, depots and transit routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all tho Senators from States which allow iuvuluu tary servitude, and a majority of ail the Senators from States which prohibit thr.t relation; nor shall Icrritor- be acquired by treat-, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators from each class of States herein before mentioned be ciist as a part of the two-third majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty. Section l. Neither the Constitution, nor any amcndnicut thereto, shall be con strued to give Congress power to regulate, abolish er control, within auv State or territory of the United States, the relation established or recognized by the laws thereof, touching persons bound to labor or involuntury service iu tho District, of Columbia, without the consent cl Marv land, and without the consent of the own ers, or making to owners, who do not con sent, just compensation; nor tho power to interh-re with or prohibit representatives and others from bringing with them to the city of Washington, retaining anel taking away, persons so bound to labor or service; nor the power to interfere ithor abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive jurisdiction e.f the United States within these States and territories where the same is established and recognized ; nor the power to prohibit the removal or transportation of persons held to labetr or involuntary service in any State or terri tory of the United States to any State or territory thereof where it is established or recognized by law or usage; and theriuht during transportation by sea or river, cf touching at ports, shores and landings, and of landing iu case of distress, but not for sale cr traffic, shall exist; nor shall Con gress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation on persons held to labor or service than on laud. Ihc bringing into the District of Columbia cf persons held to labor or service for sale, or placing them in depots to be afterwards transfer red to other places lor sale as merchandise, is prohibited, and the right ot transit through an- State or territory, against its dissent, is prohibited. Section 4. Tbe third paragraph of the second section oi the fourth article of the Constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of tho Stated, by appropriate legislation and through the action of their judicial and ministerial offers, from en forcing the delivery of fugitives from la bor to the person to whom such service or labor is duo. x Section 5. The foreign slave trade is hereby forever prohibited, aud it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prc veut the importation of slaves, coolies or persons held to service or labor, into the United State3 aud territories from places beyond the limits thereof. Section G. The first, third and fifth sections, together with this section six of these ainci.'dmcuts, and the third para graph of the second section of the first article of the Constitution, aud the third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not be amend ed or abolished without the consent of ail the States. Section 7. Congress shall provide bv law that the United Slates shall pay to the owner the full value of his fugitives from labor, in all cases where the Marshal or other officer, whose duty it was to arrest such fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after arrest such fugitive was rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for tho lecovery of such fugitive. Congress shall provide by law for securing to the citizen uf each State the Tsrivileyes and immuiiitloo . ( , . Ct . 0 U1 l"e set. crarfctatcs. v. Some of the Commissioners say tlia if their" conference has been productive ,V other good result, it nas produced a friendly feeling among them. The Peaoe Conference adjourned ti die at one o'clock. lHt English licw of American Al fairs. From the stanel-point occupied by tl English I'ress they are in a more favorj ble position to judge properly -and uuim passioned of the true condition of Amcri can affairs, and of the real causes hicli have provoked our present difficulties than almost any in the United States' however unprejudiced they may assume to be. Taking advantage of its opportu. nity the London Time nukes a fierce at tack upon Mr: Buchanan. After disens." sing the singular facility afforded by the quadrennial election of "a President f0r raising and bringing to an issue any cues ticn on which parties in America maydif. fcr, an J contending that the interregnum be'twec itoan outgoing and iucomin" adaiin ministration gives opnortunityibr rebellion the Times remarks : These considerations should uot be lost sight of in estimating the position of Mr. Buchanan, and he certainly needs all tbe excuse and allowance that the most toler ant critic can suggest in his behalf. Ue owes his election to the very Southern States who arc now in open rebellion ta his authority, aud Ins btvt friends have left him in a Lady rather than to submit to be employed ia preserving the Union whose bread they have c-aiesi and wboje official stations they have hilcd durin" the last, four years. 'We iVar it is impossible to avoid the convic tion that f'jw men called upen to play a tiroat historical part have been fuuud more utterly unequal t; their station than Mr. Buchanan. In the vain hope of conciliating the Southern r;e labors of his Cabinet, he inaugurated tho meet ing 0: Congress by a mcssapo whrh tras ia it- If the most powerful iuuin-v' icq: to dis union. In the face of 1 Lie.-!. -.'tied fccces s'on he told his c.unt! iji.i that foecs tion would be justified ui:io.-s the rth made very ample concessions. He stated dit:5.ct!y tiiat the ;ov.;r of putting duwa a rebellion had not been delcgad to Con gres;, and that while he would continue tj collect the public rcvinue utiel to pro tect the public property, he vou!d use r.o means to firing the tcceJcrs to a sense cf their duty. This language could ha but oner clfeet. It gave the iute.ided se-cc-dcrs to understand that what might le wrong in constitutional h.w, would le valid fact, defensible in niefrjliry, and at tended with tho most perfect impunity. Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet to whom he had degraded his office, lowered his perioral character, and opened the doer to the dis ruption of his country, have resigned, and leave him now to make unavailing appeals to Congress that they will sup ly to crisis that wisdom and firmiic-ss which America had a right to expect from her Chief Mag istrate. J 1, instead of flattering and en couraging rebellion, Mr. Buchauan had acted up to his recent declaration thatitis his duty to execute the laws.it is vry possi ble that the fire might have have been Jramphd out before it had timo tj spread. A fma'l naval force in Charleston harbor and in the Mississippi, coupled with a resolute declaration of the only li:;e of policy which is open to a President of the United States worthy of his position a declaration cf his unflinching resolution to employ the whole power of the govern ment cf which he is the head fcr the pur pose of its preservation would probably have rendered any further erpcal to furce unnecessary. But the precious, the irre trievable moments have beta allowed to escape,' and America must wct-p iu icaxs of blood the laisfortunc which has givt'n to faction its strongest cncf.urageuient in the weakness of' her Constitution d the vacillation cf her Chief Id nitrate. A Go..d Hit. Mr. Mi-Kcown, a mem ber cf Congress from New York, intro duced the following pungent resolution, in the course of a short speech be made ia. the llousevou the ISth inst. It presents the whole score of the secession movement in a "nut shell." It Is pcrhps the on T amendment to the Constitut'n u that would satisfy Southern secessionists aad Aortn crn sympathisers, in the Bemecrunc par tv 2?-fic7ccJt That disunion and treason may be made lawful by adding to Art. -of the Constitution, the following amend ment, to wit: Section f. AVhc&tver party shall be defeated in an clecticn lor President and Vice President, such parJ may rebel aud take up .'inn?, and una tion as the latter party shail dictate, the Union shall be at an end." thea UXGLAND HAS SOMETHING XO Akout the Mississippi. The 1-s r papers claim a right to navigate the sissippi, which, they say, secession c.' abrogate. Bv the treaty of Pai- -;'r-on the 30th of November, l71'.l. p. stipulated that navigation of the pi, from iU source to the coca 11, ever icniain free and open to the euDJt of Great Britain and the citrus 01 United States. Mns. Pouulas in a Fix- AvnCu.iful per cotemporary says that the boa -and accomplished wift of Judge JV made a wager of 8100, prior to tHO 1 election, that the would bleep next President of the United State-. 11. - x i i. ii .. ..t. ttc nv u me successuu snau uuupt priuclples oi' the defeated parly, and con- r.f ihc Constiur
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers