Raftsman's journal. (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, April 18, 1866, Image 4

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' tor Andrew Johnson. Laughter. 1 It is perhaps ;
the beat answer, though 'I should hardly have
- Yen tared to hare used avoir harsh language In
rtfereaeo to the . President of the United States,
, as to accuse him of quibbling and demagogueing
and playing the mere politician, in sending a ve
to message to the Congress of the United States.
The President also makes some other allusions to
this bill ef the same character ; for instance, he
speaks of the impropriety of marriages between
white and blacks ; he then goes on to say, "i
don't say that this bill repeals State laws on the
subject of marriages. Well, then, for what pur
pose U it introduced in this bill ? Not surely as
an ad taptamdum argument, to exoite prejudices,
or as the argument of a demagogue and politi
cian. The President further says: -If it be
granted that Congress can repeal ail State laws,
discriminating between whites and blacks on the
subject covered by this bill, why, it may be ask
ed, may not Congress repeal in the same way all
State laws discriminating botween the two races
-on the subjects of suffrage and' office? .If Con
gress ean declare by law who shall hold lands,
who shall testify, who shall hare capacity to
. make a contract in a State, then Congress can al-
- so, by law, declare who, without regard to rase or
olor,aaaU hare the right to sit aa a juror or as a
judge, to hold any office, and finally, to vote in
Terr State and '.territory of the United States."
Perhaps the best answer, Mr. President, I could
rive to this would be the answer of Andrew John
son- himself. 'He undertook to reorganise State
UovernmenU in the disloyal fctates. When he
did so. to whom did he extend the rizht of suf
frage ? To the blacks ? Mo, sir. But he extend
ed the right of suffrage to those anthoriied to
- Tote under the laws ef the States before the Rebel
lion. When urged to allow the loyal blacks to
vote, what was his answer ? That be bad no pow
er ; that it was unconstitutional, liut he naa
nower to nrotect themin their civil rights, and
La did protect them in their civil rights. Then,
if it be true that protection in civil rights car
ries with it the right ef suffrage, what becomes
of the position no assumea wnen no extended
civil rights to tho negro all through the South as
I shall presently show, by orders issued. by his
authority, and yet refused to give them the right
or sunrago on the ground mat ne naa no constitu
tional power to do it that it was a right vested
in the States, with which he oould not interfere?
liut, sir, the grant of civil rights does not, and
never did, in this country, carry with it political
rights, or more properly speaking, political priv
ileges. A man may be a citizen in this country
without the right to vote, or without the right to
bold office. The right to vote and hold office in
the State depends upon the Legislatures of the
various States. The right to hold offioe under
the Federal Government depends upon the Con
stitution of the United States. The President
must bo a natural born citizen ; a Senator, a Rep
' resentat've, must have been a citizen of the Uni
ted States for a certain number of years, before
he ean be elected a member of either this, or the
- ether House of Congress, so that the fact of being
a citizen docs not qualify a person for holding
office necessarily, nor does it necessarily author
ize him to vote Wonfen are citizens, children
are citizons. but they do not exercise the elective
franchise, by virtue of their citizenship. For
eigners, as is stated by the President in this mes
sage, before they are naturalized, are .protected
in their rights enumerated in this bill. The
right to contract, the right to sue, and most o.
the rights I have enumerated They do not, be
cause they possess these rights, the right to
make a contract and to hold land, which is the
ease in most if not all the States at present I
say they do not therefore vote. The rights enu
merated in the bill do not oarry with them the
right to vote. But, sir, what rights do citizens
of the United States have? Thoy have some. To
be a citizen of the United States carries with it
some rights. What are they? Why, sir. they ore
those inherent and fundamental rights which be
long to every eitisen and freeman in all countries,
such as the rights enumerated in this bill, and
, they belong to citizens ia all the States oi the
Union. The rijbt of American citizenship means
something. It does not mean in the case of a
foreigner that when he is naturalised he is to be
left to the mercy of Stat legislators. lie has a
right, when duly naturalized, to go into any State
f the United States, and submitting to its laws,
reside there, and the United States would protect
him in that right. It wonld protect a oitizen of
the Unite I States, not only in one of the States
of the Union, but it will protect him in foreign
lands. In the language of Mr. Marsy, when Se
cretary of State, a citizen in a foreign country is
entitled to tho same protection, that is extended
by that Government to its own citizons.
' la the great essentia rights which I have enu
merated, the rights which belong to citizens, and
are known as natural rights,are denned by Black
stone in his definition of civil liberty, to be no
other than natural liberty so far restrained by hu
man law. but no further than is necessary and e
pedient for the general advantage of the public.
In this definition of civil liberty, it ought to bo
understood, or rather expressed, thattherestraint
introduced by the law be equal to all, or as much
so as the nature of the law will admit. Equality
- ef rights is the basis of the Commonwealth, as is
aid by Kent himself. In speaking of those
-rights, he says that the nature of the individuals
may be said to be included in the personal secu
rity the right of personal liberty, and the right
to acquire and enjoy property . Tbeserights have
mostly been considered, and frequently declared,
by the people of this country to be natural, inhe
rent and inalienable. What are they, sir? The,
right of personal security, personal liberty, and
the right to acquire and enjoy property; and
these are declared to be inalienable right.! be
longing to every citizen of the United States.
Kent, iu the second volume of his Commentaries,
ays that the privileges and immunities granted
by the Constitution of the United States to the
citizens of the several States were to be confined
to those which were in their nature fundamental,
and belonged of right to tho citizens of all free
Governments. Such are the rights of protection
of life and liberty and the right to acquire and
enjoy property. There is a ease reported in the
10th of Johnson, which goes much further than
. this, which dicides not simply that a citizen of
the United States as such is entitled to protection
in these rights, but that an alien enemy permit
ted to reside in the country during a time of war.
If he is allowed to reside here, is to be protected
in all these rights. In giving the opinion of the
Court in that case the Court savs lawful residence
implies protection and the capacity to sue and be
uea. i would iibo to inquire if the negro is
lawfully in this country ? If not, where does he
belong? By the law of nations an alien who goes
to reside in a country Is entitled, so long as he
conduct nimsetr aecently, to continue to reside
there under-the public protection. In the same
opinion tho learned Chancellor says this is the
puouciawor no rope; it is international law
and any person residing in the United States is en
titled to the protection of that law by the Federal
Government, because the Federal Government
has jurisdiction of mesh questions. And, str, if it
were not so. American citizenship would be worth
nothing. What ia it worth if it does not protect
the oitizen ia tome rights? How is it, sir, that
very person born in these United States owes al
legiance to the Government of the United States
Everything that be has.his property, his life.may
be taken by the Government of the United States
1n its defense or to maintain the honor of the na
tion. And ean it be sir, that our ancestors strug
gled through a long war to set up this Govern
ment, and that the people of our day have strug
gled through another war to maintain it that af
ter all the sacrifice we have made we have got a
Government which is all-powerful to command
obedience of the citizen, but has no power to af
ford him protection ! Is that all that this boast
ed Amerioan citizenship amounts to? Go tell it,
air, to tiro father whose son was starved to death
at Anderson ville; to the widow whose husband
was slain at Mission Ridge, or to the little boy who
toads bis blind father through the streets ef your
eity. who lost his eyes oa the G If coast. Go tell
them that this Government, in defense of whioh
the son, and husband fell and the father lost his
eyes, is a government which has a right to call
those persons to iu defense, tout has bo power to
protect iu friends in any rights whatever. Sir.
It eannot be. Such is not the meaning of our
Constitution. Such is not the meaning of American
citizenship. This Government, which would go
tp war to proteot iU meanest citizen or inhabi
tant in any foreign land, whose righta were un
justly encroached upon, has eertainly some pew.
er to protect its own citizens in their own coun
try. I past from the consideration of this first
section of the bill to the second, which is objected
to by the President, as affording discriminating
protection to tho colored persons. Sir, I will read
that section, and let u see if any of us can see
these discriminations:
c l-J Jl it furlher tuiwttd. Thai any Pr-
son who, under eolor of any law, statute, ordin
ance, regulation or custom, shall subject, or cause
to be' subjected, any inhabitant of any Stat or
Territory to the deprivation of any right, secur
ed or protected by this act, or to different pun
ishment, pains or penalties, oa account of such
person having at any time been held in a eondi
tion oi Biavery or involuntary ieruuc,
as a punishment for crime wnereoi me pari
shall have been duly eonvicted, or by reason of
his color or race, than is prescribed for the pun-
lahmentnf white nersons. shall be deemed Kuuiy
of a misdemeanor ; and, on conviction, shall be
Sunished by fine, not exceeding one thousand
ollars, or imprisonment. not exoeeding one year,
or both, in the discretion of the court.
Now, can human ingenuity point out wherein
that motion- discriminates in favor of colored
persons ? It says that no person shall subject a
colored person to a aiuereni punusumeui uiu
that inflicted on a white person, for the same of
fense. Does that discriminate in his favor? Why,
sirthevery object of the section is to present
discrimination. The effect of it is to prevent it,
as well as iU object ; and language, it does seem
to me. conld not more plainly express that effect.
It may be said that it is for the benefit of the
black man, because he is in some instances dis
criminated against by State laws ; but that is the
ease with all remedial statutes. They are for the
relief of persons who need relief, not for the re
lief of those who have a right already; a-d
whea those needing relief obtain it, they Btaod
upon the precise footing of those who do not need
it. There are, however, other and serious objec
tions made to this section, it is said that it pun
SOBU, VJ BUB KUU IIUJIIWUIUVUI. tagiomwio OTUV
pass such conflicting laws. Lor us see if that is
- i i x j : 1 I - u
the language, is the proper construction of the
provisions. I will read again the first line. It de
clares that any person who, under color of any
law, snail subject or cause to be subjected any in
habitant of any State or Territory to the depri
vation of any right secured or protected, to
Now, sir, who is to be punished ? Is the law to
be punished ? Are the men who make the law
to be punished? Not at all. If any person un
der color of any law shall subject a person, Ac,
he is to be punished. Who? Why, the person
who, under color of law, commiU the offense, not
the men who make the law. "If any person, un
der color oi any law, statute, ordinance, regula
tion or custom, Ac. In some oommunitiesof the
South a custom prevails by which a different pun
isbment ia inflicted upon the blacks from that
which is meted out to the whites for the same of
fense. This section proposes to pun Uh the com
munity, or to punish the person who, undercolor
or such custom, eomuiiu the onense. It is a moo
strous perversion of 'the meaning of the section
to give it any other construction. But it is said
that, under this provision, judges of the court
may be punished, and ministerial officers may be
punished, who are engaged in the execution of
any such statute as this, and this is made an ob
jection to the law. Well, sir, I admit that the
ministerial offioer and the judge, if he acts vi
ciously and corruptly in the execution of an ille
gal law, may be and ought to be punished. But
if he acted innocently the judge would not bo
punished. What, sir, is a crime? Why, it is a
violation of some public law, to constitute which
there must be an act, and a vicious will in doing
the aot ; or, according to the definition in some of
me law books, to constitute a crime, there must
be a violation of a public law coupled with an
intent, or withcriminal neglect. There must be
a union a joint operation of act and intent in
oraer to commit a crime ; and the judge, who for
the purpose of having this question decided in
the Federal CourU, should give a decision that
would allow the case to be brought up, who acted
innocently and not viciously, or oppressively,
would never be convioted before any court in
Christen lorn. But, sir, if he acted viciously and
oppressively, I repeat, he ought to be punished;
and it is no novel provision to put into a statute
book. Why, sir, very soon after the organization
of this Government, in the first year of its exist
ence, aa long ago as 1790,the Congress of the Uni
ted States provided for punishing men who.nnder
eolor of State laws, violated the laws of the Uni
ted States. I will read from the 26th section of
an act passed in 17W. "in case any person or
persons shall .sue for or prosecute any such writ
or process, suoh person or persons, and all attor
neys and solicitors prosecuting in such case, and
all officers executing any such writ or process.and
being eonvicted thereof, shall be deemed viola
tors of the laws of nations and disturbers of the
publio repose, and shall be imprisoned not ex
ceeding three years or finod $1,000, at tho diasre
tion ol the court."
Mr. Trumbull, after discussing theob ectioosof
the President to the second soction, reviewed
other portions of the Veto Message. In proot
that conflicting legislation ox is tod, and that dan
ger was to oa apprehended, from conflictm lee
islatien not yet affectod, Mr. Trumbull cited the
official returns of military officers connected with
the Freedman's Bureau, of State laws recently
enacted in prohibition of the right of the negro
to lease or own land, and other rights secured to
them in this bill. He also reterred to the milita
ry orders sanctioned by the President, showing
the same thing; among them, those of General
sickles at Charleston, cautioning the law-making
authorities against discriminating against any
class of the population, declaring; that all laws
Buoum expretsiy secure, in an respects, equal jus
tice to freedmen as to all other people. His or
der of March 4th declared the exclusive jurisdic
tion, in all cases affecting freedmen, of the Supe
rior and Circuit Provost CourU
llecontinued in illustration of the freauent ex
ercise of these powers under the discretion of thn
I President, and assumed a radical chance in the
. D -: , . - , .. ..? ..
i rcBiueui a opinions ana actios upon tnissubject.
lie also discussed the specific powers of the Pres
ident, claiming that the war power rested in Con
gress, ue aen proceeded to examine the obiec
tion of the President to the third section of the
bill, lyins acainst the extent of iuriHi-tmn tn
Federal couru granted in cases arising under this
act. xie claimed mat tne President had made a
strained construction of it, in assuming that all
coses arising under iu provisions must necessarily
be excluded from fhe State CourU. but if it did
sustain such construction, and it was found to be
me only saieguard for the nghu of the freed
men, he would freely say that their liberty should
bo maintained at all hazards, and he would fur
ther say that if it was found essontially necaisary
for their p rotection, he would put in the hands of
me colored men the bal.ot, and the bayonet too.
N far as he was concerned in connection with the
faith of the nation, pledged to protect those who
had fought to sustain the unity of the nation, he
would never cease in his efforts to make that
pledge good. To the objection made to the num
ber of officials and agents required by the bill,
he replied that it was all copied from the statute
known as the Fugitive Slave law, machinery in
iuelf always held to be constitutional and prop
er, and now used in the interest of freedom as it
originally was in the interest of Slavery. Aa our
soldiers employed the weapons we reoaivod from
the rebels in putting down the Rebellion, so the
weapons oi tne law were sanctified in uses of
ireeaoin. utner Objections to the seventh and
eighth sections ho showed to bo taken verbally
from former laws, against which no objections had
been made. That with reference to the employ
ment of the army and navy iu enforcing iu ex
ecution, ho explained, was taken from a law en
acted in Van Huron's Administration in I833T
In conclusion. Mr. Trumbull said : Mr
President, I have now srone through t.rna
Veto Message replying with whq,t potenoe
I could command to its various objections
to the bilL Vould that I could stop here,
that t riprfi was nn rwnsinn tn cm fiivlin
justice to myself, justice to the State whose
Representative I am, justice to the people
ui mo wnoie country, in legislating tor
whose behalf I am called to participate justice
to the Constitution I am called tn snnnort.
justice to the rights of American citizenship
u avcures, ana to tiuman liberty now lm
pen ed requires me to go further. Gladly
wuuiu j. reirain ironi speaking of the spirit
or this messaee, of the rlan
tnnes it promulgates, of the inconsistencies
and contradictions of its author, of
his encroachments nnOn tYa .
tional rights of Con
0- , . uo as-
Sumption or unwarranted powers, which
if persevered in and not checked by the
people must eventually' lead to a. snKi'i,..
sion of the Government and th dpstruerinn
of lihertr. Ce-nr ress in the pas?age of the bill,
under no consideration.sought a controversy
with the President.; ; bo tar irom ,ubdui
was proposed with a-tieww cam ortirhat
men supposed to ve ine vico y. .
dent, and was submitted to him before its
:..t" i, ;nin thn Senate. I am not a-
bout to relate private declarations of the
President, but it is right that the American
people should know that the controversy
wr,h Mista between him and Congress in
( t,A mMire i9 of his own seek
; Kn fW iVinrrress met it became
apparent that there was a difference of opin
i,(.n tua President and some mem
bers of Conger in regard to the condition of
the rebellious fctates anu tne nguwt wu w
.iird tn rreediiien. The President in his
annual mosa.irf had denied the Constitu
;.ai nnswr tf the (rencKil Governtticnt to
VAlM f vr v
JtvfivA franchise to nejrroes, but
CAK,UU VMV v v ---------- - w .
bo wa ftmnllv decided in his assertion ol
the right of every man to life, liberty, and
the pursuit ot happiness. ms was uis uxu
guage ; but while I have no daubt that now,
fW ih close of the war. it is not compe
tent for the General Government to extend
the elective franchise in the several States,
it. is entiallv clear that eood faith requires
the security of the freedmen in their liberty
and their property. 1 here were some mem
hers of Con&ress who exDressed the opinion
that, in the reorganization of the rebellious
States, the right of suffrage should be exten
ded to the colored man, though this was not
the nrevaihne sentiment or longrcss, al
were anxious for a reorganization of the re
bcllious States and to their full participation
in the Federal Government as soon as these
relations could be restored with safety to all
concerned. Feeling the importance of har
monious action between the different depart
ments of the Government, and an anxious
desire to sustain the President, for whom
had always entertained the highest respect,!
had rrequent interviews with him during the
early part of the session. Without men
tioning anything from considerations which
I have stated, and believing that the pas
sage of a law by Congress, securing cqality
in civil rights when denied by State author
ities to fieedmen and all other inhabitants
ot the United States, would do much to re
lieve anxiety iu the .North and to induce the
Southern states to secure these rights by their
own action and thereby remove many of the
obstacles to an early reconstruction,! prepar
ed the bill substantially as it now returns
with the President's objections. After the
bill was introduced and printed, a copy was
furnished him, and at a subsequent period
when it was reported that he was hesita-
. w
ting about signing tne freeamen s uureau
Bill, he was informed of the Civil flights
Bill then pending in the House, and a hope
expressed that if he had any objections to
any of its provisions, he would make them
known to its friends that they might bo
remedied if not destructive to the measure ;
that there was believed to be no disposition
on the part of Congress, and certainly none
on my part to have bills presented to him
which he would not approve. He never in
dicated to me, nor, so far as I know, to any of
its triend3, the least objection to any of
the provisions ot the bill till after its pas
sage. How could he consistently with him-
sell c a no bin was trained, as was suppos
ed, in entire harmony with his views, and
certainly, with what he was then, and has
since been, doing in protecting freedmen in
their civil rights alll through the rebellious
States. It was strictly liniitedto the protection
of the civil rights belomng to every freedman,
the birthright ot every American citizen,
and carefully avoided, connning or interler
ing with political rights or privileges of any
kind. The bill neither confers nor abridges
the rights or any one, but simply declares
that in civil right there shall be an equality
among all classes of citizens, and that all,
alike, st all be subject to the same punish
meat in each State. So it does not abridge
the great iundamental rights belonging un
der the Constitution to all citizens, it may
grant or withold such civil righU as it pleas
es. All that is required is, that in this re
spect the law shall be impartial. And. vet.
this bill 13 now returned with the President's
objections and such objections ! What are
they ? That in all our history all our ex
perience as a people being under Federal and
btate nws no such system as that contem
plated by the details of this bill, has ever be
fore been proposed or adopted. Have I not
already shown in the action of the President
himself, through Gen." Sickles's declaring
that all laws shall be applicable alike to all
inhabitants, and in various acts or Congress,
a precedent for every provision of this bill.
"The details of this bill," says the Presi
dent, establish for the security of the col
ored race safeguards which go infinitely be
yond any that the General Government has
ever provided for the white race." With
what truth this can be said of a bill which
declares that the civil rights and the punish
nient of all races, including, of course the
colored the same as those of white, let an
intelligent public judge ! They, (the de
tails"). says the President,-"interfere with
the municipal legislation of the States,
with tho relations existing exclusively be
tween a State and its citizens, or between
inhabitants of the same State an absorp
tion and assumption at power by the Gener
al Government which, -if acquiesced in,
musrsap ana destroy our federal system
of limited powers, and break down the bar
riers which preserve the rights of the States.
It is another step, or rather stride, toward
centralization and the concentration of all
legislative powers in the National Govern
ment" All this is said by a President
who, by his own fiat issued through Gen.
Howard, set aside an act ot the Legislature
ot Mississippi, and by another order through
Gn. lerry, an act ot the V irginia Legisla
ture, and forbade any magistrate or civil
officers from attempting to execute it ; who,
through Gen. Canby.-- ordered the State
tjourts in his Department to suspend all
suits against persona charged with offences
for which whiU persons were not punished:
and we all know the penalty which would
have been visited upon State Judges or
officials for violations of any of these orders.
A President who, after , vetoing a provision
of the Freedmen's Bureau bill because it
secured possession to the occupants of land
under Major-General Sherman's order for
the limited period of three vears. himeclf
issued an order within less than thirty days
afterwards, through H. W. Smith, Assistant-
Adjutant-General, declaring that
of land to the freed people in compiianne
with General Sherman's special Field Or.
der No. 15, dated January 16, 1865. will ha
regarded as good and valid. - Well may we
exclaim, in view of the actrof the Presi
dent, in his language, when discussing a
veto of the President, Consistent.
thou art a jewel !" In view of these facts, j
w!io is that is breaking down tho barrior
of the States and making strides toward
centralization? Ia it Congress, by tho passing
of this bill or the tr resident wno witnous
law is arrogating to himseit iar greater
Kwers than any conferred by this bill ?
t it not be said that the President exer
cises these vast powers by virtue of the war
power. He told us in his Annual Message
that the war was over, and whether over or
not, no incidental powers are vested by the
Constitution in the President either as Presi
dent or Commander-bi-Chief of the Army.
The instrument gives Congress power to
make all laws necessary and proper for car
rying into execution all powers vested by
the Constitution in the Government of the
United States, or in any department or offi
cer thereof. The President is required in
carrying out his powers to act in obedience
to law, the very thing which he refuses to
do. He says the tendency of this bill must
be to resuscitate the spirit of the Rebellion.
What assumption in one who desires the
authority to punish those who violate U
nited States laws under color of State au
thority, a doctrine from which the Rebel
lion sprung, and in entire harmony with the
declaration of Mr. Buchanan that there was
no power to coerce a State. But, Sir, from
out the mouth of Senator Andrew Johnson
I will prove that President Andrew John
son has violated the spirit of the Constitu
tion, if not the letter, in vetoing this bill.
It will be remembered that the pill passed
both Houses of Congress by more than a
two-thirds majority, the vote in the Senate
being, Yeas 33 to Nays 12 ; in the House,
Yeas 111, Nays 3S. I will read from the
remarks of Senator Andrew Johnson on the
veto of the Homestead bill by Mr. Buchan
an : "The President of the United States
presumes Yes, Sir, I say, presumes to
dictate to the American people and to the
two Houses of Congress, in violation of the
spirit if not the letter of the Constitution, that
this measure shall not become a law. Why do
I say this ? I ask, is there any difference in
the spirit of the Constitution, . whether a
measure is sanctioned by a two-thirds vote
before its passage or afterward ? When a
measure has been vetoed by the President,
the Constitution requires that it shall be re
considered, and passed by a two-thirds vote
in order to become a law. But here, in the
teeth of the Jixecutive, there was a two
thirds vote in tavor of this bnu I he vote
was thirty-six to two, in this body. The
two nouses nave said that this measure is
Constitutional, and right. In the other
house, reflecting the popular sentiment of
the nation, the vote was 112 to 51 ten
more than the two-thirds majority, which
the Constitution requires ; and when there
is a two-thirds vote for a measure, I say it
is against the spirit of the Constitution for
the Executive to say, "No, you shall not
have this measure : I will take all the
chances of restoring it." Apply the lan
guage to the facts connected with this bill
and then say who has violated the spirit of
the Constitution. This bill in no manner in
terferes with the municipal regulations of any
State which protects all alike in their rights
of person and property. It could have no
operation in Massachusetts, New-York
Illinois, or most of the States of the Union
How preposterous, then, to charge that.
unless some otate can nave and exercise
' the right to punish somebody, or to deny
somebody a civil right on account of his
color, that its rights, as a State, will be de
stroyed 1 It is manifest that, unless this
bill can be passed, nothing can be done to
protect the freedmen in their liberty and
their rights. . '
Whatever may have been the opinion of
the rresideut at one time as to good faith,
requiring the security of the freedmen in
their liberty and their property, it is now
manifest, from the character of his objec
tions to this bill, that he will approve no
measure that will accomplish the obiect.
That the second clause of the Constitution
al Amendment gives this power there can
be no question. Some have concluded that
it gives the power even to confer the right
of suffrage. I have not thought so because
1 have never thought suffrage any more ne
cessary to the liberty of a freedman than
of a non-voting white, whether child or fe
male. But his liberty under the Constitu-
uon ne is entitled to, ami whatever is ne
cessary to secure it to him he is entitled to
have ; be it the ballot or the bayonet If
the bul now before us, and which goes no
further than to secure civil rights to the
freedmen, cannot be passed, then the Con-
sti tut ion ai Amendment declaring freedom
to all inhabitants of the land is a cheat and
a delusion. I cannot better conclude what
1 have to say than in the laneuag-e of Mr
Johniion on the occasion of the veto of the
Homestead bill, when after stating that the
tact that tne .President was inconsistent
and had changed his opinion with reference
A - g. 1 . 1
w s great measure ana a great principle, is
no reason why a Senator or Representative
who had acted understanding should
change his opinion, he said: "I hona the
Senate and House of Representatives who
have sanctioned this bill by more than a
two-thirds majority will, according to the
uonsticuuon, exercise their privilege and
power and let the bill become a law of the
land according to the high behest of the A
merican people."
H
N ATJGLE
WATCH MAKES,
GRAHAM'S ROW, CLEARFIELD.
Thenndersizned resiiectfnllv informa hta h
customers and the publio, that he has on hand,
(and constantly receiving new additions,) a large
CLOCKS, a lanre varietv from th rxwrt M..
ofaotorv, consisting of Kieht-dav and tfairrv.ho.
spring and Weight, and Levers, lime, Strike and
Alarm qiocks.
WATCHES toe assortment. AfiilrM irr..
ing and open case American patent Levers, plain
and full jeweled.
GOLD rENS.
best quality. Also, in silver extension and. desk
Holders.
SPECTACLES, a larmi umrtmsnt. far
near sight, colored and plain glass.
JEWELRY of every variety, from single
pieee to a full set. .
ALSO, a fine assortment nf Rnnnna. Hnv. tnt
ter knives, etc., plated on genuine Alabata. '
All kinds of Clock ff. Watches and Jewslr
fully repaired and Warranted.
A continuance oi patronage Is solicited.
November 28. 1863. . ; H. F. NADQLE
A LARGE LOT OF CLOTniNG-inelus
ding some extra qualityof Beaver Overcoat!
and a complete assortment of.caasimer goods,
made up in suits to match for sale by
leo. 0,16S. IKVIN A HARTSHORN.
LEATHER an assortment for sale by
MERRELL & EIGLER
December H, 134 C'earfield Fa
LADIES FURS, and Gents' fur caps, for
ale at the "corner" store. Curwensville, Pa.
TO IIORSE OWNERS. The undersigned
having recently discovered an infallible and
simple cure for that annoying malady in .horses,
known as Hoof-bound." Any person sending SI
in a letter, will receive by return mail a recipe
giving proper directions as to the necessary treat
ment. Address, JACOB IRWIN.
September 81, 1864-tf. Clearfield. Pa.
PIIOTO-
1UAT GRAPIIER, having purchas-
cd the Photograph establishment formerly eon
ducted bv U.Sriare, wonld respectful! v announce
to the citizens of Clearfield and adjoining coun-
ties, tnat ne nas recently maae additional im-
Erovements to both sky-light and aparatus, and
e flatters h imself that he can satisfy the moat
fastideous taste in a tece and lifelike likeness
lie also keeps constantly on hand a good assort
ment of Guilt, Kosewood, and Walnut frames
Albums of all sites and styles and an endless
variety of cases, lockets, etc.. which be will dis
pose of at very moderate prices, for cash.
His gallery is in Shaw's row, (up stairs J Mar
ket street, Clearfield, Pa., where he is always rea
dy to accommodate customers, who may be in
want of a good Likeness of themselves or friends.
Particular attention , paid to copying all kinds
6Y pictures, eio. November 1, 1865
MUSIC TEACHERS
AND DEALERS. "
The subscriber is fully prepared to furnish
Sheet Music, Strings, Musiotl Instruments, and
Mnsio Books of all kinds at the lowest trade
rates, wholesale and retail, from the largest ool
lections in this country.
Orders punctually and faithfully attended to.
Address all orders,
SIBERIA OTT, 748 Broadway, N. Y.
IJIIIE
P I
BOARDMAN, GRAY & CO.
ANO FORTES,
"WHOLESALE AGENCY. .
The subscriber, late a member of this well
known firm has established
WHOLESALE AGENCY,
748 Broadway, New York City,
Where he will be pleased to receive the orders of
his friends and the publio, and especially to hear,
irom those who have so liberally bestowed their
patronage on the firm heretofore. Ue will sup
ply these superior instruments to the trade
Wholesale and Retail, at the very Low
est Prices,
Made with the Insulated Iron Rim and Frame
(cast in one solid plate.) They excel all oth
ers in durability and superiority of tone,
and elegance of external appearance.
All these Pianos have overstrung Scales, giving
in connection with the patent iron rim and frame.
Full Round Poverfid, and Swrtt Mellow Tons.
L The Cases are elegant in appe arance, and easily
and safely handled.
Warranted to prove satisfactory, or the
money returned.
Address all orders to
SIBERIA OTT. 749 Broadway, Y Y,
s.
D. & n. W. J3f M.ITfl'S
AMERICAN ORGANS,
The Most rerfect and Beautiful ;
MUSICAL INSTRUMENT
IN
THE WORLD,
FOR TBS
AMERICAN HOME CIRCLE,
2' fa J V j A -ii-Vf4fl
zz V "TV
THE AMERICAN ORGAN
Makes home attractive, refines and elvt tha
minds of all, beautiful in appearanoe and effect.
SIBERIA OTT,
748 Broadway, New York City,
WHOLESALE AGENT.
The immense popularity of these Organs, and
their superior Musical Powers, is fast bringing
them before the publio, as the instrument so long
desired ia AMERICAN HOMES. And although
the cost price is but a tri fie over the Melodion,
yet the musical advantages, beauty of tone and
quickness of touch and action are so far superior.
that they arc fast superceding the Melodion, and
the call ia now almost exclusively for the i .
AMERICAN ORGANS.
It is adapted to any music, from the quickest and
most lively, to the heavy tone of the Church Or
gan. And almost universally they are preferred
to the Piano, by persona who have them, yet cost-;
ing leas than half, and only taking agnail amount
of room. . . . ,
Send for dwerivtiv dreulnrm .' a. ji J '
ular, and price. s
Exclusive 'Agencies secured to. Dealers, and
large discounts to the trade and Teachers. Ad
dress all orders, .-: ' : f
SIBERIA OTT, Wholesale Agent,
' 748 Broadway, New Torit "
"w York. April 4tb, lS6.-y. J
1 rt '
tfO .
.7
5. 02 I .
TERMS Or THE JOURlAL.t
The Rafts' Jovmal is DubliihMt
need ay at $2,00 per annum in ad vane
lu
charged, and f,00 if not paid before the eW
ADTumumn wilt be inserted at f ii
square, for three or less ' Insertions Ttali
lor lees) counting a square. For every adding"!
insertion 60 cents wAl be charged. A dedan
will be made to yearly advertisers.
No subscription taken for a shorter a ,
six months, and no paper will be discon tinned
til all arrearages are paid, except at the optio. j
the publisher. - s. J. Rry
:NEW STORE
IN CUBWENSYILLK
J OHM IRV IN,
Has just received and opened at the old v
in Curwensville, an entire new stock of Fall m
Winter G oods, which he will sell very eheao f
cash. Bis stock consists of
Dry Goods, Groceries,
Hardware, Queensware, Boots'
aad Shoes, Hats and Caps, Rea4
' ; made clothing, etc.
The public generally is respeofujly invited w
give him a call ; see his stock and hear his prictT
and purchase from him if yon find it will t,
your advantage, Nov. IS, 1564
FARMERS'
MUTUAL FIRE INSURANCE COMTv
NY OF YORK, FA. .
Insures against loss or damage by fire. It is Km
safest company in the State, and has made so a
sessments since its establishment, and henee it
the moct economical . 6. J. ROW, Agent.
June 21, 1665. ' Clearfield. Pa.
COLUMBIA INSURANCE C0KPAHT.
Columbia. Pa.,
Iisurt s against loss by fire, on very moderstj
terms cither on the mutual or cash principle,
Special rates for the safer class of farm property.
This is one of the oldest and best companies u
country, and bears a reputation for promptne
and strict business integrity second to no othd)
in the State. . : S. J. ROW, Agent,
Dec 27. isci. Clearfield,? a.
1794. Chartered, 1794.
INSURANCE COMPANY Off
NORTH AMERIC-sV,
AT PHILADELPHIA. :.
Theoldest Insurance company In America. Outfe.
. oapits.1 and surplus, over 91,715 000.0k
Seventy one years Sueeemful Business Kxpet
ecee, with a reputation of Integrity and Honor
bledealing unsurpassed by any similaringtitaU.sk
Losses paid since organisation, S17.500.0O0.OC
Liberal Rates for all the safer classes of proper
ty. Insurance for dwellings and contents, a spe
ciality. Brick and Stone buildings insured past.
pbtcallt, if desired, on terms of the greater a
conomy and safety to the insured.
It is Wisdom and Kcohom r to insure ia the b
companies, and there is irons bbttbu thaa the 4
Insvbamck comfasv or North Ambbica,
CHARLES PLATX I ARTHUR O COIT1S,
.. Secretary. J . , .- TreaiarA
DIBBCTORS.
Arthur O. Coffin.
S. Morris Wain,
Samuel W. Jones, .
John A. Brown,
Charles Taylor, :
Ambrose White,
William Welsh,
Richard D. Wood,
Wm. E. Bowen,
jonn Mason.
George I). llarrine
Francis R. Cope.
Kdward 11. Trottea
Edward 8 Clark,
Wm. Cunnings,
T. Charlton Ueara,
W. BtiBBLaa, Central Agent of Peaa'
S. J. ROW, Agent for Clearfleldjeo. deal).
Life Iiisurance at Homa
The Penn Mutual Life Insurance Ct,
921 Cbbsthct Stkbbt, Pbil'a,
Insures Lives on favorable terms, and will larae
rouciesonanyoi tne approved plans or insuraaoet
Assets liable'to losses $1,221,289 71,
Surplus divided Annually, Losses paid prompt
ly Premiums may be paid in cash; aBnaallt.
semi-annually or quarterly; jr one-half la saik.
and one-half in note. By a supplement to the
charter, notes hereafter received will partielat
in all Dividends or Surplus. Scrip certificate! ap
to January, 1859, inolusive, are now receivable Ia
payment of premiums
Agency, at the office of H. B. Swoops., fleas
field, Pa. Dr J. Q. Hartswick, Medical Sxaak
Per. - August 24, 186.
F O U T Z'S
cblbbbavbh
iu
This tirct-fcrali js
i long and lATugah'f
known, will
MB-hlv rrlnvitfroM
rrfkvirdun aj
low-piritl llOTM,
by ftrcDKlhnii
Bji4 donneing tle
tottuwll ftod iuha
tin?!.
It U a tare
rrptive of all di
esm-s incMtrnt o
mis ammai, such u u.mi j i. nv, c-i-
ELLOW WA
TER. H BATES,
COUGH 8,. DIS
TEMPER, FE
VERS, FOUXPRR
LOSS OF APPE
TITE AND VITAL
ENERGY, ic JU
use Improves the
wfnd, increase
the appetite-Kirci
a smooth and
glossy skin -and
transforms t Ii o
miserable skeleton Into a fine looking and srfrifiT
horse. . ... -
To keepers t4 Cw tttia iriirjition h InvalnsbWL
It torn nil Uie eaautity ami lmorun tlK onsllty
. . . of the milk. Itls
been proven by
taal zpurimenl V
the qiuu
milk wil
twenty p
. and nake U
flint
t. IwfeUeniaC
ticivesthea
an appetite, loos
fi saak.es them tin
, much faster.
In all diseases of Ewlnc, such as Coughs, tlx
the Lungs', Liver,
c., this artteie-
-actsasa specific.
By Putr.lijfr imm
one-ball: a p-iiu
to a pwper In a
barrel of swill the
above d i seasea
wiut eradicated
or entirely prevented. . If given In time, a eerta
preventive and care Tor tlm Hog Cholera.
Price rl pPHf7o"r5TEiier8 for $k
i 'SSSTAJtXD ST - "
S. POUTZ Jt DBO..
WHOLES UK DRl'S ATfD NF.DIUHK DKTfrT.
Wo. 116 Franklin St., Baltimore, Kd.
For Sle by !rnirir1t ami ttanekerper tbroupV
out the United ttr. - ,.. . - t . .
For tale by Ilartswick A Irwln.rnffgiats. -Clearfiold.
Pbv Xec llMiS-y
1 1 Horse aM, Cattle
5, 1 1 cream
-V - Vw II cent
-.VI r'? (1 butter
If J ftr H S cattle. I: