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DEMOCRAT AND STAR,
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" ' ' Bloomsburg. Columbia County, Pa.
J - For tiie Democrat and Star.
CAMP AIGN SONG, No. 8.
.; .' BY RAVEN.
"AlR Kob Mountain.
A voiee comes Bounding through the hills,
And echos back among the rills, '
From Berks it spreads along the vales'
; That Clymer is the man.
He's one of Pennsylvania's sons, '
. ' 'lie stands among her noble Ones, '
Through whom the blood of Hiester runs,
I And marks him as the man.
No one sustains a purer facie, -
There rests no blot upon his name, r
III? country's honor is his aim,
We need just such a man.
When in the councils of the State,
IIe was a lion in debate,
Amidst opposing strenglhand hate, .... ,
lie showed himself a man. '
When Negroites made much ado,
And money ptfshed the question: through,
lie boldly stood and voled ','no."
And proved himself a man. .
lie pressed the Soldier'sTionest claim,
, In war and peace, he was the game,
He played no mevcenary game,
But always played the man. -
And now while wider troubles grow,
: We need a man to help us through,
A man who dares his duty do,
And Clymer is that man.
The broken arch we' must repair,
The Keystone will sustain her share,
We'll sti ike if tome will tell us where,
... And Clymer i3 the man. .
Eacfc State must herj) the President,
And stand by him in each event,
If any will, with pure intent,
Then Clymer is that man.
Then 'rouse ye Democratic host,
Let evey man be at his post,
And we soon can shout the toast,
.That Clymer is the man.
. Hon. LEVI L. TATE.
" The preliminary contest for State Senator,
so far at least as this county is concerned,
has closed, and the result has been the se
lection of the gentleman whose name heads
this article. , We believe the decision of the
convention will meet the popular approval.
Not but that either of the gentlemen named
for that position, would have been as warm
ly supported by the masses, as their success
ful competitor, but on account of the posi
tion he has occupied for the past few years,
is his selection a fitting one.. No Democrat
in this county ha3 been more persistently
abused and more bitterly persecuted by our
political opponents. The shafts of their
malice have been unceasingly directed at his
venerable head. By their silly and harmless
ridicule they have sought to bring him into
contempt By their foul-mouthed abuse
they have endeavored to bringupon him dis
honor and shame. By their threats they
hoped to make him succumb to their power.
But how signally they have faOed,let his pop
ularity with the people the masses of this
county attest The more his political oppo
nents abused, persecuted, slandered, ridicul
ed or threatened him, the closer he clung to
the tenets of his political faith. He defied
their threat and laughed to scorn their
malice and impotent ravings, while their siHy
ridicule fell harmless at his feet To-day he
stands ahead and shoulders above them all.
We, trust the conference will give him a
unanimous nomination, He is deserving of
it .We clip the following complimentary re
marks in reference to the subject of our short
article, from the columns of the Democrat
and Star : -
" (Jn last Monday 4he Democratic Con
vention of this county, nominated the Hon.
LetiL. Tate, for State Senator, with a res
olution directin the Conferees to use all
honorable means to secure his nomination by
the District Conference. It is certain CoL
XATE was deserving., tnis, nonor. . Having
Ecrved the Democratic Party earnestly, as an
editor and public speaker j for a period of
over thirty years,' It was only a spontaneous
tribute of the people ta his honesty, capaci
ty and fidelity. He is very favorably known,
not only in the District, but throughout the
State--served faithlully in our State Legis-
htTrre,'1 as a Democratic champion of liberty,
Trhen it was considered treason by our politi
cal opponents, who were then in power, to
li a Democrat he is very," popular among
e people on 'account of his ..high, social
ending, and for having aided the Dmoc-
y largely with botn pen and voice in every
ilitical contest idnco 1SC6. - The Democra
r of this District can do no greater credit to
mselres than to connrm the nomination
llx. Tate, and we feci sure that he will
ive such a vote as his labora deserve."
2. CO t 300 I 4.00
3 0o 5,oO I 6,00
5,00 7,00 8.50
6. UO I J0,"o
lO.Oo J? 00 (14 00
13.00 IS W I 20.00
Important to Every Voter.
The issues of the present campaign are
about these, which every candid and consci
entious reader and voter ought to seriously
consider before the October elections :
1st. TheKegro. The Disunion party fa
vor negro suffrage. Every man is in favor
of srivins the nero civil protection. But it
is not necessary to give him the privilege of
the elective franchise in order to do this.
"Aliens are protected, women are defended,
children are guarded by the civil law, with
out having the privilege of voting. The
Disunion party go in for negro suffrage. Is
it necessary? Is it reasonable f Is it pos
sible? Is it advisable ?
2d. Class Lrffifhitton. The Disunionisfc?
favor class , les'tJation. . No law should 'be
passed that will discriminate in favor of the
negro or prefer him bofore the white man,
yet the last Disunion Congress did little else
during the last session but pass laws favor
ing the negro. . The civil rights bill exoner
ates him from the penalty of State laws and
gives him great advantages over the white
man iriCourt, granting him the privilege of
being tried in .the Courts of the United
States foe offences against the State, whUe
the white cuizen is amenable to the penal
ties of Statelaws. . Is this just?. : , '
3d. Rrpeaditures. The Freedmen's Bu
reau Bill, another Disunion measure, makes
large appropriations, amounting to some
twenty millions of dollars, to feed lazy and
idle fi-eedmen, who are as able to work as
the tax-payers of the Noith. Is this right?
Is it advisable? - Congress voted two thou-,
sand dollars to each of its mcmbeis in the
shape of extra pay. Was this neccessary ?
Was it advisable to increase the present bur
dens of the nation to the tune of seven hun
dred thousand dollars ? These are all Dis
4th. State Rights. The Disunion raity
favor a consolidated government We think
Pennsylvania State should have the control
of her own election laws, fcc. We always
have maintained that right. If she has that
right, so should every other Suite have a
similar right. The Disunion party are op
posed to Stale Rights. The Democratic
party are in favor of Slate Rights and in
favor of a Union of States only for general
purposes and general defence.
5th. Soldiers' Boun'.ies. Congress gave
only one-fourth of the soldiers any bounty
at all, and to those they only gave about one
bundled to two hundred dollars a piece,
without making any appropriation for its
payment, while the negro soldier is paid
three hundred dollars in money already ap
propriated. Is this just ? Is it patriotic ?
6th. Representation. Is it right to tax
the South and refuse them representation?
Is it just for one portion of the Union to
make laws taxing another portion who have
no representatives in Congress ? The Dis
union party say yes ! The Democratic Par,y
say no ! The signers of the Declaration of
Independence said no!
1th. Exempting Bonds From Tax. The
poorest man in the North has to pay his
share of the general National debt, while
the rich man can put his money into U. S.
Bonds and escape taxation. This is the pol
icy of the Disunion party. Is it just? Is it
honest to do so ?
Slh. Amending the Constitution. Is it
necessary to disturb that ancient and honor
able document that emanated from the
brains of the founders of our Republic?
The Disunion parly say that amendments
avc necessary. The Democrats say not. Is
it nccessaiy to say in it thai "no Stale shall
pass any law abridging the privileges or the
immunities of any cii.izen," when it is known
that the laws of every State protect even
aliens ? Is it desirable to change the basis
of representation thafe has stood unchanged
for nearly a century? We say no. Is it
necessary to say in the Constitution that the
Rebel debt frhall not be paid, when the Rebel
bonds themselves say so? These bonds pro
vide for payment only on the condition that
the United States acknowledge the Indepen
dence of the Rebel States. Is it it necessary
then to change the fundamental law of the
land for this? The Disunionists say it is.
We say no.
9th. Forgiceness. Is it a part of the
creed of a Christian people to forgive, or is
it a part of their creed not to forgive? Arc
we not all Rebels against not a human
but a Divine Government? If we will not
forgive rebels against human law, can we
expect forgiveness, who are rebels against
Divine law? Is eternal enmity desirable ?
10th. lopcrity. Is it not the true policy
of thus Government and the heartfelt wish
of every patriot to see th 3 whole countiy
prosper the cotton interests as well as the
coal interests the sugar interests as well as
the corn interests ? Are we not all concerned
in cheap cotton and sugar ? Every additional
pound of cotton, tobacco, rice or sugar that
U raised in the South makes such articles so
much cheaner in the North. Do ' we not
then stand in our own light when we oppose
Southern prosperity? Are not our own
merchants, mechanics and manufacturers op
posing their own interests by opposing the
llth. Peace. Does not a condition of
peace and good-feeling prosper the country
and relieve the Northern citizen, by enabling
the South to increase her wealth and her
real estate valuation, and her business, which
will throw upon her greater taxation, every
dollar of which will just relieve the North
ern tax-payer so much ? . Is not peace there
fore desirable ? ; ' .'
12th. Tariff. Is a change in the tariff
necessary, and if necessary, is it worth while
to elect Disunion men to .Congress for this
purpose, when it 13 well known that the last
DisuEioa Congress-" absolutely ".refused to
change the tariff laws, though every Con
gressman from Pennsylvania, except one
Republican, voted for a higher tariff on iron?
We say, is there any force in the argument
that Disunion tariff men should be elected,
when it is known that, when elected, they
will not vote for increased duties on iron?
Voters, consider these matters seriously
and vote conscientiously. The true patriot
goes in for the best interest of the whole
country. Consider well these questions bo
fore voting. . '
If you think the negro should vote, say
so and vote so. If you think that the white
man should work hard to feed the negro,
vote so. If you think there should be class
legislation, vote so. If you think a negro
soldier ought to get more Government boun
ty than a white soldier, vote so. If you
think there should be taxation without rep
resentation, say so, vote so. If you think
bonds should not be taxed, vote so. If you
think our good old Constitution should be
tinkered up, voie so. If you don t forgive
and don't expect forciveucss, vote so. If
you are opposed to ; the prosperity of the
whole countiy, vote so. If you are opposed
to Union and peace, vote so. But if not,
vote the Democratic ticket
From the Hartford Courant (Rep,).
There is to be a convention at Cleveland,
Ohio, next month, of soldiers and sailors
who sustain the platform of the late Phila
delphia Convention. We regret to see in
some of our Republican exchanges an nn-
qualified. condemnation of the men who have
feigned the call, and the application of such
terms as cowards and poltroons to th'cm and
all who shall atlend the convention. While
it is eminently proper to condemn such meas
ures as mav seem to us hostile to the best in
terests of the country, i he Union Republi
can party will gain nothing, but lose much,
by resorting to personal defamation. Among
the signatures to the call for the Cleveland
Convention arc many names which have ad
cd lustre to the annals of the late war for the
Union names of brave men, who fought
gal'antly, and, in many cases, poured out
their blood for the good cause. Shall such
men be termed cowards and poltroons be
cause they do not, forsooth, happen to think
and act precisely as we do ? Has it come to
this, that all men must think jjike, and act
a'ike ; that conscience and judgment shall
rest alone with one party, whose pverogative
it shall be to sit down in the temple of his
own conceit, and thank God "we are not as
other men, extortioners, adulters, etc ?" We
had better be publicans than such Republi
The Union pai ty cannot afford to become a
party of BrowDlowsand Stevcnscs. . Its self
respect, to say nothing of its bright record
in the past, demands something higher and
better. We have never lost anyt'uing yet by
appealing to the reason of men. What ne
cessity, then, is there now for appealing to
low passions ? The tangible proof the party
gave of its ability to save the Union is evi
dence that it can maintam the Union, if good
couHsels will be listened to. But if men are
to be abused for opinion's sake ; if the stand
ard of admission to the party is to be placed
above reason and common sense, on the very
pinnacle of fanaticism and proscription, the
opportunity will be lost, and the party will
die in the house of those who call themselves
its best friends.
While we have no sympathy whatever
with the so-called Philadelphia movement,
the political trickery of which is covering up,
for the time being, the pro-rebel and the
pro-Democratic element of strength which it
mainly rtiie3 upon for success is so transpa
rent that it will
glimmer through a blind man's eye ;"
-et we would not dispute the right of sol
diers and sailors to assemble in Cleveland to
endorse the movement, nor stoop to that
low partisanshipwhichwouIdcallthc.se men,
who have furnished the best evidence of
their loyalty and bravery, cowards and pol
troons. Our Union Republicanism is not of
A Lousisiaxa Loyalist. The individ
ual who represented Louisiana in the late
Disunion Convention of Southern loyalists
was no other than B. Rush Plumley a man
who, in 1850 was driven out of this town for
attemp.'ing to bride voters. This Tlnmley
is a man of no character whatever, and could
not get a vote in the city of New Orleans for
the position of Constable. He has been liv"
ing, like Beast Butler, on what was stolen
from the Defenceless woman and children of
New Orleans ever since its capture by orr
Navy and was lately a high priest in the
Freedmen's Bureau Department, but was
kicked out of that for alleged cotton frauds.
We think Mr. Plumley was a veiy patriotic
man during the war, but we never heard of
his risking his carcass where there was any
danger. Sunday Mercury.
A witty young rascal, passing the
town of , in Alabama, not long since,
wanted some whiskey, and knowing it could
only be obtained by a physician, wrote
himself an order, signing it with his own
name, to which a learned M. D. was attached.
He presented it at the drug store of a gen
tleman who, though unrecognized by him,
proved to be an old acquaintance. "Hello,
Frank," said he, "when did you get to be a
" I'm not a doctor."
. ,sWhy, what's that M. D. to your name
. Frank saw he was caught ; but determined
to make the best of it, put on a very inno
cent look and meekly answered ; '
" Oh ! that'afor Mighty Dry?' .
i Of course he got the whiskey.
CO. PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26,1866. wSEniEsj VOL. L NO 31.
General Stoneman's Speech at
Friends and Fdloic- Countrymen .You
have called before you not a partizan or poli
tician, but a simple citizen of the government
of the United States, knowing no North?no
South, no East, no West The war in which
the people of this greatest of all great coun
tries has been engaged daring the past event
ful years is ended, the issues upon which the
war was based are settled. H there is any
thing to be forgiven, let it be forgiven ; if
there is anything to be forgot, let it be for
gotten. Let us recollect that we have but
one country and one flag. The object for
which we are all assembled here to-night is,
as I understand it, reconstruction nd re
union. You may force a separated man and
wife to live in the same house, lodge in the
same room, but they will never be re-united
as man and wife, until they have first become
reconciled. I said the war was ended. As
we were enemies in war, let us be again
friends, and in this sentiment I know that
none will join nie more heartily than the gal
lant and distinguished president of this as
semblage. The bravery that was displayed
daring the past by each one engaged in the
war, let it be the common property of all.
We soldiers that done the fighting are rec
onciled and want peace and harmony, and we
call upon you editors of the laud to aid us
with your pens and tongues. Preachers of
the Gospel whose solemn obligation is to
preach peace and good will, we ask your
prayers and invocations, and from you, poli
ticians, we demand that you shall cease your
wrangling and allow the good work to go on
until our object i3 attained. And your fair
maidens and noble matrons, who, during the
fijht'ng, cheered us with your smiles and
fiighteucd us with your frowns, lend us the
potency of your power in the accomplish
ment of a woik so laudable and so noble. As
I am not a candidate for your suffrages, nor
never expect to le, nor never cast a vote for
President in my life, you will not expect me
to define my posiaou ; bat this much I will
say : I have been a member of a club for
near a quarter of a century, and which was
orgairzed three-quarters of a century ago.
By the Constitution of that club its Presi
dent is elected every four years. Its first
President was George Washington ; its pres
ent President is Andrew Johnson, whom the
people call "Our Andy.""
A Good Deal Mixed.
The Cincinnati Enquirer (Radical Demo
crat) having been burned out of its former
establishment, that paper is being printed at
the office of the Tinv-s (Radical Republican. )
The Commercial, of that city, pleasantly
comments upon the incidental perplexities of
the situation, as follows:
The editorial corps of both papers occupy
the same room. We can imagine the em
barrassment that must occasionally result
from such mingling of political antipodes
Abolition editor on one side of the table, and
Democratic editor on the other, peppering
away at each other with the deadly lead
(pencil) and thrusting vicious stabs at each
other with flashing steel (pens,) to say noth
ing of the clash of resounding sc issors, which
play no unimportant part in the engagement.
Just think! nothing but a narrow table be
tween such fiery belligerents. One side try
ing to haul ten states into the Union by the
collars of their gray jackets, and the other
side endeavoring to keep them out by tug
ging at their abbreviated coat-tails. Between
them the States have a tough time of it
Enquirer editor is horrified to find him
self writing an article in favor of the Civil
Rights Bill, and discovers that he has got
on the wronsr side of the tible. Times edi
tor making a similar mistake, catches him
self eulogizing Andy Johnson.
The "clippings" get mixed upon their
way to the compositors, and if it were not
for great ciicumspection on the part of the
respective foremen, each paper would copy
and endorse the most pernicious doctrines.
Suppose the pressmen should print the En
quirer on one side and the Times on the
other, the mistake not being discovered until
several packages had been sent with the
early malls. Who can picture the conster
nation which would seize the respective pro
prietors? BoU-ng with rage, they rush to
the press room together and discharge the
unfortunate pressmen with one voice. The
indignation of the Enquirer folks is only
equalled by the shame of the Times people.
Both assert with equal bitterness, that they
were never so humiliated before.
It must be very confusing to visitors, this
singular fellowship. : A Copperhead from
Holmes County rushes in giasps Times editor
wanuly by the hand, under the impression
that he is the editor of the Enquirer, assur
ing him that "Holmes County can't be
drafted." He don't know the war is over.
Malignant Radical mistakes Enqui. er editor
for Times editor, and thinking to curry favor
with him, chuckles over the destruction of
the Enquirer establishment He is summa
rily kicked down the stairs by the combined
editors of the two papers.
What a scene election night must present
as the returns come in, each side of the table
trying to figure out a victory, and each side
of course, claiming it A frantic strudi
between the Times man and the Enquirer
man, as each tries to thrust his flag out of
the same window compromise! at last Ly
hanging them from different stories, which is
ouite appropriate, from the fact that they
tell different stories of the election. A
brass band played in front of the office.-
The serenade is claimed alike by the Times
editor and the Lnmurcr editor. Ihey ap
pear at different windows and return their
fuses the band to such an extent that they
march off in several directions, each man
playing a different tune. It is a terrible
mix, take it altogether.
Joint Resolution proposing an Amendment
to the Constitution of the United States.
Resolved, By the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, two-thirds
of both Houses concurring, that the follow
ing article be proposed to the Legislatures of
the several States as an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, which,
when ratified by three-fourths of said Leg
islatures, shall be valid as part of the Con
stitution, namely :
'Article . Section 1. All persons born
or naturalized in the United States, or sub
ject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens
of the United States and of the State where
in they reside. No State shall make or en
force any laws which shall abridge or im
prove the privileges or immunities of citizens
of the United States, nor shall any State de
prive any person of life, liberty, or property,
without due process of law, nor deny to any
person within its jurisdiction the equal pro
tection of the laws.
Sec. 2. Representatives shall be appor
tioned among the several Slates according to
their respective numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each Stite, excluding
Indians not taxed. But whenever the right
to vote at any election for Electors of Presi
dent or Vice President, or for United States
Representatives in Congress, Executive or
Judicial officers, or the members of the Leg
islature thereof, is denied to any of the male
inhabitants of such State, "being twenly-onc
years of age, and citizens of the United
States, or in any way abridged, except for
articipation in rebellion or other crime, the
basis of representation therein f-hall be re
duced to the proportion which the number
of such ma'c citizens shall bear to the whole
number of male citizens twenty-one years of
age in such State.
Sec. 3. No person shall ho a Senator, or
Representative in Congress, or Elector t
President or Vice President, or hold any
office, civic or military, under the Lnitcd
States, or under any Sta le, who, having pre
viously taken an oatlr as member of Congress
or as a member of any State Legislature, or
as an executive , or judicial officer of any
State, to suppose the Constitution of the
United States, shall have engaged in insur
rection or rebellion against the same, or giv
en aid or comfort to the enemies thereof;
but Congress may, by a two-thirds vote of
each House, remove such disability.
Sec. 4 The validity of the public debt of
the United States, authorized by law, inclu
ding debts incurcd for the payment of pen
sions and bounties for sen ices in suppressing
the insurrection, shall not be questioned, but
neither the United States nor any Slate
shall assume or pay any debt or obligation
incurred in aid of iusuircciion or rebellion
against the United Stales, or any claim for
the loss, or emancipation cf any slave, but
all such debts, obligations and claims shall
be held illegal and void. .
Black-and-Tan at Philadelphia.
Fkederick Douglass told the black
guards we do not use the term in any of
fensive sense, but simply mean those who
have constituted them selves the special guar
dians of the blacks at Philadelphia, that
negroes had as good a right to vote as the
English, Irish and Dutch ; and the argu
ment was applauded as unanswerable. The
thing was well put by Frederick, and may
have been original with him, but is not new.
It was, for a considerable period, a favorite
way of putting the cae, by one certainly, if
not more, of the Republican journals of this
city ; and it it has not made its appearance
of late, the fact is due partly perhaps to pru
dential considerations an unwillingness, by
invidious remarks, to alienate the foreign
born voters among us and partly to a pro
gress in sentiment to the point which would
admit that the negroes have as good a light
to vote as anybody.
The intellectual state of the assemblage of
persons who applauded this saying of the col
ored orator may be gussed at from the fact
that they seemed to choose to be instructed
by negroes aud women. One white delegate
from the South volunteered a confession that
the negroes had passed around the hat
among themselves to raise the means to pay
his expenses, which will afford a pretty good
idea of the style of men of which the body
was composed. Their knowledge of and re
spect for the Constitution may be seen in the
fact that when JonN M. Bona declared that
a forty years' study of that instrument had
led him to believe that it gave no power to
Congress to enfranchise the negroes, he was
answered by hisses. It is pretty evident that
the longer the Convention sat the more ne
groey it grew. Considerations of prudence
gave way before the growing enthusiasm.
When Mr. Randolph, a mulatto from New
Orleans, rushed to the rostrum and demand
ed tunes of impassioned eloquence suffrage
for the negroes in consideration of their la
bors and their sacrifices in the war, the ex
citement burst all bounds ; Congo and Saxon
rushed to mutual embraces. Docglass and
Dickinson swapped hats ; and the chances
seemed toie that the furor would hardly be
gotten rid of without a resort to those cere
monies which used to be employed for a simi
lar purpose by the Anti-baptists and Adam
ites in Europe, the Vandaux in Africa, and
the Millerites if all that is said about them
is true in the United States.
lhe Dandy is a clothes-wearing man,
a man whose trade, offiee and existence con
sists in the wearing of clothes. Every fac
ulty of his soul, spirit, purse and person is
heroically consecrated to this one object
the wearing of clothes wisely and well, so
that as others dress to live helives to dress.
The State Nominations.
It is creditable to the patriotism and good
feeling of the delegates, that, with so many
fit namescompcting for the Governorship, the 1
Convention wa-i able to make a nomination
by acclamation. It was from no lack of other
strong names that Mayor Hoffman was se
lected, as if by a common impulse, without
the formality of a ballot. It was judged nee"
cssary for the party to present a compact and
united front ; and as, among the excellent
competing names, his was borne to Albany on
the strongest tide of popular favor, it was
magnanimously agreed by the friends of the
other candidates to withdraw them withouta
contest, and unite as one man in placing
Mayor Hoffman at the head of the ticket.
We have for several weeks expected this
result, although we were at one time inclined
to doubt whether the delegates from the
rural districts might not think some other
candidate better fitted to weaken the Repub
lican party, by drawing off conservative votes.
Had the Radicals nominated a moderate, able
man, such a course might have been expedi
ent ; but even then it would have been un
wise, unless the whole Democratic party
would have cord:ally consented. But as
ainst a narrow, bitter Radical, likcFENTON,
there was no reason in the world why a regu
lar Democrat should not be taken. FiAton
has no hold on conservatives of any descrip
tion ; he has no qualities to attach voters on
any other ground man party sympainy.
Under these circumstances, the Conservative
Republicans could have no reason for asking
any greater prominence on the ticket than cor
responded to theirrelalive numerical strength
The leading nomination, therefore, clearly
belonged to the Democrats, and from among
the good names at the disposal of the Con
vention, it has undoubtedly taken the best
Ifeto York World.
A Capital Detective. liNo dogs ad
mitted sir," said the porter to a gay assem
blage, as a young man and his dog appeared
at the entrance. You must leave him be
hind if you go in.
"Very well." said the young man, "you
must be about here, Prince, till I comeback,
and he joined the crowd within. By-and-by
the young man wished to refer to his
watch, when, behold ! the chain had Wen
snapped into.and the valuable time-piece was
gone. He considered the case a moment,
and then a sudden thought flashed through
his mind. So, stepping out whispered the
fact to the porter, and gained permission to
take the dog in a minute or two.
'"Look here, rrince,you knowing dog, my
watch is stolen." and he showed him the
empty pocket, and the cut chain. "Do you
understand, old fellow ? In there, sir, is the
thief. You find it, my good doggie, and I'll
get you a famous treat. You understand
Prince wagged his head and tall, and gave
his master a wonderful knowing look and
then the two stole quietly into the palace.
Quiet1' this dumb detective glided around
among the people, smelling awy at this one's
coat and that one's chain, untU at last he
set his teeth firmly into the skirt of a gen
teel looking man, and could not be shaken
off. The young man quietly made known
the case to the bystanders, who gathered
around him, and had the thief s pocket duly
searched. Six other watches were found
upon him, which he had gathered up in the
course of the morning, and which their right
ful owners were very glad to get their hands
1 , 11" x
on. l mice seieciea ins masters property in
a twinkling as that was all he cared for, and
gave it to him joyfully. It would have ta
ken a very keen policeman to do the work so
neatly and all agreed that he merited as good
dinner as- a dog could have. A good beef
bone and a bowl of milk, however abundant
ly satisfied all his wants, and then he was
just as ready to do the same favor again.
The Difference Between
Congressman and the Boys in Blue.
"He that providethnot for his own house
hold is worse than an infidel. So thought
the Radical Congress when it voted its mem
bers $4000 extra pay, and appriated the
money to pay it. It took good care to do
the latter part It found time enough for
They voted the, "boys in blue" some S50,
and some $ 103 extra bounty pay, but hadn't
time, or was too careless, to make the neces
sary appropriation to pay it.
The consequence ia, that the Congressmen
got their extra pay, while the "boys in blue"
don't get theirs, but will have to wait until
Congress again meets and makes the neces
sary appropriation. As the old cat with her
mouth over the cream pan said to the kittens:
"Wait, honeys, your turn will come by ,and
by, ' ' so say the Radicals to the ' 'boys in blue. ' '
Look on This Picture, Then on That.
This Radical Congress voted the black sol
dier $300forextra bounty, and appropriated
the money to pay it
It also voted the white soldierSOO in some
cases, in others $100 cxtrabounty, but made
noppropriation to pay it
The black soldiers are drawing their $300
extra bounty. The white soldiers must wait
until Congress can be induced to make an ap
propriation for them.
When the black was concerned, the Radi
cal Congress made no mistake. It was only
when the white needed its services that it
was careless, indifferent, orhadn t time.
SST It is related of an elderly dandy, who
was more noted for running into de.bt than
for paying his tradesmen, that he always
made an exception in favor of his wig-maker,
that he might be enabled to say that he wore
" his own hair." , , ,
EST A man advertises for "competent
persons to undertake the sale of a new med
icine," and adds that it will be profitable for
The Mulatto Convention.
It is useless to apply any other name to
the degraded and besotted conglomeration
that met in Philadelphia, last week. The
word " Unionist" if insisted upon by the
party that upholds and fraternizes with the
motley assemblage of whites and blacks in
the National Hall and League House, Phila
delphia, must, hereafter, designate the true
character of the party, and be applied in a
literal sense, to mean a social and political
amalgamation of whites and blacks. We
say4 hereafter the name Unionist, when ap
plied to them must mean what they advocate
a union of the races a mongrelism a
piebald and mulatto constituency disgust
ing, brutalizing and diseased. The Conven-
tion was a gathering of blacks and whites,
and they carried on with a high hand. They
threw off all restraint, went in for negro suf
frage and negro equality ; and practically,
they endorsed the latter. In the procession
which marched through the . streets was
Browiilow, John W Geary, Disunion candi
date for Governor, and Fred. Douglass, head
ing a negro delegation. Douglass and the
negroes were cheered heartily as they passed
along, by the Gearyitcs who lined the street
The negro acknowledged the compliment by
uncovering his head and bowing to the Geary
admirers. At the Union League House, on
Broad street, the following scene occurred.
We quote from the Evening Tdegraph, a
radical journal. . It says :
" Three loud cheers were given for Gov
ernor Curtin, the Soldiers' lricndt and his
Excellency from the portico bowed his thanks.
Fred. Douglass, arm in arm with Theodore
Tilton, of " The New York Independent,"
came up the steps."
At the Union League, Senator " blood
letting Chandler," of Michigan, addressed
the Radical crowd, and spoke bitterly of
President Johnson, stigmatizing both him
and Secretary Seward in the most outrageous
terms, spoke of the former as an obstacle in
the path of, radicalism, and significantly
stated: " The obstacle tJiat is now in Via
way of the people tcill be removed in a very
short time. ' ' This looks as if he anticipated
another Booth to make way with the Presi
dent And further he said : " Who is An
drew Johnson, and what is Andrew John
son's policy ? (A voice, "heisa renegade.")
Andrew Johnson has no more right to
policy than my horse has."
He also threatened the President with im
peachment Chandler continued at length
in a scurrilous and blasphemous speech of
which the above is a fair sample. Governor!
Yates threatened war and thought Montgom
ery Blair ought to be hung. Before Yates
had got through, loud calls were made for
the negro, Fred. Douglass. When the dar
key appeared the report states the " audi
ence rose and greeted him with enthusiastic
manifestations." Fred asked the question,
what was to be done with the four or five
millions of blacks in the United States. He
answered by saying:
"It was the thorough, the complete incor
poration of the whole black element into the
American body politic. (Cries of " Good.
Bravo, " &.c. ) Anythi ng less than that would
prove an utter failure. The neoroes should
have the right to all the boxes the jury-box,
the witness-box, the ballot-box."
As Douglass left the stand, the delegates
gathered 'round and shook hands with him
xn the most cordial and admiring manner.
Jealous Brownlow has gone to New York
and has delighted the Radicals of that city so
much with his scurrilous abuse of the oppo
nents of the Jacobine conspirators tnat
G reely has become jealous of his reputation,
and he tries to outdo the Tennessee scullion,
in efforts to revile the President It is not
likely that Greely will succeed, for Brownlow
has accumulated a larger amount of slang
phrases than any other blackguard in the
countiy. Even forney tacitly acknowledges
that he is no match for the old scoundrel,
who, when in the power of the rebels at the
commencement of the war, was spared by
them in order that he might inflict himself
upon the northern people.
A Case of Spontaneous Combustion
The Loyal League House, in Philadelphia,
in sympathy with the " Loyal Convention"
in session there, went off in a blaze, and con
sumed itself by fire, just as the crazy fools of
the Convention want to consume their coun
try. The fire caught in the laundry, where
the dirty linen of the Convention was stored.
It was a case of spontaneous combustion.
The linen had taken the distemper from the
backs of those who had been wearing it, and
when thrown in a pile, it got hotter than a
compost heap and took fire. Should the
Insurance Company be called upon to make
good the loss in such a case ?
CtaT" Whenever you see a gal with a whol9
lot of sweethearts, it's an even chance if she
gets married to any of 'em. One cools off
and another cools off, and before she can
bring any on 'em to the right weldin' heat,
the coal is gone and the fire is out Then
she may blow up a dust, but the deuce of a
flame can she blow up again to save her soul
I never see a clever looking gal in danger
of that but what I long to whisper in her
"ear, " You dear little critter, you, take care,
you have too many irons in the fire, some on
'em will get stone cold, and t'other ones will
get stone cold, and t'other ones will get
burnt, so they'll be no good in nature. Sam
Laboring Men 1 devote ono day now to
the defeat of the Disunionists who would
deprive you of the privilege of voting, and
support no man for Assembly "who will
not pledge himself to the repeal of tho
odious election laws of the last session of the