:tu&fuAfMoQM - : ! ! ft it if? P if S (Si 12- h k i 1 -1 a ' tor Andrew Johnson. Laughter. 1 It is perhaps ; the beat answer, though 'I should hardly have - Yen tared to hare used avoir harsh language In rtfereaeo to the . President of the United States, , as to accuse him of quibbling and demagogueing and playing the mere politician, in sending a ve to message to the Congress of the United States. The President also makes some other allusions to this bill ef the same character ; for instance, he speaks of the impropriety of marriages between white and blacks ; he then goes on to say, "i don't say that this bill repeals State laws on the subject of marriages. Well, then, for what pur pose U it introduced in this bill ? Not surely as an ad taptamdum argument, to exoite prejudices, or as the argument of a demagogue and politi cian. The President further says: -If it be granted that Congress can repeal ail State laws, discriminating between whites and blacks on the subject covered by this bill, why, it may be ask ed, may not Congress repeal in the same way all State laws discriminating botween the two races -on the subjects of suffrage and' office? .If Con gress ean declare by law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall hare capacity to . make a contract in a State, then Congress can al- - so, by law, declare who, without regard to rase or olor,aaaU hare the right to sit aa a juror or as a judge, to hold any office, and finally, to vote in Terr State and '.territory of the United States." Perhaps the best answer, Mr. President, I could rive to this would be the answer of Andrew John son- himself. 'He undertook to reorganise State UovernmenU in the disloyal fctates. When he did so. to whom did he extend the rizht of suf frage ? To the blacks ? Mo, sir. But he extend ed the right of suffrage to those anthoriied to - Tote under the laws ef the States before the Rebel lion. When urged to allow the loyal blacks to vote, what was his answer ? That be bad no pow er ; that it was unconstitutional, liut he naa nower to nrotect themin their civil rights, and La did protect them in their civil rights. Then, if it be true that protection in civil rights car ries with it the right ef suffrage, what becomes of the position no assumea wnen no extended civil rights to tho negro all through the South as I shall presently show, by orders issued. by his authority, and yet refused to give them the right or sunrago on the ground mat ne naa no constitu tional power to do it that it was a right vested in the States, with which he oould not interfere? liut, sir, the grant of civil rights does not, and never did, in this country, carry with it political rights, or more properly speaking, political priv ileges. A man may be a citizen in this country without the right to vote, or without the right to bold office. The right to vote and hold office in the State depends upon the Legislatures of the various States. The right to hold offioe under the Federal Government depends upon the Con stitution of the United States. The President must bo a natural born citizen ; a Senator, a Rep ' resentat've, must have been a citizen of the Uni ted States for a certain number of years, before he ean be elected a member of either this, or the - ether House of Congress, so that the fact of being a citizen docs not qualify a person for holding office necessarily, nor does it necessarily author ize him to vote Wonfen are citizens, children are citizons. but they do not exercise the elective franchise, by virtue of their citizenship. For eigners, as is stated by the President in this mes sage, before they are naturalized, are .protected in their rights enumerated in this bill. The right to contract, the right to sue, and most o. the rights I have enumerated They do not, be cause they possess these rights, the right to make a contract and to hold land, which is the ease in most if not all the States at present I say they do not therefore vote. The rights enu merated in the bill do not oarry with them the right to vote. But, sir, what rights do citizens of the United States have? Thoy have some. To be a citizen of the United States carries with it some rights. What are they? Why, sir. they ore those inherent and fundamental rights which be long to every eitisen and freeman in all countries, such as the rights enumerated in this bill, and , they belong to citizens ia all the States oi the Union. The rijbt of American citizenship means something. It does not mean in the case of a foreigner that when he is naturalised he is to be left to the mercy of Stat legislators. lie has a right, when duly naturalized, to go into any State f the United States, and submitting to its laws, reside there, and the United States would protect him in that right. It wonld protect a oitizen of the Unite I States, not only in one of the States of the Union, but it will protect him in foreign lands. In the language of Mr. Marsy, when Se cretary of State, a citizen in a foreign country is entitled to tho same protection, that is extended by that Government to its own citizons. ' la the great essentia rights which I have enu merated, the rights which belong to citizens, and are known as natural rights,are denned by Black stone in his definition of civil liberty, to be no other than natural liberty so far restrained by hu man law. but no further than is necessary and e pedient for the general advantage of the public. In this definition of civil liberty, it ought to bo understood, or rather expressed, thattherestraint introduced by the law be equal to all, or as much so as the nature of the law will admit. Equality - ef rights is the basis of the Commonwealth, as is aid by Kent himself. In speaking of those -rights, he says that the nature of the individuals may be said to be included in the personal secu rity the right of personal liberty, and the right to acquire and enjoy property . Tbeserights have mostly been considered, and frequently declared, by the people of this country to be natural, inhe rent and inalienable. What are they, sir? The, right of personal security, personal liberty, and the right to acquire and enjoy property; and these are declared to be inalienable right.! be longing to every citizen of the United States. Kent, iu the second volume of his Commentaries, ays that the privileges and immunities granted by the Constitution of the United States to the citizens of the several States were to be confined to those which were in their nature fundamental, and belonged of right to tho citizens of all free Governments. Such are the rights of protection of life and liberty and the right to acquire and enjoy property. There is a ease reported in the 10th of Johnson, which goes much further than . this, which dicides not simply that a citizen of the United States as such is entitled to protection in these rights, but that an alien enemy permit ted to reside in the country during a time of war. If he is allowed to reside here, is to be protected in all these rights. In giving the opinion of the Court in that case the Court savs lawful residence implies protection and the capacity to sue and be uea. i would iibo to inquire if the negro is lawfully in this country ? If not, where does he belong? By the law of nations an alien who goes to reside in a country Is entitled, so long as he conduct nimsetr aecently, to continue to reside there under-the public protection. In the same opinion tho learned Chancellor says this is the puouciawor no rope; it is international law and any person residing in the United States is en titled to the protection of that law by the Federal Government, because the Federal Government has jurisdiction of mesh questions. And, str, if it were not so. American citizenship would be worth nothing. What ia it worth if it does not protect the oitizen ia tome rights? How is it, sir, that very person born in these United States owes al legiance to the Government of the United States Everything that be has.his property, his life.may be taken by the Government of the United States 1n its defense or to maintain the honor of the na tion. And ean it be sir, that our ancestors strug gled through a long war to set up this Govern ment, and that the people of our day have strug gled through another war to maintain it that af ter all the sacrifice we have made we have got a Government which is all-powerful to command obedience of the citizen, but has no power to af ford him protection ! Is that all that this boast ed Amerioan citizenship amounts to? Go tell it, air, to tiro father whose son was starved to death at Anderson ville; to the widow whose husband was slain at Mission Ridge, or to the little boy who toads bis blind father through the streets ef your eity. who lost his eyes oa the G If coast. Go tell them that this Government, in defense of whioh the son, and husband fell and the father lost his eyes, is a government which has a right to call those persons to iu defense, tout has bo power to protect iu friends in any rights whatever. Sir. It eannot be. Such is not the meaning of our Constitution. Such is not the meaning of American citizenship. This Government, which would go tp war to proteot iU meanest citizen or inhabi tant in any foreign land, whose righta were un justly encroached upon, has eertainly some pew. er to protect its own citizens in their own coun try. I past from the consideration of this first section of the bill to the second, which is objected to by the President, as affording discriminating protection to tho colored persons. Sir, I will read that section, and let u see if any of us can see these discriminations: c l-J Jl it furlher tuiwttd. Thai any Pr- son who, under eolor of any law, statute, ordin ance, regulation or custom, shall subject, or cause to be' subjected, any inhabitant of any Stat or Territory to the deprivation of any right, secur ed or protected by this act, or to different pun ishment, pains or penalties, oa account of such person having at any time been held in a eondi tion oi Biavery or involuntary ieruuc, as a punishment for crime wnereoi me pari shall have been duly eonvicted, or by reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the pun- lahmentnf white nersons. shall be deemed Kuuiy of a misdemeanor ; and, on conviction, shall be Sunished by fine, not exceeding one thousand ollars, or imprisonment. not exoeeding one year, or both, in the discretion of the court. Now, can human ingenuity point out wherein that motion- discriminates in favor of colored persons ? It says that no person shall subject a colored person to a aiuereni punusumeui uiu that inflicted on a white person, for the same of fense. Does that discriminate in his favor? Why, sirthevery object of the section is to present discrimination. The effect of it is to prevent it, as well as iU object ; and language, it does seem to me. conld not more plainly express that effect. It may be said that it is for the benefit of the black man, because he is in some instances dis criminated against by State laws ; but that is the ease with all remedial statutes. They are for the relief of persons who need relief, not for the re lief of those who have a right already; a-d whea those needing relief obtain it, they Btaod upon the precise footing of those who do not need it. There are, however, other and serious objec tions made to this section, it is said that it pun SOBU, VJ BUB KUU IIUJIIWUIUVUI. tagiomwio OTUV pass such conflicting laws. Lor us see if that is - i i x j : 1 I - u the language, is the proper construction of the provisions. I will read again the first line. It de clares that any person who, under color of any law, snail subject or cause to be subjected any in habitant of any State or Territory to the depri vation of any right secured or protected, to Now, sir, who is to be punished ? Is the law to be punished ? Are the men who make the law to be punished? Not at all. If any person un der color of any law shall subject a person, Ac, he is to be punished. Who? Why, the person who, under color of law, commiU the offense, not the men who make the law. "If any person, un der color oi any law, statute, ordinance, regula tion or custom, Ac. In some oommunitiesof the South a custom prevails by which a different pun isbment ia inflicted upon the blacks from that which is meted out to the whites for the same of fense. This section proposes to pun Uh the com munity, or to punish the person who, undercolor or such custom, eomuiiu the onense. It is a moo strous perversion of 'the meaning of the section to give it any other construction. But it is said that, under this provision, judges of the court may be punished, and ministerial officers may be punished, who are engaged in the execution of any such statute as this, and this is made an ob jection to the law. Well, sir, I admit that the ministerial offioer and the judge, if he acts vi ciously and corruptly in the execution of an ille gal law, may be and ought to be punished. But if he acted innocently the judge would not bo punished. What, sir, is a crime? Why, it is a violation of some public law, to constitute which there must be an act, and a vicious will in doing the aot ; or, according to the definition in some of me law books, to constitute a crime, there must be a violation of a public law coupled with an intent, or withcriminal neglect. There must be a union a joint operation of act and intent in oraer to commit a crime ; and the judge, who for the purpose of having this question decided in the Federal CourU, should give a decision that would allow the case to be brought up, who acted innocently and not viciously, or oppressively, would never be convioted before any court in Christen lorn. But, sir, if he acted viciously and oppressively, I repeat, he ought to be punished; and it is no novel provision to put into a statute book. Why, sir, very soon after the organization of this Government, in the first year of its exist ence, aa long ago as 1790,the Congress of the Uni ted States provided for punishing men who.nnder eolor of State laws, violated the laws of the Uni ted States. I will read from the 26th section of an act passed in 17W. "in case any person or persons shall .sue for or prosecute any such writ or process, suoh person or persons, and all attor neys and solicitors prosecuting in such case, and all officers executing any such writ or process.and being eonvicted thereof, shall be deemed viola tors of the laws of nations and disturbers of the publio repose, and shall be imprisoned not ex ceeding three years or finod $1,000, at tho diasre tion ol the court." Mr. Trumbull, after discussing theob ectioosof the President to the second soction, reviewed other portions of the Veto Message. In proot that conflicting legislation ox is tod, and that dan ger was to oa apprehended, from conflictm lee islatien not yet affectod, Mr. Trumbull cited the official returns of military officers connected with the Freedman's Bureau, of State laws recently enacted in prohibition of the right of the negro to lease or own land, and other rights secured to them in this bill. He also reterred to the milita ry orders sanctioned by the President, showing the same thing; among them, those of General sickles at Charleston, cautioning the law-making authorities against discriminating against any class of the population, declaring; that all laws Buoum expretsiy secure, in an respects, equal jus tice to freedmen as to all other people. His or der of March 4th declared the exclusive jurisdic tion, in all cases affecting freedmen, of the Supe rior and Circuit Provost CourU llecontinued in illustration of the freauent ex ercise of these powers under the discretion of thn I President, and assumed a radical chance in the . D -: , . - , .. ..? .. i rcBiueui a opinions ana actios upon tnissubject. lie also discussed the specific powers of the Pres ident, claiming that the war power rested in Con gress, ue aen proceeded to examine the obiec tion of the President to the third section of the bill, lyins acainst the extent of iuriHi-tmn tn Federal couru granted in cases arising under this act. xie claimed mat tne President had made a strained construction of it, in assuming that all coses arising under iu provisions must necessarily be excluded from fhe State CourU. but if it did sustain such construction, and it was found to be me only saieguard for the nghu of the freed men, he would freely say that their liberty should bo maintained at all hazards, and he would fur ther say that if it was found essontially necaisary for their p rotection, he would put in the hands of me colored men the bal.ot, and the bayonet too. N far as he was concerned in connection with the faith of the nation, pledged to protect those who had fought to sustain the unity of the nation, he would never cease in his efforts to make that pledge good. To the objection made to the num ber of officials and agents required by the bill, he replied that it was all copied from the statute known as the Fugitive Slave law, machinery in iuelf always held to be constitutional and prop er, and now used in the interest of freedom as it originally was in the interest of Slavery. Aa our soldiers employed the weapons we reoaivod from the rebels in putting down the Rebellion, so the weapons oi tne law were sanctified in uses of ireeaoin. utner Objections to the seventh and eighth sections ho showed to bo taken verbally from former laws, against which no objections had been made. That with reference to the employ ment of the army and navy iu enforcing iu ex ecution, ho explained, was taken from a law en acted in Van Huron's Administration in I833T In conclusion. Mr. Trumbull said : Mr President, I have now srone through t.rna Veto Message replying with whq,t potenoe I could command to its various objections to the bilL Vould that I could stop here, that t riprfi was nn rwnsinn tn cm fiivlin justice to myself, justice to the State whose Representative I am, justice to the people ui mo wnoie country, in legislating tor whose behalf I am called to participate justice to the Constitution I am called tn snnnort. justice to the rights of American citizenship u avcures, ana to tiuman liberty now lm pen ed requires me to go further. Gladly wuuiu j. reirain ironi speaking of the spirit or this messaee, of the rlan tnnes it promulgates, of the inconsistencies and contradictions of its author, of his encroachments nnOn tYa . tional rights of Con 0- , . uo as- Sumption or unwarranted powers, which if persevered in and not checked by the people must eventually' lead to a. snKi'i,.. sion of the Government and th dpstruerinn of lihertr. Ce-nr ress in the pas?age of the bill, under no consideration.sought a controversy with the President.; ; bo tar irom ,ubdui was proposed with a-tieww cam ortirhat men supposed to ve ine vico y. . dent, and was submitted to him before its :..t" i, ;nin thn Senate. I am not a- bout to relate private declarations of the President, but it is right that the American people should know that the controversy wr,h Mista between him and Congress in ( t,A mMire i9 of his own seek ; Kn fW iVinrrress met it became apparent that there was a difference of opin i,(.n tua President and some mem bers of Conger in regard to the condition of the rebellious fctates anu tne nguwt wu w .iird tn rreediiien. The President in his annual mosa.irf had denied the Constitu ;.ai nnswr tf the (rencKil Governtticnt to VAlM f vr v JtvfivA franchise to nejrroes, but CAK,UU VMV v v ---------- - w . bo wa ftmnllv decided in his assertion ol the right of every man to life, liberty, and the pursuit ot happiness. ms was uis uxu guage ; but while I have no daubt that now, fW ih close of the war. it is not compe tent for the General Government to extend the elective franchise in the several States, it. is entiallv clear that eood faith requires the security of the freedmen in their liberty and their property. 1 here were some mem hers of Con&ress who exDressed the opinion that, in the reorganization of the rebellious States, the right of suffrage should be exten ded to the colored man, though this was not the nrevaihne sentiment or longrcss, al were anxious for a reorganization of the re bcllious States and to their full participation in the Federal Government as soon as these relations could be restored with safety to all concerned. Feeling the importance of har monious action between the different depart ments of the Government, and an anxious desire to sustain the President, for whom had always entertained the highest respect,! had rrequent interviews with him during the early part of the session. Without men tioning anything from considerations which I have stated, and believing that the pas sage of a law by Congress, securing cqality in civil rights when denied by State author ities to fieedmen and all other inhabitants ot the United States, would do much to re lieve anxiety iu the .North and to induce the Southern states to secure these rights by their own action and thereby remove many of the obstacles to an early reconstruction,! prepar ed the bill substantially as it now returns with the President's objections. After the bill was introduced and printed, a copy was furnished him, and at a subsequent period when it was reported that he was hesita- . w ting about signing tne freeamen s uureau Bill, he was informed of the Civil flights Bill then pending in the House, and a hope expressed that if he had any objections to any of its provisions, he would make them known to its friends that they might bo remedied if not destructive to the measure ; that there was believed to be no disposition on the part of Congress, and certainly none on my part to have bills presented to him which he would not approve. He never in dicated to me, nor, so far as I know, to any of its triend3, the least objection to any of the provisions ot the bill till after its pas sage. How could he consistently with him- sell c a no bin was trained, as was suppos ed, in entire harmony with his views, and certainly, with what he was then, and has since been, doing in protecting freedmen in their civil rights alll through the rebellious States. It was strictly liniitedto the protection of the civil rights belomng to every freedman, the birthright ot every American citizen, and carefully avoided, connning or interler ing with political rights or privileges of any kind. The bill neither confers nor abridges the rights or any one, but simply declares that in civil right there shall be an equality among all classes of citizens, and that all, alike, st all be subject to the same punish meat in each State. So it does not abridge the great iundamental rights belonging un der the Constitution to all citizens, it may grant or withold such civil righU as it pleas es. All that is required is, that in this re spect the law shall be impartial. And. vet. this bill 13 now returned with the President's objections and such objections ! What are they ? That in all our history all our ex perience as a people being under Federal and btate nws no such system as that contem plated by the details of this bill, has ever be fore been proposed or adopted. Have I not already shown in the action of the President himself, through Gen." Sickles's declaring that all laws shall be applicable alike to all inhabitants, and in various acts or Congress, a precedent for every provision of this bill. "The details of this bill," says the Presi dent, establish for the security of the col ored race safeguards which go infinitely be yond any that the General Government has ever provided for the white race." With what truth this can be said of a bill which declares that the civil rights and the punish nient of all races, including, of course the colored the same as those of white, let an intelligent public judge ! They, (the de tails"). says the President,-"interfere with the municipal legislation of the States, with tho relations existing exclusively be tween a State and its citizens, or between inhabitants of the same State an absorp tion and assumption at power by the Gener al Government which, -if acquiesced in, musrsap ana destroy our federal system of limited powers, and break down the bar riers which preserve the rights of the States. It is another step, or rather stride, toward centralization and the concentration of all legislative powers in the National Govern ment" All this is said by a President who, by his own fiat issued through Gen. Howard, set aside an act ot the Legislature ot Mississippi, and by another order through Gn. lerry, an act ot the V irginia Legisla ture, and forbade any magistrate or civil officers from attempting to execute it ; who, through Gen. Canby.-- ordered the State tjourts in his Department to suspend all suits against persona charged with offences for which whiU persons were not punished: and we all know the penalty which would have been visited upon State Judges or officials for violations of any of these orders. A President who, after , vetoing a provision of the Freedmen's Bureau bill because it secured possession to the occupants of land under Major-General Sherman's order for the limited period of three vears. himeclf issued an order within less than thirty days afterwards, through H. W. Smith, Assistant- Adjutant-General, declaring that of land to the freed people in compiianne with General Sherman's special Field Or. der No. 15, dated January 16, 1865. will ha regarded as good and valid. - Well may we exclaim, in view of the actrof the Presi dent, in his language, when discussing a veto of the President, Consistent. thou art a jewel !" In view of these facts, j w!io is that is breaking down tho barrior of the States and making strides toward centralization? Ia it Congress, by tho passing of this bill or the tr resident wno witnous law is arrogating to himseit iar greater Kwers than any conferred by this bill ? t it not be said that the President exer cises these vast powers by virtue of the war power. He told us in his Annual Message that the war was over, and whether over or not, no incidental powers are vested by the Constitution in the President either as Presi dent or Commander-bi-Chief of the Army. The instrument gives Congress power to make all laws necessary and proper for car rying into execution all powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or offi cer thereof. The President is required in carrying out his powers to act in obedience to law, the very thing which he refuses to do. He says the tendency of this bill must be to resuscitate the spirit of the Rebellion. What assumption in one who desires the authority to punish those who violate U nited States laws under color of State au thority, a doctrine from which the Rebel lion sprung, and in entire harmony with the declaration of Mr. Buchanan that there was no power to coerce a State. But, Sir, from out the mouth of Senator Andrew Johnson I will prove that President Andrew John son has violated the spirit of the Constitu tion, if not the letter, in vetoing this bill. It will be remembered that the pill passed both Houses of Congress by more than a two-thirds majority, the vote in the Senate being, Yeas 33 to Nays 12 ; in the House, Yeas 111, Nays 3S. I will read from the remarks of Senator Andrew Johnson on the veto of the Homestead bill by Mr. Buchan an : "The President of the United States presumes Yes, Sir, I say, presumes to dictate to the American people and to the two Houses of Congress, in violation of the spirit if not the letter of the Constitution, that this measure shall not become a law. Why do I say this ? I ask, is there any difference in the spirit of the Constitution, . whether a measure is sanctioned by a two-thirds vote before its passage or afterward ? When a measure has been vetoed by the President, the Constitution requires that it shall be re considered, and passed by a two-thirds vote in order to become a law. But here, in the teeth of the Jixecutive, there was a two thirds vote in tavor of this bnu I he vote was thirty-six to two, in this body. The two nouses nave said that this measure is Constitutional, and right. In the other house, reflecting the popular sentiment of the nation, the vote was 112 to 51 ten more than the two-thirds majority, which the Constitution requires ; and when there is a two-thirds vote for a measure, I say it is against the spirit of the Constitution for the Executive to say, "No, you shall not have this measure : I will take all the chances of restoring it." Apply the lan guage to the facts connected with this bill and then say who has violated the spirit of the Constitution. This bill in no manner in terferes with the municipal regulations of any State which protects all alike in their rights of person and property. It could have no operation in Massachusetts, New-York Illinois, or most of the States of the Union How preposterous, then, to charge that. unless some otate can nave and exercise ' the right to punish somebody, or to deny somebody a civil right on account of his color, that its rights, as a State, will be de stroyed 1 It is manifest that, unless this bill can be passed, nothing can be done to protect the freedmen in their liberty and their rights. . ' Whatever may have been the opinion of the rresideut at one time as to good faith, requiring the security of the freedmen in their liberty and their property, it is now manifest, from the character of his objec tions to this bill, that he will approve no measure that will accomplish the obiect. That the second clause of the Constitution al Amendment gives this power there can be no question. Some have concluded that it gives the power even to confer the right of suffrage. I have not thought so because 1 have never thought suffrage any more ne cessary to the liberty of a freedman than of a non-voting white, whether child or fe male. But his liberty under the Constitu- uon ne is entitled to, ami whatever is ne cessary to secure it to him he is entitled to have ; be it the ballot or the bayonet If the bul now before us, and which goes no further than to secure civil rights to the freedmen, cannot be passed, then the Con- sti tut ion ai Amendment declaring freedom to all inhabitants of the land is a cheat and a delusion. I cannot better conclude what 1 have to say than in the laneuag-e of Mr Johniion on the occasion of the veto of the Homestead bill, when after stating that the tact that tne .President was inconsistent and had changed his opinion with reference A - g. 1 . 1 w s great measure ana a great principle, is no reason why a Senator or Representative who had acted understanding should change his opinion, he said: "I hona the Senate and House of Representatives who have sanctioned this bill by more than a two-thirds majority will, according to the uonsticuuon, exercise their privilege and power and let the bill become a law of the land according to the high behest of the A merican people." H N ATJGLE WATCH MAKES, GRAHAM'S ROW, CLEARFIELD. Thenndersizned resiiectfnllv informa hta h customers and the publio, that he has on hand, (and constantly receiving new additions,) a large CLOCKS, a lanre varietv from th rxwrt M.. ofaotorv, consisting of Kieht-dav and tfairrv.ho. spring and Weight, and Levers, lime, Strike and Alarm qiocks. WATCHES toe assortment. AfiilrM irr.. ing and open case American patent Levers, plain and full jeweled. GOLD rENS. best quality. Also, in silver extension and. desk Holders. SPECTACLES, a larmi umrtmsnt. far near sight, colored and plain glass. JEWELRY of every variety, from single pieee to a full set. . ALSO, a fine assortment nf Rnnnna. Hnv. tnt ter knives, etc., plated on genuine Alabata. ' All kinds of Clock ff. Watches and Jewslr fully repaired and Warranted. A continuance oi patronage Is solicited. November 28. 1863. . ; H. F. NADQLE A LARGE LOT OF CLOTniNG-inelus ding some extra qualityof Beaver Overcoat! and a complete assortment of.caasimer goods, made up in suits to match for sale by leo. 0,16S. IKVIN A HARTSHORN. LEATHER an assortment for sale by MERRELL & EIGLER December H, 134 C'earfield Fa LADIES FURS, and Gents' fur caps, for ale at the "corner" store. Curwensville, Pa. TO IIORSE OWNERS. The undersigned having recently discovered an infallible and simple cure for that annoying malady in .horses, known as Hoof-bound." Any person sending SI in a letter, will receive by return mail a recipe giving proper directions as to the necessary treat ment. Address, JACOB IRWIN. September 81, 1864-tf. Clearfield. Pa. PIIOTO- 1UAT GRAPIIER, having purchas- cd the Photograph establishment formerly eon ducted bv U.Sriare, wonld respectful! v announce to the citizens of Clearfield and adjoining coun- ties, tnat ne nas recently maae additional im- Erovements to both sky-light and aparatus, and e flatters h imself that he can satisfy the moat fastideous taste in a tece and lifelike likeness lie also keeps constantly on hand a good assort ment of Guilt, Kosewood, and Walnut frames Albums of all sites and styles and an endless variety of cases, lockets, etc.. which be will dis pose of at very moderate prices, for cash. His gallery is in Shaw's row, (up stairs J Mar ket street, Clearfield, Pa., where he is always rea dy to accommodate customers, who may be in want of a good Likeness of themselves or friends. Particular attention , paid to copying all kinds 6Y pictures, eio. November 1, 1865 MUSIC TEACHERS AND DEALERS. " The subscriber is fully prepared to furnish Sheet Music, Strings, Musiotl Instruments, and Mnsio Books of all kinds at the lowest trade rates, wholesale and retail, from the largest ool lections in this country. Orders punctually and faithfully attended to. Address all orders, SIBERIA OTT, 748 Broadway, N. Y. IJIIIE P I BOARDMAN, GRAY & CO. ANO FORTES, "WHOLESALE AGENCY. . The subscriber, late a member of this well known firm has established WHOLESALE AGENCY, 748 Broadway, New York City, Where he will be pleased to receive the orders of his friends and the publio, and especially to hear, irom those who have so liberally bestowed their patronage on the firm heretofore. Ue will sup ply these superior instruments to the trade Wholesale and Retail, at the very Low est Prices, Made with the Insulated Iron Rim and Frame (cast in one solid plate.) They excel all oth ers in durability and superiority of tone, and elegance of external appearance. All these Pianos have overstrung Scales, giving in connection with the patent iron rim and frame. Full Round Poverfid, and Swrtt Mellow Tons. L The Cases are elegant in appe arance, and easily and safely handled. Warranted to prove satisfactory, or the money returned. Address all orders to SIBERIA OTT. 749 Broadway, Y Y, s. D. & n. W. J3f M.ITfl'S AMERICAN ORGANS, The Most rerfect and Beautiful ; MUSICAL INSTRUMENT IN THE WORLD, FOR TBS AMERICAN HOME CIRCLE, 2' fa J V j A -ii-Vf4fl zz V "TV THE AMERICAN ORGAN Makes home attractive, refines and elvt tha minds of all, beautiful in appearanoe and effect. SIBERIA OTT, 748 Broadway, New York City, WHOLESALE AGENT. The immense popularity of these Organs, and their superior Musical Powers, is fast bringing them before the publio, as the instrument so long desired ia AMERICAN HOMES. And although the cost price is but a tri fie over the Melodion, yet the musical advantages, beauty of tone and quickness of touch and action are so far superior. that they arc fast superceding the Melodion, and the call ia now almost exclusively for the i . AMERICAN ORGANS. It is adapted to any music, from the quickest and most lively, to the heavy tone of the Church Or gan. And almost universally they are preferred to the Piano, by persona who have them, yet cost-; ing leas than half, and only taking agnail amount of room. . . . , Send for dwerivtiv dreulnrm .' a. ji J ' ular, and price. s Exclusive 'Agencies secured to. Dealers, and large discounts to the trade and Teachers. Ad dress all orders, .-: ' : f SIBERIA OTT, Wholesale Agent, ' 748 Broadway, New Torit " "w York. April 4tb, lS6.-y. J 1 rt ' tfO . .7 5. 02 I . TERMS Or THE JOURlAL.t The Rafts' Jovmal is DubliihMt need ay at $2,00 per annum in ad vane lu charged, and f,00 if not paid before the eW ADTumumn wilt be inserted at f ii square, for three or less ' Insertions Ttali lor lees) counting a square. For every adding"! insertion 60 cents wAl be charged. A dedan will be made to yearly advertisers. No subscription taken for a shorter a , six months, and no paper will be discon tinned til all arrearages are paid, except at the optio. j the publisher. - s. J. Rry :NEW STORE IN CUBWENSYILLK J OHM IRV IN, Has just received and opened at the old v in Curwensville, an entire new stock of Fall m Winter G oods, which he will sell very eheao f cash. Bis stock consists of Dry Goods, Groceries, Hardware, Queensware, Boots' aad Shoes, Hats and Caps, Rea4 ' ; made clothing, etc. The public generally is respeofujly invited w give him a call ; see his stock and hear his prictT and purchase from him if yon find it will t, your advantage, Nov. IS, 1564 FARMERS' MUTUAL FIRE INSURANCE COMTv NY OF YORK, FA. . Insures against loss or damage by fire. It is Km safest company in the State, and has made so a sessments since its establishment, and henee it the moct economical . 6. J. ROW, Agent. June 21, 1665. ' Clearfield. Pa. COLUMBIA INSURANCE C0KPAHT. Columbia. Pa., Iisurt s against loss by fire, on very moderstj terms cither on the mutual or cash principle, Special rates for the safer class of farm property. This is one of the oldest and best companies u country, and bears a reputation for promptne and strict business integrity second to no othd) in the State. . : S. J. ROW, Agent, Dec 27. isci. Clearfield,? a. 1794. Chartered, 1794. INSURANCE COMPANY Off NORTH AMERIC-sV, AT PHILADELPHIA. :. Theoldest Insurance company In America. Outfe. . oapits.1 and surplus, over 91,715 000.0k Seventy one years Sueeemful Business Kxpet ecee, with a reputation of Integrity and Honor bledealing unsurpassed by any similaringtitaU.sk Losses paid since organisation, S17.500.0O0.OC Liberal Rates for all the safer classes of proper ty. Insurance for dwellings and contents, a spe ciality. Brick and Stone buildings insured past. pbtcallt, if desired, on terms of the greater a conomy and safety to the insured. It is Wisdom and Kcohom r to insure ia the b companies, and there is irons bbttbu thaa the 4 Insvbamck comfasv or North Ambbica, CHARLES PLATX I ARTHUR O COIT1S, .. Secretary. J . , .- TreaiarA DIBBCTORS. Arthur O. Coffin. S. Morris Wain, Samuel W. Jones, . John A. Brown, Charles Taylor, : Ambrose White, William Welsh, Richard D. Wood, Wm. E. Bowen, jonn Mason. George I). llarrine Francis R. Cope. Kdward 11. Trottea Edward 8 Clark, Wm. Cunnings, T. Charlton Ueara, W. BtiBBLaa, Central Agent of Peaa' S. J. ROW, Agent for Clearfleldjeo. deal). Life Iiisurance at Homa The Penn Mutual Life Insurance Ct, 921 Cbbsthct Stkbbt, Pbil'a, Insures Lives on favorable terms, and will larae rouciesonanyoi tne approved plans or insuraaoet Assets liable'to losses $1,221,289 71, Surplus divided Annually, Losses paid prompt ly Premiums may be paid in cash; aBnaallt. semi-annually or quarterly; jr one-half la saik. and one-half in note. By a supplement to the charter, notes hereafter received will partielat in all Dividends or Surplus. Scrip certificate! ap to January, 1859, inolusive, are now receivable Ia payment of premiums Agency, at the office of H. B. Swoops., fleas field, Pa. Dr J. Q. Hartswick, Medical Sxaak Per. - August 24, 186. F O U T Z'S cblbbbavbh iu This tirct-fcrali js i long and lATugah'f known, will MB-hlv rrlnvitfroM rrfkvirdun aj low-piritl llOTM, by ftrcDKlhnii Bji4 donneing tle tottuwll ftod iuha tin?!. It U a tare rrptive of all di esm-s incMtrnt o mis ammai, such u u.mi j i. nv, c-i- ELLOW WA TER. H BATES, COUGH 8,. DIS TEMPER, FE VERS, FOUXPRR LOSS OF APPE TITE AND VITAL ENERGY, ic JU use Improves the wfnd, increase the appetite-Kirci a smooth and glossy skin -and transforms t Ii o miserable skeleton Into a fine looking and srfrifiT horse. . ... - To keepers t4 Cw tttia iriirjition h InvalnsbWL It torn nil Uie eaautity ami lmorun tlK onsllty . . . of the milk. Itls been proven by taal zpurimenl V the qiuu milk wil twenty p . and nake U flint t. IwfeUeniaC ticivesthea an appetite, loos fi saak.es them tin , much faster. In all diseases of Ewlnc, such as Coughs, tlx the Lungs', Liver, c., this artteie- -actsasa specific. By Putr.lijfr imm one-ball: a p-iiu to a pwper In a barrel of swill the above d i seasea wiut eradicated or entirely prevented. . If given In time, a eerta preventive and care Tor tlm Hog Cholera. Price rl pPHf7o"r5TEiier8 for $k i 'SSSTAJtXD ST - " S. POUTZ Jt DBO.. WHOLES UK DRl'S ATfD NF.DIUHK DKTfrT. Wo. 116 Franklin St., Baltimore, Kd. For Sle by !rnirir1t ami ttanekerper tbroupV out the United ttr. - ,.. . - t . . For tale by Ilartswick A Irwln.rnffgiats. -Clearfiold. Pbv Xec llMiS-y 1 1 Horse aM, Cattle 5, 1 1 cream -V - Vw II cent -.VI r'? (1 butter If J ftr H S cattle. I:
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers