BY S. J. ROW. CLEARFIELD, PA.. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 24, 1863. VOL. 9.-NO.- 43. Mr. Lincoln and the N. Y. Democracy IMPORTANT COBBESPOHDEtfCE. Expression of the President on the Ha beas Corpus and Military Arrests. LKTTER or TMB COMMITTEE A!D RESOLUTIONS. Albany, May 19, 1863. To his Excellency the President of the United States : The undersigned, officers of a public meet ing held at the city of Albany on the 16tb day of Say instant, berewith transmit to your ex cellency a copy of tt-e resolutions adopted at siid meeting, and respectfully request your earnest consideration ol them. Tbey deem it proper on tbeir personal responsibility to state that the meeting was one of the most respect able as 10 the numbers and character, and one of the most earnest iu the support ot the Union, ever held in this city. Yours, with great regard, Eras-its Cor.vi.xq, President. Eli Perrt, Vice President. . pBTEtt Ganksvoort. Vice President." Peter Mosteatii, Vice President. SAvtrri. W. Gibbs. Vice President. Jons Niblack, Vice President. II. W. McClulas, Vice President. Lkmi'il W.Ri.dgers, Vice President. W'm. Seymocr, Vice President. Jeremiah Osribx. Vice President. Wit. S. Padock, Vice President. J. B. Sanders, Vicr Pretidnt. Emabd Mclcaut, Vice President I). V. N. Kadcliffk, Vice President. Wm. A. Rice, Secretary. Ecwaid Newcokb, Secretary. R. W. Peckuah, Jr., Secretary. M. A. Nous, Secretary. " Jobs 11. Vessel, Secretary. C. VV. Weeks, Secretary. Resolutions adopted at the meeting held in Mba ny, N. V.t on the 16M day of May, 1803. Resolved, That the Democrats ol New York point to their uniform course of action during the two years of civil war through which we have passed, to the alacrity which they have evinced in niung trie ranks ot the army, to their contribution and sacrifices, as the evi dence of tbeir patriot ism and devotion to the cause ot our imperilled country. .Never in the history of civil wars has a goverumen been sustained with such ample resources of means and men as the people have voluntarily piacea in me uanas oi mis administration Resolved, That, as Democrats, we are deter mined to maintain this patriotic attitude, and despite of adverse and disheartening cirenm- stances, to devote ail. our energies to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to bring back too restoration of all the States under the safeguards of the Con stitution. Resolved, That while we will not consent to be misapprehended upon these points ; we are detetroiueu not to be misunderstood iu regard to others not less essential. ' We demand that the administration shall be irue to the Con Mitution; shall recognize and maintain the rights of the States and the liberties of the 1 tituen ; shall everywhere, outside ol the lines' ol" necessary military occupy ion and the ceiies of insurrection, exert all its po ers to maintain the supremacy of the civil over mil itary la.w Rttolcrd, That, in view of these principles, c deuouuco the recent assumption ot a inili tiry commander to seize and try a citizen Of unio, Clement u. Vallandighara, for no other reason than words addressed to a public meet iiig, in criticism of the course of the adminis tration, and in condemnation, ot the military orders ol that General. Resolved, That this assumption of power by military tribunal, if successlully asserted, nut only abrogates the right of the people to assemble and discuss the affairs of govern ment, the liberty of speech and of the press, the right of trial by jury, tbe law of evidence, ana the privilege of Aa6eacorps,but ft strikes a fatal blow at tho supremacy of law, and the authority of the State and federal constitutions. Resolved, That the Constitution of the Uni ted States the supreme law of the land has defined the crime of treason against the Uni ted States to consist "only in levying war a Kiiist them, or adhering to their enemies, giv "S them aid and comfort ;" and has provided that "do person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act or conlession in open court." And it further provides that "no per son shall be beld to answer lor a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a pre sentment or indictment of a grand jury, ex cept in cases arising in tho land and naval for ces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger ;" and further, that -in all criminal prosecutions, the accused lill er.joy the right of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of tbe State and dis trict w herein the crime was committed." Resoired, That these safeguards of the rights o! the citizen against the pretensions of arbi trary pouer were intended more especially for ki protection in times of civil commotion. They were secured substantially to the Eng lish people, after years of protracted civil war, and were adopted into our Constitution at the ciose of the revolution. They have stood tbe test of seventy-six years of trial, under our republican system, under circumstances which how that, while they constitute the fonnda tion of all free government, they are the ele ments of the enduring stability of the republic. Resohed, That, in adopting tbe language ot J'iiiiei Webster we declare, "It is the ancient iid undoubted prerogative of this people to canvass public measures and the merits of pub lic men." It is a "home-bred right," a fire aide privilege. It had been enjoyed in every hou$e, collage, and cabin in tbe nation. It is undoubted as tbe right of breathing the air ' talking on the earth. Belonging fo pri te life as a right, it belongs to public lite as a -duty.and it is the last duty which those whose representatives we are shall find as to abandon. Aiming at all times to be courteous and tem plate in its osc, except when tbe right itself 'questioned, we shall place ourselves on the 'itrenie boundary of our own right and bid de duce to any arm that would move ns from "r ground. "This high constitntional privi e?e e shall defend and exercise in all places in time or peace, in time of war, and at all "tes. Living, we shall assert it : and should e leave no other inheritance to our children. h)' tbe bleasinff Ol God we will leavn thorn Ihn stritat.ca Of free principles and the example of a manly, independent, and constitutional defence of them." Resolved, That in the election of Governor Seymour, the people of this State, by an em phatic majority, declared their condemnation ol the system of arbitrary arrests and their determination to stand by the Constitution. That the revival of this lawless system can have but 'one result; to divide and distract the North, and destroy its confidence in the purposes of the administration. That we dep recate it as an element of confusion at home, of weakness to our armies in the field, and as calculated to lower tho estimate of American character and magnify tbe apparent peril of our cause abroad. And that, regarding the blow struck at a citizen of Ohio as aimed at the rights of every citizen of the North, we denounce it as against the spirit of our laws and Constitution, and most earnestly call npon the President of tbe United States to reverse the action of tbe mllitarv tribunal which has passed a "cruel and unnsual punishment" np on the party arrested, 'prohibited in terms by the Constitution, and to restore him to tbe liberty of which be has been deprived. Resolred, That the President, Vice-Presidents, and Secretary of this meeting be re quested to transmit a copy of these resolu tions to his Excellency the President of the United States, with the assurance of this-meet-ing of their heartv and earnest desire to sup port the government in every constitntional and lawful measure to suppress tbe existing rebellion. , MR. LIXCOLX'L REPLY. Ex. Mansion, Washington, June 12,1863. Hon. Erastus Corning and others : Gentlemen : Your letter of May 19. enclo sing the resolutions of a public meeting beld at Albany, New Fork, on tbe 16th of tbe same month, was received several days ago. The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolvable into two propositions first, tbe expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure peace through victo ry, and to support Jhe administration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion ; and secondly, a declaration of censure upon the administration for suppos ed unconstitutional action, such as tbe mak ing of military arrests.- And, from tbe two propositions, a third is deduced, which is thht the gentlemen composing the meeting are re solved on doing their part to maintain our common government and country, despite the folly or wickedness, as they may conceive, of any administration. This position is eminent ly patriotic, and as such, I thauk the meeting and congratulate tbe nation for it. My own purpose is the same ; so that the meeting and myself have a common object, and can have no difference, except in the choice of means or measures for effecting that object. And here I ought to close this paper, and would closo it, if there were no apprehension that more injurious consequences than any merely personal to myself might follow the censures systematically cast upon me for do ing what, in my view of duty, I could not for bear. The resolutions promise to support me in every constitutional and lawful meas ure to suppress the rebellion ; and I have not knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But the meeting, by their resolutions, assert and argue that cer tain military arrests, and proceedings follow ing ih'ein for which I am ultimately responsi ble, are. unconstitutional. I think they are not. The resolutions quote from the Consti tution the definition of treason, and also tbe limiting safeguards and guarantees therein provided lbr'tbe citizens on trials for treason, and on his being held to answer for capital or otherwise infamous crimes, and, in criminal prosecutions, his right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury They proceed to resolve "that thes safeguards of the rights of the citizens against the pretensions of arbi trary power were intended more especially for his protection in times of civil commotion." And, apparently to demonstrate tbe proposi tion, the resolutions proceed : "They were secured substantially to the English people af ter years of protracted civil war, and were adopted into our Constitution at tbe close of the revolution." Would not the demonstra tion have been better, if it could have been truly said that these safeguards had been a- d op ted and applied during the civil wars and during our revolution, instead of after the one and at the close of the other? I, too, am. de votedly for thcoi oZw civil war,and before civil war, and at all times, "except when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safe ty may require" their suspension. The res olutions proceed to tell us that these safe guards "have stood the -test of seventy-six years of trial, under our republican system, under circumstauces which show that while they constitute the foundation of all free gov ernment, they are the elements of tho endu ring stability of the republic." No one de nies that they have so stood the test op to the beginning of the present rebellion, it we except a certain occurrence at New Orleans ; nor does any one question that they will stand the same test much longer after the rebellion closes. But these provisions of the Constitu tion have no application to the case we have Id band, because the arrests complained of were not made for treason that is, not for the treason defined in tbe Constitution, and upon the conviction of which the punishment is death nor yet were they made to hold per sons to answer for any capital or otherwise In famous crimes ; nor were the proceedings fol- lowing, in any constitutional or legal sense, "criminal prosecutions." The arrests were made on totally different grounds, and the proceedings following- accorded with tbe grounds of tbe arrests. Let us consider tbe real case with which we are dealing, and apply to it tbe parts of tbe Constitution plainly mad for such cases. Prior to my installation here it bad been inculcated that any State had a lawful right to secede from the national Union, and tha it would be expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect a President to their own liking I was elected contrary to their liking; and accordingly, so far as it was legally possible. they had taken even States out of the Union bad seized many of the United States fort aid bad fired upon the United States flag, all before I was inaugurated, and, of conrse; be fore I had done any official act whatever Tbe rebellion thus begun soon ran into the present civil war; ondf in certain respects, i began on very unequal terms between the par ties. Tbe insurgents bad been preparing for it morj than thirty years, while the govern ment bad taken no steps to resist theui. The former bad carefully considered all tbe means which could be turned to their account. It undoubtedly was a well-pondered reliance with them that in their own unrestricted efforts to destroy Union, Constitution, and law, all together, tbe government would, in great de gree, be restrained by tbe same Constitution and law from arresting their progress. Their sympathiz- rs pervaded all departments of the government and nearly all the people. From this material, under cover of "liberty of Speech," and "habeas corpus," they hoped to keep on fooc amongst ns a most efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers, and aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways They knew that in times such as they were in augurating, by the Constitution itself, the "habeas corpus" might pe suspended: but they also knew they had friends who would make a question as to icAo was to suspend it; meanwhile their spies and others might re main at large to belp on their cause. Or if, as has happened, tbe Executive should suspend the writ, without ruinous waste of time, instances of arresting innocent persons might occur, as are always likely to occur in such cases ; and then a clamor could be rsised in regard to this, which might be, at least, of some service to the insurgent cause. It need ed no very keen perception to discover this part of tbe enemy's programme, so soon as by open hostilities their machinery was fairly put in motion.' Yet, thoroughly imbued with a reverence for tbe garanteed rightsof individ uals, I was slow to adopt tbe strong measures which by degrees I have been forced to regard as being within the exceptations ot tbe Con stitution, and as indispensable to the public safety. Nothing is better known to history than that courts of justice are utterly Incom petent to such cases. Civil courts are organi zed chiefly for trials of individuals,or, at most, a few individuals, iu concert ; and this in quiet times, and charges of crimes well defined in the law. Even in times of peace bands of borsetbieves and robbers frequently grow too numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice. But what comparison, in numbers have such bands ever borne to the insurgent sympathizers even in many of the loyal States? Again, a jury too frequently, has at least one member more ready to hang the panel than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, be who dissuades one man from volunteeing, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in battle. Yet this dissuasion or in ducement may be so conducted as to be no defined crime of which any civil court wonld take cognizance. Ours is a case of rebellion so called by the resolutions before me in fact, a clear, fla grant, and gigantic case of rebellion ; and the provision of the Constitution that "tha privi lege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is the provision which specially applies to our present case. This provision plainly attests the understanding of those who made the Constitution . that ordinary conrts of justice are inadequate to "cases of rebellion," at tests their purpose that,in such cases, men may be held in custody whom tbe courts, acting on ordinary rules, would discbarge. Habeas cor pus does not discbarge men who are proved to be guilty of defined crime; and its suspension is allowed by tbe Constitntion on purpose that men may be arrested and beld who cannot be proved to be guilty ot defined crime, "when, a cases of rebelUon or invasion, tbe pnblic safety may require it." This is precisely our present case a case of rebellion, wherein tbe public salety does require the suspension. In deed, arrests by process of courts, and arrests n cases of rebellion, do not proceed altogether upon tbe same basis. The former is directed at the small percentage of ordinary and con tinuous perpetration of crime, while tbe latter is directed at sudden and extensive uprisings against tbe government, which, at most, will succeed or fail in no great length of time. In the latter case, arrests are made, not so much V for what baa been done, as for what probably would be done. The latter is more for tbe preventive and, less for tbe vindictive than the former.4 In such cases the purposes of men are much more easily understood than in ca ses of ordinary crime. The man who stands by and says nothing when the peril of bis gov ernment is disenssed, cannot be misunder stood. If not hindered, be is sore to help the enemy ; much more, if he talks ambiguously talks for bis country with "buts" and "its" and "ands." Of how little value tbe consti tutional provisions I have quoted will be ren dered, if arrests shall never be made until de fined crimes shall have bees committed, may be illustrated by a few notable examples. Gen erai John C. Breckinridge, General Robert E. Lee, General Joseph E. Johnston, Genera John B. Magruder, General William B. Pres ton. General Simon B. Buck ner, and Coimo aore franklin Buchanan, now occupying tbe very highest places in the rebel war service were all within the power of the governmen since tbe rebellion began, and were nearly as well known to be traitors then as now. Un questionably, if we had seized and held them the insurgent cause would be much weaker But do one of them had then committed any crime defined in tbe law. Every one of them if arrested, would have been discharged on habeas corpus were the writ allowed to oper ate. Iu view of these and similar cases, think the time not unlikely to come when shall be blamed for having made too few ar rests rather than too many. By the third resolution the meeting indi cate their opinion that military arrests may be constitutional in localities where rebellion ac tually exists, but that such arrests are nncon stitutional in localities where rebellion or in surrection does not actually exist. They In sist that such arrests shall not be made "out side of the lines of necessary military occupa tion, and the scenes of insurrection." Inas much, however, as the Constitution Itself makes no such distinction, 1 am unable to be- lieve that there is any such Constitutional dis tinction. I concede that the class of arrests complained of can be Constitutional only when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require them ; and I insist that in such cases they are constitutional wher ever the public safety does require them ; as well In places to which they may prevent tbe rebellion extending as in those where it may be already prevailing ; as well where they may restrain mischievious interference . with tbe raising ' and supplying of armies to suppress the rebellion, as where the rebellion may ac tually be j as well where they may restrain tbe enticing men out of the, army, as where tbey would prevent mutiny in the army ; equally constitutionally at all places where tbey will conduce to tbe public safety, as azainst tbe dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular case mentioned by tbe meeting. It is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Vallandig bam was, by a military commander, seized and tried "for no other reason than words add res sed to a public meeting, in criticism of tbe course of tbe administration,' and in condem nation of the military orders of the general." Now, if there be no mistake about this ; iif this assertion is the truth and the whole truth ; if there was no other reason for the arrest, then I concede that tbe arrest was wrong. But tbe arrest, as I understand, w.is nit J a for a very different reason. Mr. C. L. Vallandiaham a vows his hostility to the war on the part of the Union ; and his arrest was made because he was laboring, with some effect, to prevent tbe raising of troops ; to encourage -desertions from the army; and to leave the rebellion witbontan adequate military force to sup press it. He was not arrested because be was damaging the political prospects of- the ad ministration, or the personal interests of the commanding general, but because be was dam aging the army, npon tbe existence and vigor of which the life of the nation depends. . Be was warring upon tbe military, and this gave the military constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands npon him. If Mr. Vallandighara was not damaging tbe military power of tbe coun- r.v, then bis .arrest wjs made on mistake of fact, w.hicb I would be glad to correct on rea sonably satisfactory evidence. I understand the meeting, whose resolutions am considering to be in favor of suppressing the rebellion by military .. force by armies. Long experience has shown that armies cannot be maintained unless desertion shall be pun- shed by the severe penalty of death. The case requires, and the law and the Consti- ution sanction, this punishment. Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts while I must not touch a hair ot a wily . agita tor who induces him to desert? . This is none the less injurious when effected by getting a father, or friend, into a. public meeting, and there working.npon his feelings till be is per suaded to write the soldier boy tbat be is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked adminis tration of a contemptible government, too weak to arrest and punish bim if be shall de sert. I think that in such a case, to silence tbe agitator and save the boy is not only con stitntional, but withal a great mercy. If I be wrong on this question of constutlon- al power, my error lies in believing tbat cer tain proceedings are constitutional when, in cases of rebellion or invasion,the public safety requires them, which wonld not be constitu- ionalwben,in absence of rebellion or invasion tbe public safety does not require them in other words, tbat tbe constitntion is not, in its application, in all respects the same, in case of rebellion or invasion involving tbe pnblio safety, as it is in times of "profound peace and public security. Tbe constitution itself makes tbe distinction and I can no more be j of the meeting that arbitrary arrests w. 11 have persuaded that the government can constitn- ! the effect to divide and distract those who tlonally take no strong measures in time of ( should be united in suppressing the rebellion, rebellion, because it can be shawn that the ; and I am specifically called npon to discharge same could not be lawtuly taken in time of Mr. Vallaodigham. I regard this as, at least, peace than I can be persuaded that a par- J a fair appeal to me on the expediency of exer ticular drug is not good medicine for a sick cising a constitutional power whjc.h I think man, because it can be shown to not be go6d : exist. In response to such appeal. I have to food for a well one. Nor am I able to appre ciate the danger apprehended by tbe meeting that the American people will, by means of millitary arrests during the rebellion, lose the right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the law of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus, throughout the indefinite peaceful future, which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able to believe tbat a mau could contract so strong an appetite for emetics during temporary illness as to persist in feeding upon them, the remain der of his healthful lite. In giving the resolutions that earnest con sideration which you request of me, I cannot overlook the fact that tbe meeting speak as "Democrats." Nor can I, with full respect tor their known intelligence, and the fairly pre sumed deliberation with which they prepared their resolutions, be permitted to suppose tbat this occurred by accident, or in any way other than tbat they preferred to designate themselves "Democrats" rather than "Ameri can citizens." In this time of national peril I would have preferred to meet you npon a level one step higher than any party platform; because I am sura tbat, from such more eleva ted position, we could do better battle for the country we all love than we possibly can from those lower ones where, from the force of hab it, the prejudices of the past, and selfish hopes of the future, we are sure to expend mncb of our ingenuity and strength in finding fault with, and aiming blows at each other. But, since you have denied roe this, I will yet be thankful, for the country's sake, that not all Democrats have done so. He on whoso dis cretionary judgment Mr. Vallandigbam was arrested and tried is a democrat, having no old party affinity with me ; and tbe judge who re jected tbe constitutional view expressed in these resolutions, by refusing to discharge Mr, VallandigBam on habeas corpus, is a dem ocrat of better days than these, having recei ved his judicial mantle at tbe hands of Presi dent Jackson. And still more, of all thoso democrats who are nobly exposing their lives and shedding their blood on tbe battle field, I have learned that many approve the course taken with Mr. Vallandigbam, while I have not heard of a single one condemning it. I cannot assert that there are none such. And the name of President Jackson recalls an in stance of pertinent history. After the battle of New Orleans, and while tbe fact that tbe treaty of peace bad been concluded was well kuown in the city, but before official knowl edge of it bad arrived, Gen. Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now, that it could be said tbe war was over, tbe clamor against martial law, wbicb had existed from tbe first, grew more furious Among other things, a Mr. Louaillier published a de nunciatory newspaper article. Gen. Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by tbe name of Mor el procured the United States Judge Hall to order a writ of habeas corpus to relieve Mr. Louaillier. Gen. Jackson arrested both the lawyer and tbe judge.' A Mr. Hollander ven tured to say of some part of the matter that "it was a dirty trick." ' Gen.' Jackson arret ed him. When the officer undertook to serve tbe writ of habeas corpus, Gen. Jackson took it from him, and sent bim away with a copy. Holding the judge in custody a few days, th General sent him beyond tbe limits of bis en campment, and set bim at liberty, with an order to remain till tbe ratification of peace should be regularly announced, or until tbe British should have left the southern coast. A day or two more elapsed, the ratification of tbe treaty of peace was regularly announced, and the judge and others were fully liberated. A few days more, and the judge called Gen. Jackson into court and fined him a thousand dollars for having arrested bim and tbe others named. The General paid tbe fine, and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Congress refunded principal and inter- i est." The late Senator Douglas, then in the House of representatives, took a leading part in tbe debates, in which the constitutional question was much discussed. I am not pre pared to say whom the journals wonld show to have voted for the measure. ' It may be remarked : First, that we had tbe same Constitntion then as now'; secondly, that we then bad a case of invasion, and now we have a case of rebellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of the people to pnblic discussion," tbe -liberty of speech and of tbe press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence? and tbe habeas corpus, suffered no detriment whatever by tbat conduct of General Jackson, or its subsequent approval by tbe American Congress. And yet, let me say, tbat in my own discre tion, I do not know whether I would have or dered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigbam. While cannot shift tbe responsibility from myself, bold that,' as a general rule',-tbe commander in the field fs the better judge of tbe necessi ty jn any particular case. Of course, I mnst practice" a general ..directory and 'revisory power in the matter. One of the resolutions expresses fhe opinion say it gave me pain when X learned Mr. Val landigbam had been arrested tbat is, I was pained that there should have seemed to be a necessity lor arresting him and that it will afford me great pleasure to discharge bim so soon as I can by any means believe the pnb lic safety will not suffer by it. I further say, tbat as the war progresses, it appears to me, opinion and action, which were in great con fusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the oeceaslty for strong dealing with thorn gradually decreases. I have every reason to desire that it sbonld cease altogether, and far from tbe least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like the meeting at Albany, declare tbeir purpose to sustain tbe government in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem to be required by .tbe public safety. . A.Hscols. Mrs. Pabtisotos on Weddings. It is a solemn thing is matrimony a very solemn thing where the minister comes into tbe chancery with bis surplus on, and goes through the ceremony ot making them man and wife. It ought to be husband and wife, for it isn't every husband that turns out to be a man. I declare I never shall forget when Paul put tbe nuptial rir.g on my finger and said, "with my goods I thee endow." He used to keep a dry good store then, and I thought be was going to give me the whole there was in It. 1 was young and simple, and didn't know till afterwards tbat It only meant one calico gown a year. It is a lovely sight to see young people "plighting the trough," as tbe song says, and coming up to .consume tbeir vows.', " " "Johny. get your dictionary, and toll me what the word Democrat means," said an old Vallandighammer to bis hope-well, i Tbe so n complied, aud soon read as follows: "Democrat, n, One who ; adheres to a government by the people, or favors tbeexten sion of suffrage to all classes of men." "Hold on, John ; does it say all classes of men ?" "Yes, dad." : "Who's the maker of the dictionary 7" Webstor." -j , . "Oh, that blasted old Whig I always thought be was sort of fa voting the niggers! Johnny, you needn't read that dictionary any more. -I'll see about getting the right kind , when I next go to town." Th Doctor Knows. An amusing thing oc curred in tfee 24th Ohio. A few days since a ' soldier, in passing to tho lower part ot the en campment, saw two others of bis company making a rude coffin. He inquired who it was for. ' . ' ' "John Bunco," said the others. " Why,"replied he, "John is not dead yet. It is too bad to make a man's coffin when yon don't know if he is going to die or not. "Don't trouble yourself," replied the oth ers. " "Doctor Coe told ns to make hia coffin, and I guess he knows what he gave him." i A rebel newspaper announces that shoe pegs have been produced 1n South Carolina. If tbe war continues two years longer, and the blockade puts the inventive and constructive facnltyof the rebels to Its trumps, they may yet rise to tbe dignity of clothes pins and ten penny nails. ' Let our recreations be many, moderate, sea sonable, and lawful. If your life be sedenta ry, let it be tending to the exercise of your body ; if active,' more to the refreshing . of your mind.. The use of recreation is to strengthen your labor and sweeten your rest. Death me how fluidly be talks ? said Mrs. Partington recently at a temperance meeting. "I am always rejoiced when he mounts the nostril, for his eloquence warms me in ev ery catrfdge bone in my body.- Quite a langb was raised in .one of the Courts by an official who, when tbe Judge called out for the crier to open the Court, .said, "May jt please your Honor, tbe crier .can't cry to-day because his wife is dead. A beautiful woman is tike a great truth or a great happiness, and baa no more right to cover himself with a green veil, , or any simi lar abomination, than the sun - bat to wear green. spectacles. ; . .; Henry, Winter Davis. is the Union nomine for Congress in place of traitor May, : in Bal timore. Davis is pledged to sustain tbe Ad ministration without reservation. - ' - : 7 A lady looks older for not confessing bow old she is. . If sbe never allows her age to be npon ber tongue, it will show all the more in her face. ...... t MUs Dobbs aays that tbe sweetest line ah ever read, was her Hiram's name written In molasses oa the front door-step. ;. . . ; To reduc a debt Is by far tbe best wayof .contracting one. - : o , i s J n I nr ir
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