BY S. J. ROW.
CLEARFIELD, PA.. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 24, 1863.
VOL. 9.-NO.- 43.
Mr. Lincoln and the N. Y. Democracy
IMPORTANT COBBESPOHDEtfCE.
Expression of the President on the Ha
beas Corpus and Military Arrests.
LKTTER or TMB COMMITTEE A!D RESOLUTIONS.
Albany, May 19, 1863.
To his Excellency the President of the United
States :
The undersigned, officers of a public meet
ing held at the city of Albany on the 16tb day
of Say instant, berewith transmit to your ex
cellency a copy of tt-e resolutions adopted at
siid meeting, and respectfully request your
earnest consideration ol them. Tbey deem it
proper on tbeir personal responsibility to state
that the meeting was one of the most respect
able as 10 the numbers and character, and one
of the most earnest iu the support ot the
Union, ever held in this city.
Yours, with great regard,
Eras-its Cor.vi.xq, President.
Eli Perrt, Vice President.
. pBTEtt Ganksvoort. Vice President."
Peter Mosteatii, Vice President.
SAvtrri. W. Gibbs. Vice President.
Jons Niblack, Vice President.
II. W. McClulas, Vice President.
Lkmi'il W.Ri.dgers, Vice President.
W'm. Seymocr, Vice President.
Jeremiah Osribx. Vice President.
Wit. S. Padock, Vice President.
J. B. Sanders, Vicr Pretidnt.
Emabd Mclcaut, Vice President
I). V. N. Kadcliffk, Vice President.
Wm. A. Rice, Secretary.
Ecwaid Newcokb, Secretary.
R. W. Peckuah, Jr., Secretary.
M. A. Nous, Secretary. "
Jobs 11. Vessel, Secretary.
C. VV. Weeks, Secretary.
Resolutions adopted at the meeting held in Mba
ny, N. V.t on the 16M day of May, 1803.
Resolved, That the Democrats ol New York
point to their uniform course of action during
the two years of civil war through which we
have passed, to the alacrity which they have
evinced in niung trie ranks ot the army, to
their contribution and sacrifices, as the evi
dence of tbeir patriot ism and devotion to the
cause ot our imperilled country. .Never in
the history of civil wars has a goverumen
been sustained with such ample resources of
means and men as the people have voluntarily
piacea in me uanas oi mis administration
Resolved, That, as Democrats, we are deter
mined to maintain this patriotic attitude, and
despite of adverse and disheartening cirenm-
stances, to devote ail. our energies to sustain
the cause of the Union, to secure peace through
victory, and to bring back too restoration of
all the States under the safeguards of the Con
stitution.
Resolved, That while we will not consent to
be misapprehended upon these points ; we are
detetroiueu not to be misunderstood iu regard
to others not less essential. ' We demand that
the administration shall be irue to the Con
Mitution; shall recognize and maintain the
rights of the States and the liberties of the
1 tituen ; shall everywhere, outside ol the lines'
ol" necessary military occupy ion and the
ceiies of insurrection, exert all its po ers to
maintain the supremacy of the civil over mil
itary la.w
Rttolcrd, That, in view of these principles,
c deuouuco the recent assumption ot a inili
tiry commander to seize and try a citizen Of
unio, Clement u. Vallandighara, for no other
reason than words addressed to a public meet
iiig, in criticism of the course of the adminis
tration, and in condemnation, ot the military
orders ol that General.
Resolved, That this assumption of power by
military tribunal, if successlully asserted,
nut only abrogates the right of the people to
assemble and discuss the affairs of govern
ment, the liberty of speech and of the press,
the right of trial by jury, tbe law of evidence,
ana the privilege of Aa6eacorps,but ft strikes
a fatal blow at tho supremacy of law, and the
authority of the State and federal constitutions.
Resolved, That the Constitution of the Uni
ted States the supreme law of the land has
defined the crime of treason against the Uni
ted States to consist "only in levying war a
Kiiist them, or adhering to their enemies, giv
"S them aid and comfort ;" and has provided
that "do person shall be convicted of treason,
unless on the testimony of two witnesses to
the same overt act or conlession in open
court." And it further provides that "no per
son shall be beld to answer lor a capital or
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a pre
sentment or indictment of a grand jury, ex
cept in cases arising in tho land and naval for
ces, or in the militia, when in actual service
in time of war or public danger ;" and further,
that -in all criminal prosecutions, the accused
lill er.joy the right of a speedy and public
trial by an impartial jury of tbe State and dis
trict w herein the crime was committed."
Resoired, That these safeguards of the rights
o! the citizen against the pretensions of arbi
trary pouer were intended more especially for
ki protection in times of civil commotion.
They were secured substantially to the Eng
lish people, after years of protracted civil war,
and were adopted into our Constitution at the
ciose of the revolution. They have stood tbe
test of seventy-six years of trial, under our
republican system, under circumstances which
how that, while they constitute the fonnda
tion of all free government, they are the ele
ments of the enduring stability of the republic.
Resohed, That, in adopting tbe language ot
J'iiiiei Webster we declare, "It is the ancient
iid undoubted prerogative of this people to
canvass public measures and the merits of pub
lic men." It is a "home-bred right," a fire
aide privilege. It had been enjoyed in every
hou$e, collage, and cabin in tbe nation. It is
undoubted as tbe right of breathing the air
' talking on the earth. Belonging fo pri
te life as a right, it belongs to public lite as a
-duty.and it is the last duty which those whose
representatives we are shall find as to abandon.
Aiming at all times to be courteous and tem
plate in its osc, except when tbe right itself
'questioned, we shall place ourselves on the
'itrenie boundary of our own right and bid de
duce to any arm that would move ns from
"r ground. "This high constitntional privi
e?e e shall defend and exercise in all places
in time or peace, in time of war, and at all
"tes. Living, we shall assert it : and should
e leave no other inheritance to our children.
h)' tbe bleasinff Ol God we will leavn thorn Ihn
stritat.ca Of free principles and the example
of a manly, independent, and constitutional
defence of them."
Resolved, That in the election of Governor
Seymour, the people of this State, by an em
phatic majority, declared their condemnation
ol the system of arbitrary arrests and their
determination to stand by the Constitution.
That the revival of this lawless system can
have but 'one result; to divide and distract
the North, and destroy its confidence in the
purposes of the administration. That we dep
recate it as an element of confusion at home,
of weakness to our armies in the field, and as
calculated to lower tho estimate of American
character and magnify tbe apparent peril of
our cause abroad. And that, regarding the
blow struck at a citizen of Ohio as aimed at
the rights of every citizen of the North, we
denounce it as against the spirit of our laws
and Constitution, and most earnestly call npon
the President of tbe United States to reverse
the action of tbe mllitarv tribunal which has
passed a "cruel and unnsual punishment" np
on the party arrested, 'prohibited in terms by
the Constitution, and to restore him to tbe
liberty of which be has been deprived.
Resolred, That the President, Vice-Presidents,
and Secretary of this meeting be re
quested to transmit a copy of these resolu
tions to his Excellency the President of the
United States, with the assurance of this-meet-ing
of their heartv and earnest desire to sup
port the government in every constitntional
and lawful measure to suppress tbe existing
rebellion. ,
MR. LIXCOLX'L REPLY.
Ex. Mansion, Washington, June 12,1863.
Hon. Erastus Corning and others :
Gentlemen : Your letter of May 19. enclo
sing the resolutions of a public meeting beld
at Albany, New Fork, on tbe 16th of tbe same
month, was received several days ago.
The resolutions, as I understand them, are
resolvable into two propositions first, tbe
expression of a purpose to sustain the cause
of the Union, to secure peace through victo
ry, and to support Jhe administration in every
constitutional and lawful measure to suppress
the rebellion ; and secondly, a declaration of
censure upon the administration for suppos
ed unconstitutional action, such as tbe mak
ing of military arrests.- And, from tbe two
propositions, a third is deduced, which is thht
the gentlemen composing the meeting are re
solved on doing their part to maintain our
common government and country, despite the
folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of
any administration. This position is eminent
ly patriotic, and as such, I thauk the meeting
and congratulate tbe nation for it. My own
purpose is the same ; so that the meeting and
myself have a common object, and can have
no difference, except in the choice of means
or measures for effecting that object.
And here I ought to close this paper, and
would closo it, if there were no apprehension
that more injurious consequences than any
merely personal to myself might follow the
censures systematically cast upon me for do
ing what, in my view of duty, I could not for
bear. The resolutions promise to support
me in every constitutional and lawful meas
ure to suppress the rebellion ; and I have not
knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly
employ, any other. But the meeting, by
their resolutions, assert and argue that cer
tain military arrests, and proceedings follow
ing ih'ein for which I am ultimately responsi
ble, are. unconstitutional. I think they are
not. The resolutions quote from the Consti
tution the definition of treason, and also tbe
limiting safeguards and guarantees therein
provided lbr'tbe citizens on trials for treason,
and on his being held to answer for capital or
otherwise infamous crimes, and, in criminal
prosecutions, his right to a speedy and public
trial by an impartial jury They proceed to
resolve "that thes safeguards of the rights of
the citizens against the pretensions of arbi
trary power were intended more especially for
his protection in times of civil commotion."
And, apparently to demonstrate tbe proposi
tion, the resolutions proceed : "They were
secured substantially to the English people af
ter years of protracted civil war, and were
adopted into our Constitution at tbe close of
the revolution." Would not the demonstra
tion have been better, if it could have been
truly said that these safeguards had been a-
d op ted and applied during the civil wars and
during our revolution, instead of after the one
and at the close of the other? I, too, am. de
votedly for thcoi oZw civil war,and before
civil war, and at all times, "except when, in
cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safe
ty may require" their suspension. The res
olutions proceed to tell us that these safe
guards "have stood the -test of seventy-six
years of trial, under our republican system,
under circumstauces which show that while
they constitute the foundation of all free gov
ernment, they are the elements of tho endu
ring stability of the republic." No one de
nies that they have so stood the test op to
the beginning of the present rebellion, it we
except a certain occurrence at New Orleans ;
nor does any one question that they will stand
the same test much longer after the rebellion
closes. But these provisions of the Constitu
tion have no application to the case we have
Id band, because the arrests complained of
were not made for treason that is, not for
the treason defined in tbe Constitution, and
upon the conviction of which the punishment
is death nor yet were they made to hold per
sons to answer for any capital or otherwise In
famous crimes ; nor were the proceedings fol-
lowing, in any constitutional or legal sense,
"criminal prosecutions." The arrests were
made on totally different grounds, and the
proceedings following- accorded
with tbe
grounds of tbe arrests. Let us consider tbe
real case with which we are dealing, and apply
to it tbe parts of tbe Constitution plainly mad
for such cases.
Prior to my installation here it bad been
inculcated that any State had a lawful right
to secede from the national Union, and tha
it would be expedient to exercise the right
whenever the devotees of the doctrine should
fail to elect a President to their own liking
I was elected contrary to their liking; and
accordingly, so far as it was legally possible.
they had taken even States out of the Union
bad seized many of the United States fort
aid bad fired upon the United States flag, all
before I was inaugurated, and, of conrse; be
fore I had done any official act whatever
Tbe rebellion thus begun soon ran into the
present civil war; ondf in certain respects, i
began on very unequal terms between the par
ties. Tbe insurgents bad been preparing for
it morj than thirty years, while the govern
ment bad taken no steps to resist theui. The
former bad carefully considered all tbe means
which could be turned to their account. It
undoubtedly was a well-pondered reliance
with them that in their own unrestricted efforts
to destroy Union, Constitution, and law, all
together, tbe government would, in great de
gree, be restrained by tbe same Constitution
and law from arresting their progress. Their
sympathiz- rs pervaded all departments of the
government and nearly all the people. From
this material, under cover of "liberty of
Speech," and "habeas corpus," they hoped to
keep on fooc amongst ns a most efficient corps
of spies, informers, suppliers, and aiders and
abettors of their cause in a thousand ways
They knew that in times such as they were in
augurating, by the Constitution itself, the
"habeas corpus" might pe suspended: but
they also knew they had friends who would
make a question as to icAo was to suspend it;
meanwhile their spies and others might re
main at large to belp on their cause. Or
if, as has happened, tbe Executive should
suspend the writ, without ruinous waste of
time, instances of arresting innocent persons
might occur, as are always likely to occur in
such cases ; and then a clamor could be rsised
in regard to this, which might be, at least, of
some service to the insurgent cause. It need
ed no very keen perception to discover this
part of tbe enemy's programme, so soon as
by open hostilities their machinery was fairly
put in motion.' Yet, thoroughly imbued with
a reverence for tbe garanteed rightsof individ
uals, I was slow to adopt tbe strong measures
which by degrees I have been forced to regard
as being within the exceptations ot tbe Con
stitution, and as indispensable to the public
safety. Nothing is better known to history
than that courts of justice are utterly Incom
petent to such cases. Civil courts are organi
zed chiefly for trials of individuals,or, at most,
a few individuals, iu concert ; and this in quiet
times, and charges of crimes well defined in
the law. Even in times of peace bands of
borsetbieves and robbers frequently grow too
numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts
of justice. But what comparison, in numbers
have such bands ever borne to the insurgent
sympathizers even in many of the loyal States?
Again, a jury too frequently, has at least
one member more ready to hang the panel
than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, be
who dissuades one man from volunteeing, or
induces one soldier to desert, weakens the
Union cause as much as he who kills a Union
soldier in battle. Yet this dissuasion or in
ducement may be so conducted as to be no
defined crime of which any civil court wonld
take cognizance.
Ours is a case of rebellion so called by the
resolutions before me in fact, a clear, fla
grant, and gigantic case of rebellion ; and the
provision of the Constitution that "tha privi
lege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be
suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion
or invasion, the public safety may require it,"
is the provision which specially applies to our
present case. This provision plainly attests
the understanding of those who made the
Constitution . that ordinary conrts of justice
are inadequate to "cases of rebellion," at
tests their purpose that,in such cases, men may
be held in custody whom tbe courts, acting on
ordinary rules, would discbarge. Habeas cor
pus does not discbarge men who are proved to
be guilty of defined crime; and its suspension
is allowed by tbe Constitntion on purpose that
men may be arrested and beld who cannot be
proved to be guilty ot defined crime, "when,
a cases of rebelUon or invasion, tbe pnblic
safety may require it." This is precisely our
present case a case of rebellion, wherein tbe
public salety does require the suspension. In
deed, arrests by process of courts, and arrests
n cases of rebellion, do not proceed altogether
upon tbe same basis. The former is directed
at the small percentage of ordinary and con
tinuous perpetration of crime, while tbe latter
is directed at sudden and extensive uprisings
against tbe government, which, at most, will
succeed or fail in no great length of time. In
the latter case, arrests are made, not so much V
for what baa been done, as for what probably
would be done. The latter is more for tbe
preventive and, less for tbe vindictive than the
former.4 In such cases the purposes of men
are much more easily understood than in ca
ses of ordinary crime. The man who stands
by and says nothing when the peril of bis gov
ernment is disenssed, cannot be misunder
stood. If not hindered, be is sore to help the
enemy ; much more, if he talks ambiguously
talks for bis country with "buts" and "its"
and "ands." Of how little value tbe consti
tutional provisions I have quoted will be ren
dered, if arrests shall never be made until de
fined crimes shall have bees committed, may
be illustrated by a few notable examples. Gen
erai John C. Breckinridge, General Robert
E. Lee, General Joseph E. Johnston, Genera
John B. Magruder, General William B. Pres
ton. General Simon B. Buck ner, and Coimo
aore franklin Buchanan, now occupying tbe
very highest places in the rebel war service
were all within the power of the governmen
since tbe rebellion began, and were nearly as
well known to be traitors then as now. Un
questionably, if we had seized and held them
the insurgent cause would be much weaker
But do one of them had then committed any
crime defined in tbe law. Every one of them
if arrested, would have been discharged on
habeas corpus were the writ allowed to oper
ate. Iu view of these and similar cases,
think the time not unlikely to come when
shall be blamed for having made too few ar
rests rather than too many.
By the third resolution the meeting indi
cate their opinion that military arrests may be
constitutional in localities where rebellion ac
tually exists, but that such arrests are nncon
stitutional in localities where rebellion or in
surrection does not actually exist. They In
sist that such arrests shall not be made "out
side of the lines of necessary military occupa
tion, and the scenes of insurrection." Inas
much, however, as the Constitution Itself
makes no such distinction, 1 am unable to be-
lieve that there is any such Constitutional dis
tinction. I concede that the class of arrests
complained of can be Constitutional only
when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the
public safety may require them ; and I insist
that in such cases they are constitutional wher
ever the public safety does require them ; as
well In places to which they may prevent tbe
rebellion extending as in those where it may
be already prevailing ; as well where they may
restrain mischievious interference . with tbe
raising ' and supplying of armies to suppress
the rebellion, as where the rebellion may ac
tually be j as well where they may restrain tbe
enticing men out of the, army, as where tbey
would prevent mutiny in the army ; equally
constitutionally at all places where tbey will
conduce to tbe public safety, as azainst tbe
dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the
particular case mentioned by tbe meeting. It
is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Vallandig
bam was, by a military commander, seized and
tried "for no other reason than words add res
sed to a public meeting, in criticism of tbe
course of tbe administration,' and in condem
nation of the military orders of the general."
Now, if there be no mistake about this ; iif this
assertion is the truth and the whole truth ; if
there was no other reason for the arrest, then
I concede that tbe arrest was wrong. But tbe
arrest, as I understand, w.is nit J a for a very
different reason. Mr. C. L. Vallandiaham a
vows his hostility to the war on the part of the
Union ; and his arrest was made because he
was laboring, with some effect, to prevent tbe
raising of troops ; to encourage -desertions
from the army; and to leave the rebellion
witbontan adequate military force to sup
press it. He was not arrested because be was
damaging the political prospects of- the ad
ministration, or the personal interests of the
commanding general, but because be was dam
aging the army, npon tbe existence and vigor
of which the life of the nation depends. . Be
was warring upon tbe military, and this gave
the military constitutional jurisdiction to lay
hands npon him. If Mr. Vallandighara was
not damaging tbe military power of tbe coun-
r.v, then bis .arrest wjs made on mistake of
fact, w.hicb I would be glad to correct on rea
sonably satisfactory evidence.
I understand the meeting, whose resolutions
am considering to be in favor of suppressing
the rebellion by military .. force by armies.
Long experience has shown that armies cannot
be maintained unless desertion shall be pun-
shed by the severe penalty of death. The
case requires, and the law and the Consti-
ution sanction, this punishment. Must I
shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts
while I must not touch a hair ot a wily . agita
tor who induces him to desert? . This is none
the less injurious when effected by getting a
father, or friend, into a. public meeting, and
there working.npon his feelings till be is per
suaded to write the soldier boy tbat be is
fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked adminis
tration of a contemptible government, too
weak to arrest and punish bim if be shall de
sert. I think that in such a case, to silence
tbe agitator and save the boy is not only con
stitntional, but withal a great mercy.
If I be wrong on this question of constutlon-
al power, my error lies in believing tbat cer
tain proceedings are constitutional when, in
cases of rebellion or invasion,the public safety
requires them, which wonld not be constitu-
ionalwben,in absence of rebellion or invasion
tbe public safety does not require them in
other words, tbat tbe constitntion is not, in its
application, in all respects the same, in case
of rebellion or invasion involving tbe pnblio
safety, as it is in times of "profound peace
and public security. Tbe constitution itself
makes tbe distinction and I can no more be j of the meeting that arbitrary arrests w. 11 have
persuaded that the government can constitn- ! the effect to divide and distract those who
tlonally take no strong measures in time of ( should be united in suppressing the rebellion,
rebellion, because it can be shawn that the ; and I am specifically called npon to discharge
same could not be lawtuly taken in time of Mr. Vallaodigham. I regard this as, at least,
peace than I can be persuaded that a par- J a fair appeal to me on the expediency of exer
ticular drug is not good medicine for a sick cising a constitutional power whjc.h I think
man, because it can be shown to not be go6d : exist. In response to such appeal. I have to
food for a well one. Nor am I able to appre
ciate the danger apprehended by tbe meeting
that the American people will, by means of
millitary arrests during the rebellion, lose
the right of public discussion, the liberty of
speech and the press, the law of evidence,
trial by jury, and habeas corpus, throughout
the indefinite peaceful future, which I trust
lies before them, any more than I am able to
believe tbat a mau could contract so strong an
appetite for emetics during temporary illness
as to persist in feeding upon them, the remain
der of his healthful lite.
In giving the resolutions that earnest con
sideration which you request of me, I cannot
overlook the fact that tbe meeting speak as
"Democrats." Nor can I, with full respect tor
their known intelligence, and the fairly pre
sumed deliberation with which they prepared
their resolutions, be permitted to suppose
tbat this occurred by accident, or in any way
other than tbat they preferred to designate
themselves "Democrats" rather than "Ameri
can citizens." In this time of national peril
I would have preferred to meet you npon a
level one step higher than any party platform;
because I am sura tbat, from such more eleva
ted position, we could do better battle for the
country we all love than we possibly can from
those lower ones where, from the force of hab
it, the prejudices of the past, and selfish hopes
of the future, we are sure to expend mncb of
our ingenuity and strength in finding fault
with, and aiming blows at each other. But,
since you have denied roe this, I will yet be
thankful, for the country's sake, that not all
Democrats have done so. He on whoso dis
cretionary judgment Mr. Vallandigbam was
arrested and tried is a democrat, having no old
party affinity with me ; and tbe judge who re
jected tbe constitutional view expressed in
these resolutions, by refusing to discharge
Mr, VallandigBam on habeas corpus, is a dem
ocrat of better days than these, having recei
ved his judicial mantle at tbe hands of Presi
dent Jackson. And still more, of all thoso
democrats who are nobly exposing their lives
and shedding their blood on tbe battle field,
I have learned that many approve the course
taken with Mr. Vallandigbam, while I have
not heard of a single one condemning it. I
cannot assert that there are none such. And
the name of President Jackson recalls an in
stance of pertinent history. After the battle
of New Orleans, and while tbe fact that tbe
treaty of peace bad been concluded was well
kuown in the city, but before official knowl
edge of it bad arrived, Gen. Jackson still
maintained martial or military law. Now,
that it could be said tbe war was over, tbe
clamor against martial law, wbicb had existed
from tbe first, grew more furious Among
other things, a Mr. Louaillier published a de
nunciatory newspaper article. Gen. Jackson
arrested him. A lawyer by tbe name of Mor
el procured the United States Judge Hall to
order a writ of habeas corpus to relieve Mr.
Louaillier. Gen. Jackson arrested both the
lawyer and tbe judge.' A Mr. Hollander ven
tured to say of some part of the matter that
"it was a dirty trick." ' Gen.' Jackson arret
ed him. When the officer undertook to serve
tbe writ of habeas corpus, Gen. Jackson took
it from him, and sent bim away with a copy.
Holding the judge in custody a few days, th
General sent him beyond tbe limits of bis en
campment, and set bim at liberty, with an
order to remain till tbe ratification of peace
should be regularly announced, or until tbe
British should have left the southern coast. A
day or two more elapsed, the ratification of
tbe treaty of peace was regularly announced,
and the judge and others were fully liberated.
A few days more, and the judge called Gen.
Jackson into court and fined him a thousand
dollars for having arrested bim and tbe others
named. The General paid tbe fine, and there
the matter rested for nearly thirty years,
when Congress refunded principal and inter- i
est." The late Senator Douglas, then in the
House of representatives, took a leading part
in tbe debates, in which the constitutional
question was much discussed. I am not pre
pared to say whom the journals wonld show to
have voted for the measure. '
It may be remarked : First, that we had
tbe same Constitntion then as now'; secondly,
that we then bad a case of invasion, and now
we have a case of rebellion ; and, thirdly, that
the permanent right of the people to pnblic
discussion," tbe -liberty of speech and of tbe
press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence?
and tbe habeas corpus, suffered no detriment
whatever by tbat conduct of General Jackson,
or its subsequent approval by tbe American
Congress.
And yet, let me say, tbat in my own discre
tion, I do not know whether I would have or
dered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigbam. While
cannot shift tbe responsibility from myself,
bold that,' as a general rule',-tbe commander
in the field fs the better judge of tbe necessi
ty jn any particular case. Of course, I mnst
practice" a general ..directory and 'revisory
power in the matter.
One of the resolutions expresses fhe opinion
say it gave me pain when X learned Mr. Val
landigbam had been arrested tbat is, I was
pained that there should have seemed to be a
necessity lor arresting him and that it will
afford me great pleasure to discharge bim so
soon as I can by any means believe the pnb
lic safety will not suffer by it. I further say,
tbat as the war progresses, it appears to me,
opinion and action, which were in great con
fusion at first, take shape and fall into more
regular channels, so that the oeceaslty for
strong dealing with thorn gradually decreases.
I have every reason to desire that it sbonld
cease altogether, and far from tbe least is my
regard for the opinions and wishes of those
who, like the meeting at Albany, declare tbeir
purpose to sustain tbe government in every
constitutional and lawful measure to suppress
the rebellion. Still, I must continue to do
so much as may seem to be required by .tbe
public safety. . A.Hscols.
Mrs. Pabtisotos on Weddings. It is a
solemn thing is matrimony a very solemn
thing where the minister comes into tbe
chancery with bis surplus on, and goes
through the ceremony ot making them man
and wife. It ought to be husband and wife,
for it isn't every husband that turns out to
be a man. I declare I never shall forget when
Paul put tbe nuptial rir.g on my finger and
said, "with my goods I thee endow." He
used to keep a dry good store then, and I
thought be was going to give me the whole
there was in It. 1 was young and simple, and
didn't know till afterwards tbat It only meant
one calico gown a year. It is a lovely sight
to see young people "plighting the trough,"
as tbe song says, and coming up to .consume
tbeir vows.', " "
"Johny. get your dictionary, and toll me
what the word Democrat means," said an old
Vallandighammer to bis hope-well, i
Tbe so n complied, aud soon read as follows:
"Democrat, n, One who ; adheres to a
government by the people, or favors tbeexten
sion of suffrage to all classes of men."
"Hold on, John ; does it say all classes of
men ?"
"Yes, dad." :
"Who's the maker of the dictionary 7"
Webstor." -j , .
"Oh, that blasted old Whig I always
thought be was sort of fa voting the niggers!
Johnny, you needn't read that dictionary any
more. -I'll see about getting the right kind ,
when I next go to town."
Th Doctor Knows. An amusing thing oc
curred in tfee 24th Ohio. A few days since a '
soldier, in passing to tho lower part ot the en
campment, saw two others of bis company
making a rude coffin. He inquired who it
was for. ' . ' '
"John Bunco," said the others.
" Why,"replied he, "John is not dead yet.
It is too bad to make a man's coffin when yon
don't know if he is going to die or not.
"Don't trouble yourself," replied the oth
ers. " "Doctor Coe told ns to make hia coffin,
and I guess he knows what he gave him." i
A rebel newspaper announces that shoe pegs
have been produced 1n South Carolina. If
tbe war continues two years longer, and the
blockade puts the inventive and constructive
facnltyof the rebels to Its trumps, they may
yet rise to tbe dignity of clothes pins and ten
penny nails. '
Let our recreations be many, moderate, sea
sonable, and lawful. If your life be sedenta
ry, let it be tending to the exercise of your
body ; if active,' more to the refreshing . of
your mind.. The use of recreation is to
strengthen your labor and sweeten your rest.
Death me how fluidly be talks ? said Mrs.
Partington recently at a temperance meeting.
"I am always rejoiced when he mounts
the nostril, for his eloquence warms me in ev
ery catrfdge bone in my body.-
Quite a langb was raised in .one of the Courts
by an official who, when tbe Judge called out
for the crier to open the Court, .said, "May jt
please your Honor, tbe crier .can't cry to-day
because his wife is dead.
A beautiful woman is tike a great truth or
a great happiness, and baa no more right to
cover himself with a green veil, , or any simi
lar abomination, than the sun - bat to wear
green. spectacles. ; . .;
Henry, Winter Davis. is the Union nomine
for Congress in place of traitor May, : in Bal
timore. Davis is pledged to sustain tbe Ad
ministration without reservation. - ' - : 7
A lady looks older for not confessing bow
old she is. . If sbe never allows her age to be
npon ber tongue, it will show all the more in
her face. ......
t MUs Dobbs aays that tbe sweetest line ah
ever read, was her Hiram's name written In
molasses oa the front door-step. ;. . . ;
To reduc a debt Is by far tbe best wayof
.contracting one. - : o , i
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