Raftsman's journal. (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, December 12, 1860, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

YOL. 7.-JV0. 10.
Each dweller in onr glorious States
Talks load of equal rights, and prU
That wealth ia no embargo! -.
Oh hone.ty and common aenae; .
Cut all of thia ia mere pretence
It' "money makes the mare go."
Go. aee the girl consigned by fate,
To mesial serviee, hard and late .
Can ne'er a minute spare, O !
Vrith eharma like Venus, though it may
Htr make a frightful Hecate
lut "money makes the mare go."
Or go to any public place,
See poverty with Sun-browned face,
Bat braina a goodly cargo :
A wealthy fool steps in ahead.
iThoee neck supports a lump of lead -
It's "money makes the mare ge."
Attend the church, and witneaa there
Proud Dives sit on euahiona rate,
Where no poor man shall dare ga ;
For him hard seats are good enough.
And Ootpwl taken in the rough,
Where '-money makes the mare go."
You wealthy saints in heaven must get
The basement for the pauper set,
, Who in freight ears must there go ;
Then let the aervanta live below,
And 't will not mortify you so
It's "money makes the mare go."
The parish of Bathgate, in Linlithgowshire
ought to be reckoned among the classic spots
'l Scotland, inasmuch as It formed part of the
dowry which Robert the Bruce bestowed on
his eldest daughter Margery, when she mar
ried Walter, the High Steward of Scotland,
and thus became the progenitrix of the royal
and unlucky house of Stuart. Lying midway
between f.dinburg . and Glasgow, those riVa
iieens of the east and west, but out of the
common track of trafhc and travel, it has been
for ages a pastoral parish, ot small and rather
backward farms. Of late years, coal has been
found there ; and steam and trade, which bid
fair to leave the world no rustic corner, are
rapidly tnrning it into a mining district ; which
nobody thought of about the time ot the gen
rral peace, when Bathgate lived on its own
oats and barley, wore its own hodden-gray,
and liaa but two subjects or interest the corn
market and the kirk-session. Among its
peaceable and industrious population there
was one dame who, though neither the weal
thiest nor the best born, stood, in her own es
teem, above all but the laird and the minister :
and her style and title was Widow Simpson.
This ladr valued herself not on the farm left
Tier by the good man who had departed this
life some seven years before the commence-
ouent of our story, for its acres were few, and
they consisted of half-reclaimed moorland-
not on her grown-up son Robin, though he was
counted a likely and sensible lad not on ber
own thnfry housekeeping, though itwasknown
to be on the tight screw principle but on the
possession of a dozen silver teaspoons. Her
account of them was that they had belonged
to the Young Chevalier, and hod been bestow-
rd upon her grandfather In return for enter
taining that claimant to the British crown, on
sua march from Culloden in proof of which
the was accustomed to point out a half oblite
rated crest and the initials C. S., with which
ihry were marked. The widow's neighbors,
however, had a different tale regarding their
coming into the family. It was to tho effect
that her grandfather, who kept a small inn
somewhere in Fife, had bought them from an
ill-doing laird for three gallons of Highland
whlnkey, and bestowed them on his grand
daughter, as the one of his family most likely
to hold fast to such an important acquisition.
In the family resided, in the capacity of
rieip, one .Nancy Campbell, a girl about nine
teen, who was suspected of having taken a
fancy to Robin, who reciprocated the senti
ment. Nothing, however, would soften the
heart of the widow as regards a match, until
at last the following event occured, and caus
ed her to give way : About the hay-making
time, a distant and comparatively rich relation
was expected to call and take tea that evening
on his way from Liulithgow. It was not often
that this superior relative honored her house
with a visit, and Sirs. Simpson, determined
that nothing should be wanting to his enter
tainment, brought out the treasured spoons
early in the forcnonn, with many injunctions
to .Nancy touching the care she should take in
brightening them up. While this operation
waa being conducted in the kitchen, in the
midst of one of those uncertain days which
vary the northern June, a sudden darkening
f the sky announced the approach of a hea
vy rain. The hay was dry and ready for
bousing. Kobin and two farm men were
fathering it in ; but the great drops began to
lall while a considerable portion yet remained
in the field, and, with the instinct of crop-pre-jervation,
forth rushed the widow, followed
y Nancy, leaving the spoons half-scoured
pon the kitchen table. In her rapid exit the
girl had lorgotten to latch the door. The
weasel and the kite were the only depredators
known about the moorland farm ; but while
ej were all occupied in the bayfield, who
aould come that way bnt Geordy Wilson.
Well, the kitchen door was open, and Geor
1 eppcd in. He banged the settle with his
taff, be coughed, he hemmed, he saluted the
ct, which sat purring on the window-seat,
anl t length discovered there was nobody
Hbin. Neither meal nor uennv was to be
pected that day ; the rain was growing heav
ier, some of the hay mnst be wet, and Mrs.
Simpson would return in bad humor. But
!o objects powerfully arrested Geordy's at
wnuon ; one was the broth-pot boiling on the
n!, tho olncr tne "Ier spoons scattered
tue table. Bending over the former.Geor
001 considerable sniff, gave the ingredi
,,.',"!r with the pot-stick, and muttered,
ih i . " His proceeding with regard to
naif Ler teust remaln nnmentlonedi bat,
eld i " 7ora,ter, when he was safely eoscon-
driV . nQe nine off,the family were
. uours Dy toe increasing storm,
" brnt k d eeryng it had been left the
thT?i-n-the flre tbe c4t on the window-seat,
wiutmg and flannel on tbe table ; but not
pooo was there. ..
to k ' tbe Pons7" cried Mrs. Simpson
drviT ADtir fn"y, who stood by the fire
Ku Te,r W6t torments. Nobody could tell,
had I d ,efl tnem on the ub, wb b
bon i the hav' No on had bee11 in the
aittnrL 7 were eertain,' but nothing was
th 10? Tb drawer was polled out, and
et,r! 7 ,tockln exhibited. J3rery shelf,
the LCOrDOr WM MMched, hut to no pnrposb';
th,00"' h dissppeared, and the state ot
J"n house may be Imagined. The widow
"'IICDW Th n J . . , . ,
ran through it like one distracted, question
ing, scolding; and searching. Kobin, Nancy
and the farm-men were despatched in differ
ent directions, as soon as the rain abated, to
advertize the neighbors, under the supposition
that some strolling beggar or gipsy might have
carried off the treasure, and would attempt to
dispose of it in the parish. Nobody thought
or Ueordy Wilson ; he had not been spied
from the hay-field ; his circuits were wide ;
his visits to any house were not frequent ; and
if he eschewed Widow Simpson's from the
day of her loss, it was believed Geordy knew
that neither her temper nor her liberality
would be improved by that circumstance.
Lost tho spoons were, beyond a doubt, and
the widow bade fair to lose lief senses. Tho
rich relation came at his appointed time, and
had such a tea, that he avowed never again to
trust himself in the house of his entertainer.
But the search went on ; rabbits' holes were
looked into for the missing silver, and active
boys were bribed to turn out magpies' nests.
Weils and barns in the neighborhood were ex
plored.. The crmrs of the three nearest par
ishes were employed to proclaim the loss;
it was regularly advertised at kirk gate and
market place ; and Mrs.,Simpson began to talk
of getting a search-warrant for the beggar's
meal-pouch. Bathgat was alarmed through
all its borders concerning tbo spoons ; but
when almost a month wore away, and nothing
could be heard of them, the widow's suspici
ons turned from beggars, barns, and magpies,
to light on poor Nancy. She had been scour
ing the spoons, and left the bouse last ; silver
could not leave the table without hands. It
was true that Nancy had always borne an
unquestioned character : but such spoons were
not to be met with every day, and Mrs. Simp
son was determined to have them back in her
stocking. After sundry hints of increasing
breadth to Kolnn.who could not help thinking
his mother was losing her judgment, she, one
day plumped the charge, to the utter astonish
ment and dismay of the poor girl, whose anx
iety in the search had been inferior only to
her own. Though poor and an orphan, Nancy
had some honest pride : she immediately turn
ed out the whole contents of her kist, (box)
unstrung her pocket in Mrs. Simpson's pres
ence, and ran with tears in her eyes to tell the
. As was then common in the country parish
es of Scotland, difficulties and disputes which
1 a a . . a .
uugut nave employed tne writera ana puzzled
the magistrates were "referred to his arbitra
tion, and thus law-suits or scandal prevented.
The minister had heard, as who in Bathgate
had not? of Mrs. Simpson's loss. Like the
rest of the parish he thought it rather strange ;
but Nancy Cam be 11 was one of the most seri
ous and oxemplary girls in his congregation
he could not believe that the charge preferred
against her was true ; yet the peculiarities of
the case demanded investigation. With some
difficulty the minister persuaded Nancy to
return to her mistress, bearing a message to
the effect that he. and two other of his elders
who happened to reside in the neighborhood,
would come over in the following evening.
hear what could be said on both sides, and, if
possible, clear up the mystery. The widow
was well pleased at the minister and his elders
coining to inquire after her spoons. She put
on her best mulch that is to say, cap pre
pared her best speeches, and enlisted some of
tbe most serious and reliable of her neighbors
to assist in the investigation.
Early in the evening of tho following day
when the summer sun was wearing low and
the field-work was over they were all as
sembled in the clean-scoured kitchen, the
minister, elders, and neighbors, soberly listen
ing to Mrs. Simpson's testimony touching her
lost silver, Nancy, Kobin, and farm-men sit
ting by till their turn came : when the door,
which had been left half-open to admit the
breeze for the evening was sultry was quiet
ly pushed aside, and in slid Geordy Wilson,
with his usual accompaniments of staff and
There's nae room for ye here, Geordy,"
said the widow ; "we're on weighty business."
M eel, mem," said Geordy, turning to de
part, "it's of nae consequence. I only came
to speak about your spoons."
"llae ye heard o'them " cried Mrs. Simp
son, bouncing from her seat.
"I couldua miss, beein' blessed wr the pre
cious gift o'hearin ; and, what's better, I saw
them," said Geordy.
"Saw them, Geordy 1 Whar are they ? and
here's a whole shillin' for ye ;" and Mrs. Simp
son's purse, or rather an old glove used for
that purpose, was instantly produced.
"Weel," said Geordy, ! slipped m ae day,
and seein' the siller unguarded, I thought
some ill-guided body might covet it, and jist
aid it by, 1 may sav, among the leaves o' that
Bible, tbinkin' you would be sure to see the
spoons when you went to read."
Before Geordy had finished his revalation,
Nancy Campbell had brought down the proud
ly displayed, but never-opened Bible, and in
terspersed between its leaves lay the dozen of
long-sought spoons.
The minister of Bathgate could scarcely
command his gravity while admonishing
Geordy on the trouble and vexation his trick
had caused. The assembled neighbors laugh
ed outright when the dalt man, pocketing the
widow's shilling, which he had clutched in
tbe early part of his discourse, assured them
all that he kenned Mrs. Simpson read her
Bible often the spoons would be certain to
turn up. lieordy got many a basin or brotn
and many a luncheon ot bread and cheese on
account of that transaction, with which be a
mused all tbo firesides of tbe parish. Mrs.
Simpson was struck dumb even from scolding.
The discovery put an end to her ostentatious
professions, and, it may be hoped, turned her
attention more to practice. By way of making
amends for her unjust imputations on Nancy
Campbell, she consented to receive ber as a
daughter-in-law within tbe same year ; and it
is said there was peace ever after in tbe farm
house ; but tbe good people of Bathgate, when
discussing a character of more pretence than
performance, still refer to Widow Simpson's
spoons, t . ' '
; A St. Louis paper states that a total of eigh
ty. thousand buffalo robes, tanned by squaws,
hare been received from, different Indian tribes
and sold in that city tbe present season.
The earnings ol the New Y-ork Central RaiJ
rpa4 in I860 wl probably fooj! up $7,0W,OOC.
case iq"chancery,legtin in Englap
, was decided1 iR Jloodoh ia October.
4 ii
Ftllovo-citiztnt of the Senate and House of
Throughout the year since our last meeting
the country has been eminently prosperous in
all its material interests. The genera health
has been excellent, our harvests have been
abundant, and plenty smiles throughout tbe
land, uur commerce and manufactures have
been prosecuted with energy and industry
and have yielded fair and ample returns. In
short, no nation in the tide of timo has ever
presented a spectacle of greater material pros
perity than we have done until within a very
recent period. . .
Why is if, then, that discontent now so ex
tensively prevails, and the Union of the States,
which is the source of all these blessings, is
threatened with destruction ? The long-con
tinued and intemperate interference of tbe
N orthern people with tbe question of slavery
in tbe Southern States has at length produced
its natural effects. The different sections of
the Union are now arrayed against each other,
and the time has arrived, so much dreaded by
the Father of bis Country, when hostile geo
graphical parties have been formed. I have
long foreseen and often lorewarned my coun
trymen of the now impending danger. This
does not proceed solely from the claim on the
part of Congress or the territorial legislatures
to exclude slavery from the Territories, nor
from the efforts of different States to defeat
the execution of the fugitive slave law. All
or any of these evils might have been endured
by tbe South without danger to the Union,
(as others have been,) in the hope that time
and reflection might apply the remedy. The
immediate peril arises not so much from these
causes as from the fact that the incessant and
violent agitation of the slavery question thro'
out the North for the last quarter of a century,
naa at length produced its malign Influence
on tbe slaves, and inspired them with vague
notions or freedom, lience a sense of secu
rity no longer exists around the family altar.
This feeling of peace at home has given place
to apprehensions of servile insurrection. Ma
ny a Matron throughout the South retires at
night in dread of what may befall herself and
ber children before the morning. Should this
apprehension of domestic danger, whether
real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself
until it shall pervade the masses of the South
ern people, then disunion will become inevita
ble. Self-preservation is tne first law of na
ture, and has been implanted in the heart of
man by his Creator for the wisest purposes :
and no political union, however fraught with
blessings and benefits in all other respects.can
long continue, if the necessary consequence
be to render the homes and tho fireside of
nearly half the parties to it habitually and
hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later the
bonds ot such a Union must be severed. It
is my conviction tbat this fatal period has not
yet arrived ; and my prayer to God is that He
wvtuld preserve tbe Constitution and tbe Union
throughout all generations. But let us take
warning in time, and remove the cause of dan
ger. It cannot be denied tbat, for twenty five
years, tbe agitation at tbe North against sla
very in the South has been incessant. In lo35
pictorial hand-bills, and i nflammatory appeals
were circulated extensively throughout the
South, of a character to excite the passions of
the slaves ; and, in the language of General
Jackson, "to stimulate them to insurrection,
and produce all the horrors of a servile war."
This agitation has ever since been continued
by tbe public press, by tbe proceedings of
State and county conventions,aud by abolition
Eermons and lectures. The time of Congress
has been occupied in violent speeches on this
never-ending subject; andappealsin pamphlet
and other forms, endorsed by distinguished
names, have been sent forth from this central
point and spread broadcast over tbe Union.
Dow easy would it be for the American peo
ple to settle the slavery question forever, and
to restore peace and harmony to this distract
ed country. They, and they alone, can do it.
All that is necessary to accomplish the object,
and all for which the slave States have ever
contended, fs to be let alone, and permitted to
manage their domestic institutions in their
own way. As sovereign States, they, and they
alone, are responsible before God and tho
world for tbo slavery existing among them.
For this, the people of the North are not more
responsible, and have no more right to inter
fere, than with similar institutions in Russia
or in Brazil. Upon their good sense and pa
triotic forbearance I confess I still greatly re
ly. Without their aid, it is beyond the power
of any President, no matter what may be his
own political proclivities, to restore peace and
harmony among the States. Wisely limited
and restrained as is his power, under our
Constitution and laws, he alone can accom
plish but little, for good or lor evil, on such
a momentous question.
And this brings me to observe that tho elec
tion of any one of our feliow-citizens to tbe
office of President does not of itself afford just
cause for dissolving the Union. This is more
especially true if bis election has been effected
by a mere plurality, and not a majority, of tbe
people, and has resulted from transient and
temporary causes, which may probably never
again occur. In order to justify a resort to
revolutionary resistance, the Federal Govern
ment must be guilty of "a deliberate, palpa
ble, and dangerous exercise" of powers not
granted by tbe Constitution. Tbe late Presi
dential election, however, has been held in
strict conformity with its express provisions.
How, then, can tbe result justify a revolution
to destroy thia very Constitution 7 Reason,
justice, a regard for tbe Constitution, all re
quire tbat we shall wait for some overt and
dangerous act on the part of tbe President e
lect before resorting to such a remedy. It is
said, however that the antecedents of tbe Pres
ident elect have been sufficient to justify tbe
fears of the South tbat he will attempt to in
vade their constitutional rights. - But are such
apprehensions of contingent danger in the fa
ture sufficient to justify tbe immediate de
struction of the qoblest system of government
ever devised by mortals ? . From tbe very na
ture of, his office, and its high responsibilities,
he, must necessarily he conservative, . The
stern duty of administering the vast and com
plicated concerns pf this Government affords
hi Rsel( a guarantee thar ha wjU not attempt
any YioaUp,q ftl plear. constitutional right.
Aher a,ll, he HQ more tha,n, the chief execu.?
tive ol tbe Government. His province is not
to make, but to execute the laws ; and it is a
rciuantaoie tact in our history, that, notwith
standing tbe repeated efforts of the anti slave
rj parly, no single act has ever passed Con
gress, unless we may posaiblv excent the Mis
souri Compromise, impairing, !d the slightest
i no rigius oi me ooutn to tneir prop
ertv in slaves. - And it msitr oltn lo nUaawoaA
judging from piesent indications, that no prob-
uuimy exists or tne passage ot such an act, by
"jujuniy or ootn nouses, either in the pres
cnt or the next Congress. Surely, under
mese circumstances, we ought to be restrain
ed from present action by-the precept of Him
who spake as never man spoke, that "suffi
cient unto the day is the evil thereof." The
day of evil may never come, unless we shal
rashly bring it upon ourselves.
It is alleged as one cause for immediate se
cession that tbe Southern States are denied e
qual rights with tbe other States In the com
mon Territories. But by what authority are
these denied 1 Not by Congress, which has
never passed, and I believe never will pass,
any act to exclude slavery from these Territo
ries ; and certainly not by the Supreme Court,
which has solemnly decided that slaves are
property, and like all other property, their
owners have a right to take them into the com.
mon Territories, and hold them there under
the protection of the Constitution. So far.
then, as Congress is concerned, the objection
is not to anything they have already done, but
to what they may do hereafter. It will snrely
be admitted that this apprehension of future
danger is no good reason for an immediate
J a
dissolution ot the Union. It is true that tbe
territorial legislature of Kansas, on tbe 22d ot
x ebrnary, lcbu, passed in great haste an act,
over the veto of the Governor, declaring that
slavery "is, and shall be, forever prohibited in
this territory." Such an act, however, plain
ly violating the rights of property secured by
tne constitution, will surely be declared void
by the judiciary wbenever it shall be present
ed in a legal form. Only three days after my
inauguration the Supreme Court ot the United
States solemnly adjudged that this power did
not exist in a territorial legislature. Yet such
has been the factious temper of the times that
the correctness of this decision has been ex
tensively impugned before tbe people, and
the question has given rise to angry political
conflicts throughout the country. Those who
have appealed from this judgment of our high
est constitntional tribunal to popular assem
blies, would, if they could, invest a territorial
legislature with power to annul the sacred
rights of property. This power Congress is
expressly rorbidden by the Federal Constitu
tion to exercise. Every State legislature in
the Union is forbidden by its own constitution
to exercise. LU:2t cannot be exercised in any
State except by the people in their highest
sovereign capacity when framing or amending
their State constitution. In like manner, it
can only be exercised by the people of a Ter
ritory represented in a convention of delegates
for the purpose of framing a constitution pre
paratory to admission as a State into the U
nion. Then, and not until then, are they In
vested with power to decide the question
whether slavery shall or shall not exist within
their limits. This is an act of sovereign au
thority, and not of subordinate territorial le
gislation. Were it otherwise, then indeed
would tbe equality of the States In the Terri
tories be destroyed, and the rights of property
in slaves would depend not upon the guaran
tees of the Constitution, but upon the shift
ing majorities of an irresponsible territorial
legislature. Such a doctrine, from its intrin
sic unsoundness, cannot long influence any
considerable portion of our people, much less
can it afford a good reason lor a dissolution
of the Union.
The most palpable violations of constitution
al duty which have yet been committed con
sist in . the acts of different State legislatures
to deieat the execution of tbe fugitive slave
law. It ought to be remembered, however.
that for these acts, neither Congress nor any
. resident can justly be held responsible. Hav
ii g been passed in violation cf , the Federal
Constitution, they ere therefore null and void.
All the courts, both State and national, before
whom the question has arisen, have from the
beginning declared the fugitive slave liw to be
constitutional. The single exception is that
of the State court in Wisconsin, and this has
not only been reversed by the proper appellate
tribunal, but has met with such universal rep
robation that there is no danger from it as a
precedent. The validity of this law has been
established over and over again by tbe Supreme
Court of the United States with perfect una
nimity, it is founded upon an express provi
sion of the Constitution, requiring that fugi
tive slaves who escape from service in oneState
to another shall be 'delivered up' to their mas
ter. Without this provision it is a well-known
historical fact that the Constitution itself could
never have been adopted by the Convention.
n one form or other under the acts of 1793
and 1850, both being substantially tbe same,
the fugitive slave law has been the law of tho
land from tho days ot Washington until the
present moment. Here, then, a clear case is
presented, in which it will be the duty ol the
next President, as it has been my own, to act
with vigor in executing this supreme law a
gainst the conflicting enactments of State le
gislatures. Should he fail in the performance
of this high duty, he will then have manifest
ed a disregard of tbe Constitution and laws, to
the great injury of . tbe people of nearly one
half of the States of the Union. But are we
to presume in advance that he will thus violate
his duty 7 This would be at war with every
principle ol. justice and of Christian charity.
L,ei tis wait for the overt act. J. be fugitive
slave law has been carried into execution in
every contested case since tbe commencement
of the present administration i though often it
s to be regretted, with great loss and inconve
nience to tbe master, and with considerable
expense to the government.: Let ns trnst that
the State legislatures will repeal their uncon
stitutional and obnoxious enactments. Unless
this shall be done without unnecessary delay,
it is impossible tor any human power to save
tbe Union. The Southern States, standing on
the basis of tbe Constitution, have a right to
demand this act of justice from tbe States of
the North- Should it be refused, then tbe Con
stitution, to which all the States are parties,
will have been wilfully violated by one por
tion or them ; in a provision essential to the
domestic security and happiness ot the re
mainder. In that event, the injured States,
after baying first used all . peaceful and coa-
st4tn.ti0n.ai means (ut autaia redress, Ttuuiq be
justified in revolutionary resistance to the
urvvcrnmeni 01 me union.
I have purposely confined my remarks to
revolutionary resistance, because it has been
claimed within the last few years, that any
State, whenever this shall be its sovereign
will and pleasure, may secede from the Union,
In accordance with the Constitution, and with
out any violation of the constitutional rights
of tbe other members of the Confederacy j that
as each became parties to the Union by the
votes of its own people assembled in Conven
tion, so any one of them may retire from the
Union in a similar manner by the vote of such
a convention. In order to justify secession
as a constitutional remedy it must be on the
principle that the Federal Government Is a
mere voluntary association of States, to be dis
solved at pleasure by any one of the contrac
ting parties. If this be so, the Confederacy
is a rope of sand, to be penetrated and dissol
ved by the first adverse wave of public opinion
in any of the States. In this manner our
thirty-three States may resolve themselves
into as many petty, jarring, and hostile repub
lics, each one retiring from the Union, with
out responsibility, whenever any sudden ex
citement might impel them to such a course.
By this process a Union might be entirely
broken into fragments in a few weeks, which
cost our forefathers many years of toil, priva
tion and blood, to establish. Such a princi
ple is wholly inconsistent with tbe history as
well as the character of the Federal Consti
tution. After it was framed, with the great
est deliberation and care, it was submitted to
conventions of the people of the several States
for ratification. Its provisions were discussed
at length in these bodies composed of the first
men of the country. Its opponents contended
that it conferred powers upon the Federal
Government dangerous to the rights of the
States, whilst its advocates maintained that
nnder a fair construction of the Instrument
there was no foundation for such apprehensions.
In tbat mighty struggle between the first intel
lects of this or any other country, it never oc
curred to any individual, either among its op
ponents or advocates, to assert, or even to in
timate, that their efforts were all vain labor, !
because the moment that any State felt her
self aggrieved she might secede from the U-
mon. What a crushing argument would tins
have proved against those who dreaded that
the rights of the States would be endangered
by the Constitution. The truth is, that it was
not nntil many years after the origin of the
federal Government that such a proposition
was first advanced. It was then nmt and re
futed by the conclusive arguments of Gener
al Jackson, who in his message of 16th Jan.,
1833, transmitting the nullifying ordinance of
Sonth Carolina' to Congress, employs the fol
lowing language: "The right of the people of
a single State to absolve themselves at will,
and without the consent ot the other States,
from their most solemn obligations, and haz
ard tbe liberty and happiness of the millions
composing this Union, cannot be acknowledg
ed. Such authority is believed to be utterly
repugnant both to tbe principles upon which
the General Government is constituted and to
the objects which it was expressly formed to
attain." It is not pretended that any clause
in the Constitution gives countenance to such
a theory. .It is altogether founded upon in
ference, not from any language contained in
the instrument itself, but from the sovereign
character of the several States by which it
was ratified. But is it beyond the power of a
State, like au individual, to yield a portion of
its sovereign rights to secure the remainder?
In tbe language ol Mr. Madison, who has been
called the father of the Constitution : "It was
formed by tbe States tbat is, by the people
in each of the States, acting in their highest
sovereign capacity ; and formed consequent
ly by tho same authority which formed the
State constitutions." "Nor is the Govern
ment of the United States, created by the Con
stitution, less a Government in the strict
sense of tbe term, within the sphere of its
poweis than the governments created by the
constitutions of tbe States are, wtthin their
several spheres. It is, like them, organiz
ed into legislative, executive, and judicia
ry departments. . It operates, like them, di
rectly on persons and things ; and, like
them, it has at command a physical force
for exeeutin? the powers committed to it."
It was intended to be perpetual, and not to be
annulled at the pleasure of any one of the con
tracting parties. The old articles of confed
eration were entitled " Articles of Confedera
tion and Perpetual Union between the States;"
and by the 13th article it is expressly declared
that "the articles of this Confederation shall
be inviolably observed by every State, and the
Union shall be perpetual." The preamble to
the Constitution ot the United States, having
express reference to the articles of Confeder
ation, recites that it was established "in order
to form a more perfect union." And yet it is
contended tbat this "more perfect union,"
does not include the essential attribute of
But that the Union was designed to be per
petual appears conclnsivcly from the nature
and extent of the powers conferred by the Con
stitution on the Federal Government. These
powers embrace the very highest attributes of
national sovereignty. I hey place both the
sword and the purse under its control. Con
gress has power to make war, and to make
peace ; to raise and support armies and navies,
and to conclude treaties with foreign govern
ments. It is invested with the power to coin
money, and to regulate the value thereof, and
to regulate commerce with foreign nations,and
among the several States. It is not necessary
to enumerate the other high powers wnicn
have been conferred upon tbe Federal Govern
ment. In order to carry the enumerated pow
ers into effect. Congress possesses the exclu
sive right to lay and collect duties on imports,
and in common with the States to lay and col
lect all other taxes. But the Constitution has
not only conferred these high powers uponCon
gress, but it has adopted effectual means to re
strain the States from . interfering with their
exercise. . For that purpose it has, in strong
prohibitory language, expressly declared that
"no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance,
or confederation ; grant letters of marque or
reprisals 1 coin money ; emit bills of credit ;
make anything but gold and silver coin a legal
tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of
attainder, ex pott fueto law,' or law impairing
tbe obligation of contracts." Moreover, "with
out the consent of Congress, no State shall lay
any . imposts or duties, oa any im porta or ex-
purls, except wuat may be absolutely necessa
ry for executing its inspection laws ;" and, if
they exceed this amount, the excess shall be
long to the United States. And no State
shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any
duty on tonnage ; keep troops,or ships of war,
in time of peace 5 enter into any agreement or
compact with another State, or with a foreign"
power j or engage In war, nnless actually in
vaded, or in such imminent danger as will not
admit of delay." In order still further to se
cure the uninterrupted exercise of these high
powers agtinst State Interposition, it is provi
ded "that this Constitution and the laws of the
United States which shall be made in pursu
ance thereof and all treaties made, or which
shall be made, under the authority of the U
nited States, shall be tho supreme law of the
land ; and the judges in every State shall be
bound thereby, anything in tho Constitution
or laws of any State to the contrary notwith
standing." The solemn sanction of religion
has been superadded to the obligations of offi
cial duty, and all senators and representatives
of the United States, all members of State le
gislatures, and executive and judicial officers,
both of the United States and of tbe several
States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation
to support this Constitution." In order to
carry into effect these powers, the Constitution
has established a perfect Government in all it J
forms, Legislative. Executive, and Jndicial ;
and this Government, to the extent of Its pow
ers acts directly upon the individual citizens
of every State, and executes its own decrees
by the agency of its own officers. In this res
pect it differs entirely from the Government
under the old Confederation, which was con
fined to making requisitions on the States In
their sovereign character. This left it In the
discretion of each whether to obey or refuse,
and they often declined to comply wifh such
requisitions. It thus became nesessary, for
the purpose of removing this barrier, and "in
order to form a more perfect Unioa," to es
tablish a Government which could act direct
ly upon the people, and execute its own laws
without the intermediate agency of the States.
This has been accomplished by tbe Constitu
tion of the United States. In short, tbe Gov
ernment created by tho Constitution, and de
riving its authority from the sovereign people
of each of the several States, has precisely the
same right to exerciso its power over the peor
pie of all these States, in the enumerated ca
ses, thaf each one of them possesses over sub
jects not delegated to the United States, but
"reserved to the States, . respectively, or to
the people." To the extent of the delegated
powers the Constitution of the United States
is as much a part of the constitution of each
State, and is as binding upon its people al
though it had been textually inserted therein
This Government, therefore, is a great and
powerful Government, Invested witfc all the
tributes of sovereignty over the special sub
jects to which its authority extends, lfs fra
raers never intended to implant in its bosoni
the seeds of its own destruction, nor were
they at its creation guilty or the absnrdity of
providing tor its own dissolution. It was no
intended by its framers to be the baseless fab
ric of a vision which, at the touch of tho en
chanter, would vanish into thin air, bnt a sub
stantial and mighty fabric, capable of resist
ing the slow decay of time and of defying the
storm 8 of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous
patriots of that day have indulged fears that m
government of such high powers might violate
the reserved rights of the States, and wisely
did they adopt the rule of a strict construction
of these powers to prevent the danger I But
they did not fear, nor had they any reason to
imagine, that the Constitution would ever bo
so interpreted as to enable any State, by ber
own act, and without the consent of her sis
ter States, to discharge her people from all
or any of their Federal obligations.
It may be asked, then, are the people of lb
States without redress against the tyranny and
ippression of the Federal Government By
no means. The right of resistance on tb
part of the governed against the oppression
of their governments cannot be denied. It
exists independently of all constitutions, and
has been exercised at all periods of the world's
history. Under it old governments have been
destroyed, and new ones have taken their
place. It is embodied in strong and express
language in our Declaration Qf Independence,
But the distinction must ever be observed,
that this is revolution sgainst an established
uovernmont, and not a voluntary secession
from it by virtue of an Inherent constitutional
right. In short, let us look the danger fairly'
in the face : Secession is neither more nor
less than revolution. It may or it may not be,
a justifiable revolution, but still it is revolution.
What, in the meantime, is the responsibility
and true position of the Executive T He is
bound by solemn oath, before God and the
country, "to take care that tho laws be faith
fully executed," and from this obligation he
cannot be absolved by any human power. But!
what if the performance of this duty, in whole
or in part, has been rendered impracticable by
events over which he could have exercised no
control 7 . Such, at the present moment, is the
case throughout the State of South Carolina,
so far as the laws of the United States, to so-'
cure the administration of justice by means of
the Federal Judiciary, are concerned. AH
the Federal officers within its limits, through.
whose agency alone these laws can be carried
into execution, have already resigned. We
no longer have a district judge, a district at-
torney, or a marshal, in South Carolina. In
fact, the whole machinery of the Federal Gov
ernment, necessary for the distribution of re
medial justice among the people, has been de-
molished : and it would be ditflcult. if not im
possible, to replace it. The only acts of Con- ;
gress on the statute book, bearing upon this '
subject, are those of the 28th ot February,
1785, and Bd or March, 1807. These author-;
ize tbe President, after he shall have a seer- ;
tamed that the marshal with his posse comitatut
Is nnable to execute civil or criminal process '
in any particular case, to call forth the militia '
and employ the army and navy to aid him in)
performing this service, naving first by Procla- '
mation commanded tbe insurgents "to disperse
and retire peaceably to their respective a- '
bodes, within a limited time." This duty"
cannot by possibility be performed tn a State '
where no judicial authority exists to isaoo pro--
cess, and where there is no marshsl to execute i
it, and where, even if there were snch an offi- "
cer, tbe entire population would constitute one '
solid combination to resist him. The bare e
numerstion of these provisions proves how in- '
adequate they are witboui further legislation '
to orercomo a United opposition in a single