A !r BY S. B, BOW. CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1860. YOL. 7.-JV0. 10. tOBT VAXES THE If ABE 00." Each dweller in onr glorious States Talks load of equal rights, and prU That wealth ia no embargo! -. Oh hone.ty and common aenae; . Cut all of thia ia mere pretence It' "money makes the mare go." Go. aee the girl consigned by fate, To mesial serviee, hard and late . Can ne'er a minute spare, O ! Vrith eharma like Venus, though it may Htr make a frightful Hecate lut "money makes the mare go." Or go to any public place, See poverty with Sun-browned face, Bat braina a goodly cargo : A wealthy fool steps in ahead. iThoee neck supports a lump of lead - It's "money makes the mare ge." Attend the church, and witneaa there Proud Dives sit on euahiona rate, Where no poor man shall dare ga ; For him hard seats are good enough. And Ootpwl taken in the rough, Where '-money makes the mare go." You wealthy saints in heaven must get The basement for the pauper set, , Who in freight ears must there go ; Then let the aervanta live below, And 't will not mortify you so It's "money makes the mare go." WIDOW SIMPSOWS SPOOKS. The parish of Bathgate, in Linlithgowshire ought to be reckoned among the classic spots 'l Scotland, inasmuch as It formed part of the dowry which Robert the Bruce bestowed on his eldest daughter Margery, when she mar ried Walter, the High Steward of Scotland, and thus became the progenitrix of the royal and unlucky house of Stuart. Lying midway between f.dinburg . and Glasgow, those riVa iieens of the east and west, but out of the common track of trafhc and travel, it has been for ages a pastoral parish, ot small and rather backward farms. Of late years, coal has been found there ; and steam and trade, which bid fair to leave the world no rustic corner, are rapidly tnrning it into a mining district ; which nobody thought of about the time ot the gen rral peace, when Bathgate lived on its own oats and barley, wore its own hodden-gray, and liaa but two subjects or interest the corn market and the kirk-session. Among its peaceable and industrious population there was one dame who, though neither the weal thiest nor the best born, stood, in her own es teem, above all but the laird and the minister : and her style and title was Widow Simpson. This ladr valued herself not on the farm left Tier by the good man who had departed this life some seven years before the commence- ouent of our story, for its acres were few, and they consisted of half-reclaimed moorland- not on her grown-up son Robin, though he was counted a likely and sensible lad not on ber own thnfry housekeeping, though itwasknown to be on the tight screw principle but on the possession of a dozen silver teaspoons. Her account of them was that they had belonged to the Young Chevalier, and hod been bestow- rd upon her grandfather In return for enter taining that claimant to the British crown, on sua march from Culloden in proof of which the was accustomed to point out a half oblite rated crest and the initials C. S., with which ihry were marked. The widow's neighbors, however, had a different tale regarding their coming into the family. It was to tho effect that her grandfather, who kept a small inn somewhere in Fife, had bought them from an ill-doing laird for three gallons of Highland whlnkey, and bestowed them on his grand daughter, as the one of his family most likely to hold fast to such an important acquisition. In the family resided, in the capacity of rieip, one .Nancy Campbell, a girl about nine teen, who was suspected of having taken a fancy to Robin, who reciprocated the senti ment. Nothing, however, would soften the heart of the widow as regards a match, until at last the following event occured, and caus ed her to give way : About the hay-making time, a distant and comparatively rich relation was expected to call and take tea that evening on his way from Liulithgow. It was not often that this superior relative honored her house with a visit, and Sirs. Simpson, determined that nothing should be wanting to his enter tainment, brought out the treasured spoons early in the forcnonn, with many injunctions to .Nancy touching the care she should take in brightening them up. While this operation waa being conducted in the kitchen, in the midst of one of those uncertain days which vary the northern June, a sudden darkening f the sky announced the approach of a hea vy rain. The hay was dry and ready for bousing. Kobin and two farm men were fathering it in ; but the great drops began to lall while a considerable portion yet remained in the field, and, with the instinct of crop-pre-jervation, forth rushed the widow, followed y Nancy, leaving the spoons half-scoured pon the kitchen table. In her rapid exit the girl had lorgotten to latch the door. The weasel and the kite were the only depredators known about the moorland farm ; but while ej were all occupied in the bayfield, who aould come that way bnt Geordy Wilson. Well, the kitchen door was open, and Geor 1 eppcd in. He banged the settle with his taff, be coughed, he hemmed, he saluted the ct, which sat purring on the window-seat, anl t length discovered there was nobody Hbin. Neither meal nor uennv was to be pected that day ; the rain was growing heav ier, some of the hay mnst be wet, and Mrs. Simpson would return in bad humor. But !o objects powerfully arrested Geordy's at wnuon ; one was the broth-pot boiling on the n!, tho olncr tne "Ier spoons scattered tue table. Bending over the former.Geor 001 considerable sniff, gave the ingredi ,,.',"!r with the pot-stick, and muttered, ih i . " His proceeding with regard to naif Ler teust remaln nnmentlonedi bat, eld i " 7ora,ter, when he was safely eoscon- driV . nQe nine off,the family were . uours Dy toe increasing storm, " brnt k d eeryng it had been left the thT?i-n-the flre tbe c4t on the window-seat, wiutmg and flannel on tbe table ; but not pooo was there. .. to k ' tbe Pons7" cried Mrs. Simpson drviT ADtir fn"y, who stood by the fire Ku Te,r W6t torments. Nobody could tell, had I d ,efl tnem on the ub, wb b bon i the hav' No on had bee11 in the aittnrL 7 were eertain,' but nothing was th 10? Tb drawer was polled out, and et,r! 7 ,tockln exhibited. J3rery shelf, the LCOrDOr WM MMched, hut to no pnrposb'; th,00"' h dissppeared, and the state ot J"n house may be Imagined. The widow "'IICDW Th n J . . , . , ran through it like one distracted, question ing, scolding; and searching. Kobin, Nancy and the farm-men were despatched in differ ent directions, as soon as the rain abated, to advertize the neighbors, under the supposition that some strolling beggar or gipsy might have carried off the treasure, and would attempt to dispose of it in the parish. Nobody thought or Ueordy Wilson ; he had not been spied from the hay-field ; his circuits were wide ; his visits to any house were not frequent ; and if he eschewed Widow Simpson's from the day of her loss, it was believed Geordy knew that neither her temper nor her liberality would be improved by that circumstance. Lost tho spoons were, beyond a doubt, and the widow bade fair to lose lief senses. Tho rich relation came at his appointed time, and had such a tea, that he avowed never again to trust himself in the house of his entertainer. But the search went on ; rabbits' holes were looked into for the missing silver, and active boys were bribed to turn out magpies' nests. Weils and barns in the neighborhood were ex plored.. The crmrs of the three nearest par ishes were employed to proclaim the loss; it was regularly advertised at kirk gate and market place ; and Mrs.,Simpson began to talk of getting a search-warrant for the beggar's meal-pouch. Bathgat was alarmed through all its borders concerning tbo spoons ; but when almost a month wore away, and nothing could be heard of them, the widow's suspici ons turned from beggars, barns, and magpies, to light on poor Nancy. She had been scour ing the spoons, and left the bouse last ; silver could not leave the table without hands. It was true that Nancy had always borne an unquestioned character : but such spoons were not to be met with every day, and Mrs. Simp son was determined to have them back in her stocking. After sundry hints of increasing breadth to Kolnn.who could not help thinking his mother was losing her judgment, she, one day plumped the charge, to the utter astonish ment and dismay of the poor girl, whose anx iety in the search had been inferior only to her own. Though poor and an orphan, Nancy had some honest pride : she immediately turn ed out the whole contents of her kist, (box) unstrung her pocket in Mrs. Simpson's pres ence, and ran with tears in her eyes to tell the minister. . As was then common in the country parish es of Scotland, difficulties and disputes which 1 a a . . a . uugut nave employed tne writera ana puzzled the magistrates were "referred to his arbitra tion, and thus law-suits or scandal prevented. The minister had heard, as who in Bathgate had not? of Mrs. Simpson's loss. Like the rest of the parish he thought it rather strange ; but Nancy Cam be 11 was one of the most seri ous and oxemplary girls in his congregation he could not believe that the charge preferred against her was true ; yet the peculiarities of the case demanded investigation. With some difficulty the minister persuaded Nancy to return to her mistress, bearing a message to the effect that he. and two other of his elders who happened to reside in the neighborhood, would come over in the following evening. hear what could be said on both sides, and, if possible, clear up the mystery. The widow was well pleased at the minister and his elders coining to inquire after her spoons. She put on her best mulch that is to say, cap pre pared her best speeches, and enlisted some of tbe most serious and reliable of her neighbors to assist in the investigation. Early in the evening of tho following day when the summer sun was wearing low and the field-work was over they were all as sembled in the clean-scoured kitchen, the minister, elders, and neighbors, soberly listen ing to Mrs. Simpson's testimony touching her lost silver, Nancy, Kobin, and farm-men sit ting by till their turn came : when the door, which had been left half-open to admit the breeze for the evening was sultry was quiet ly pushed aside, and in slid Geordy Wilson, with his usual accompaniments of staff and wallet. There's nae room for ye here, Geordy," said the widow ; "we're on weighty business." M eel, mem," said Geordy, turning to de part, "it's of nae consequence. I only came to speak about your spoons." "llae ye heard o'them " cried Mrs. Simp son, bouncing from her seat. "I couldua miss, beein' blessed wr the pre cious gift o'hearin ; and, what's better, I saw them," said Geordy. "Saw them, Geordy 1 Whar are they ? and here's a whole shillin' for ye ;" and Mrs. Simp son's purse, or rather an old glove used for that purpose, was instantly produced. "Weel," said Geordy, ! slipped m ae day, and seein' the siller unguarded, I thought some ill-guided body might covet it, and jist aid it by, 1 may sav, among the leaves o' that Bible, tbinkin' you would be sure to see the spoons when you went to read." Before Geordy had finished his revalation, Nancy Campbell had brought down the proud ly displayed, but never-opened Bible, and in terspersed between its leaves lay the dozen of long-sought spoons. The minister of Bathgate could scarcely command his gravity while admonishing Geordy on the trouble and vexation his trick had caused. The assembled neighbors laugh ed outright when the dalt man, pocketing the widow's shilling, which he had clutched in tbe early part of his discourse, assured them all that he kenned Mrs. Simpson read her Bible often the spoons would be certain to turn up. lieordy got many a basin or brotn and many a luncheon ot bread and cheese on account of that transaction, with which be a mused all tbo firesides of tbe parish. Mrs. Simpson was struck dumb even from scolding. The discovery put an end to her ostentatious professions, and, it may be hoped, turned her attention more to practice. By way of making amends for her unjust imputations on Nancy Campbell, she consented to receive ber as a daughter-in-law within tbe same year ; and it is said there was peace ever after in tbe farm house ; but tbe good people of Bathgate, when discussing a character of more pretence than performance, still refer to Widow Simpson's spoons, t . ' ' ; A St. Louis paper states that a total of eigh ty. thousand buffalo robes, tanned by squaws, hare been received from, different Indian tribes and sold in that city tbe present season. The earnings ol the New Y-ork Central RaiJ rpa4 in I860 wl probably fooj! up $7,0W,OOC. A 1791 case iq"chancery,legtin in Englap , was decided1 iR Jloodoh ia October. 4 ii PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S MESSAGE, DELIVERED DEC. 4TH, 18G0. Ftllovo-citiztnt of the Senate and House of Representatives: Throughout the year since our last meeting the country has been eminently prosperous in all its material interests. The genera health has been excellent, our harvests have been abundant, and plenty smiles throughout tbe land, uur commerce and manufactures have been prosecuted with energy and industry and have yielded fair and ample returns. In short, no nation in the tide of timo has ever presented a spectacle of greater material pros perity than we have done until within a very recent period. . . AGITATION AND ITS CAUSES. Why is if, then, that discontent now so ex tensively prevails, and the Union of the States, which is the source of all these blessings, is threatened with destruction ? The long-con tinued and intemperate interference of tbe N orthern people with tbe question of slavery in tbe Southern States has at length produced its natural effects. The different sections of the Union are now arrayed against each other, and the time has arrived, so much dreaded by the Father of bis Country, when hostile geo graphical parties have been formed. I have long foreseen and often lorewarned my coun trymen of the now impending danger. This does not proceed solely from the claim on the part of Congress or the territorial legislatures to exclude slavery from the Territories, nor from the efforts of different States to defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law. All or any of these evils might have been endured by tbe South without danger to the Union, (as others have been,) in the hope that time and reflection might apply the remedy. The immediate peril arises not so much from these causes as from the fact that the incessant and violent agitation of the slavery question thro' out the North for the last quarter of a century, naa at length produced its malign Influence on tbe slaves, and inspired them with vague notions or freedom, lience a sense of secu rity no longer exists around the family altar. This feeling of peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile insurrection. Ma ny a Matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and ber children before the morning. Should this apprehension of domestic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself until it shall pervade the masses of the South ern people, then disunion will become inevita ble. Self-preservation is tne first law of na ture, and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for the wisest purposes : and no political union, however fraught with blessings and benefits in all other respects.can long continue, if the necessary consequence be to render the homes and tho fireside of nearly half the parties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later the bonds ot such a Union must be severed. It is my conviction tbat this fatal period has not yet arrived ; and my prayer to God is that He wvtuld preserve tbe Constitution and tbe Union throughout all generations. But let us take warning in time, and remove the cause of dan ger. It cannot be denied tbat, for twenty five years, tbe agitation at tbe North against sla very in the South has been incessant. In lo35 pictorial hand-bills, and i nflammatory appeals were circulated extensively throughout the South, of a character to excite the passions of the slaves ; and, in the language of General Jackson, "to stimulate them to insurrection, and produce all the horrors of a servile war." This agitation has ever since been continued by tbe public press, by tbe proceedings of State and county conventions,aud by abolition Eermons and lectures. The time of Congress has been occupied in violent speeches on this never-ending subject; andappealsin pamphlet and other forms, endorsed by distinguished names, have been sent forth from this central point and spread broadcast over tbe Union. HOW TO SETTLE TUE SLAVERY QUESTION. Dow easy would it be for the American peo ple to settle the slavery question forever, and to restore peace and harmony to this distract ed country. They, and they alone, can do it. All that is necessary to accomplish the object, and all for which the slave States have ever contended, fs to be let alone, and permitted to manage their domestic institutions in their own way. As sovereign States, they, and they alone, are responsible before God and tho world for tbo slavery existing among them. For this, the people of the North are not more responsible, and have no more right to inter fere, than with similar institutions in Russia or in Brazil. Upon their good sense and pa triotic forbearance I confess I still greatly re ly. Without their aid, it is beyond the power of any President, no matter what may be his own political proclivities, to restore peace and harmony among the States. Wisely limited and restrained as is his power, under our Constitution and laws, he alone can accom plish but little, for good or lor evil, on such a momentous question. LINCOLN'S ELECTION HQ CAC8E FOR SECESSION. And this brings me to observe that tho elec tion of any one of our feliow-citizens to tbe office of President does not of itself afford just cause for dissolving the Union. This is more especially true if bis election has been effected by a mere plurality, and not a majority, of tbe people, and has resulted from transient and temporary causes, which may probably never again occur. In order to justify a resort to revolutionary resistance, the Federal Govern ment must be guilty of "a deliberate, palpa ble, and dangerous exercise" of powers not granted by tbe Constitution. Tbe late Presi dential election, however, has been held in strict conformity with its express provisions. How, then, can tbe result justify a revolution to destroy thia very Constitution 7 Reason, justice, a regard for tbe Constitution, all re quire tbat we shall wait for some overt and dangerous act on the part of tbe President e lect before resorting to such a remedy. It is said, however that the antecedents of tbe Pres ident elect have been sufficient to justify tbe fears of the South tbat he will attempt to in vade their constitutional rights. - But are such apprehensions of contingent danger in the fa ture sufficient to justify tbe immediate de struction of the qoblest system of government ever devised by mortals ? . From tbe very na ture of, his office, and its high responsibilities, he, must necessarily he conservative, . The stern duty of administering the vast and com plicated concerns pf this Government affords hi Rsel( a guarantee thar ha wjU not attempt any YioaUp,q ftl plear. constitutional right. Aher a,ll, he HQ more tha,n, the chief execu.? tive ol tbe Government. His province is not to make, but to execute the laws ; and it is a rciuantaoie tact in our history, that, notwith standing tbe repeated efforts of the anti slave rj parly, no single act has ever passed Con gress, unless we may posaiblv excent the Mis souri Compromise, impairing, !d the slightest i no rigius oi me ooutn to tneir prop ertv in slaves. - And it msitr oltn lo nUaawoaA judging from piesent indications, that no prob- uuimy exists or tne passage ot such an act, by "jujuniy or ootn nouses, either in the pres cnt or the next Congress. Surely, under mese circumstances, we ought to be restrain ed from present action by-the precept of Him who spake as never man spoke, that "suffi cient unto the day is the evil thereof." The day of evil may never come, unless we shal rashly bring it upon ourselves. SLAVERT IN THE TERRITORIES. It is alleged as one cause for immediate se cession that tbe Southern States are denied e qual rights with tbe other States In the com mon Territories. But by what authority are these denied 1 Not by Congress, which has never passed, and I believe never will pass, any act to exclude slavery from these Territo ries ; and certainly not by the Supreme Court, which has solemnly decided that slaves are property, and like all other property, their owners have a right to take them into the com. mon Territories, and hold them there under the protection of the Constitution. So far. then, as Congress is concerned, the objection is not to anything they have already done, but to what they may do hereafter. It will snrely be admitted that this apprehension of future danger is no good reason for an immediate J a dissolution ot the Union. It is true that tbe territorial legislature of Kansas, on tbe 22d ot x ebrnary, lcbu, passed in great haste an act, over the veto of the Governor, declaring that slavery "is, and shall be, forever prohibited in this territory." Such an act, however, plain ly violating the rights of property secured by tne constitution, will surely be declared void by the judiciary wbenever it shall be present ed in a legal form. Only three days after my inauguration the Supreme Court ot the United States solemnly adjudged that this power did not exist in a territorial legislature. Yet such has been the factious temper of the times that the correctness of this decision has been ex tensively impugned before tbe people, and the question has given rise to angry political conflicts throughout the country. Those who have appealed from this judgment of our high est constitntional tribunal to popular assem blies, would, if they could, invest a territorial legislature with power to annul the sacred rights of property. This power Congress is expressly rorbidden by the Federal Constitu tion to exercise. Every State legislature in the Union is forbidden by its own constitution to exercise. LU:2t cannot be exercised in any State except by the people in their highest sovereign capacity when framing or amending their State constitution. In like manner, it can only be exercised by the people of a Ter ritory represented in a convention of delegates for the purpose of framing a constitution pre paratory to admission as a State into the U nion. Then, and not until then, are they In vested with power to decide the question whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. This is an act of sovereign au thority, and not of subordinate territorial le gislation. Were it otherwise, then indeed would tbe equality of the States In the Terri tories be destroyed, and the rights of property in slaves would depend not upon the guaran tees of the Constitution, but upon the shift ing majorities of an irresponsible territorial legislature. Such a doctrine, from its intrin sic unsoundness, cannot long influence any considerable portion of our people, much less can it afford a good reason lor a dissolution of the Union. THE FUGITIVE 8LATS LAW. The most palpable violations of constitution al duty which have yet been committed con sist in . the acts of different State legislatures to deieat the execution of tbe fugitive slave law. It ought to be remembered, however. that for these acts, neither Congress nor any . resident can justly be held responsible. Hav ii g been passed in violation cf , the Federal Constitution, they ere therefore null and void. All the courts, both State and national, before whom the question has arisen, have from the beginning declared the fugitive slave liw to be constitutional. The single exception is that of the State court in Wisconsin, and this has not only been reversed by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met with such universal rep robation that there is no danger from it as a precedent. The validity of this law has been established over and over again by tbe Supreme Court of the United States with perfect una nimity, it is founded upon an express provi sion of the Constitution, requiring that fugi tive slaves who escape from service in oneState to another shall be 'delivered up' to their mas ter. Without this provision it is a well-known historical fact that the Constitution itself could never have been adopted by the Convention. n one form or other under the acts of 1793 and 1850, both being substantially tbe same, the fugitive slave law has been the law of tho land from tho days ot Washington until the present moment. Here, then, a clear case is presented, in which it will be the duty ol the next President, as it has been my own, to act with vigor in executing this supreme law a gainst the conflicting enactments of State le gislatures. Should he fail in the performance of this high duty, he will then have manifest ed a disregard of tbe Constitution and laws, to the great injury of . tbe people of nearly one half of the States of the Union. But are we to presume in advance that he will thus violate his duty 7 This would be at war with every principle ol. justice and of Christian charity. L,ei tis wait for the overt act. J. be fugitive slave law has been carried into execution in every contested case since tbe commencement of the present administration i though often it s to be regretted, with great loss and inconve nience to tbe master, and with considerable expense to the government.: Let ns trnst that the State legislatures will repeal their uncon stitutional and obnoxious enactments. Unless this shall be done without unnecessary delay, it is impossible tor any human power to save tbe Union. The Southern States, standing on the basis of tbe Constitution, have a right to demand this act of justice from tbe States of the North- Should it be refused, then tbe Con stitution, to which all the States are parties, will have been wilfully violated by one por tion or them ; in a provision essential to the domestic security and happiness ot the re mainder. In that event, the injured States, after baying first used all . peaceful and coa- st4tn.ti0n.ai means (ut autaia redress, Ttuuiq be justified in revolutionary resistance to the urvvcrnmeni 01 me union. THE RIGHT OT STATES TO SECEDE. I have purposely confined my remarks to revolutionary resistance, because it has been claimed within the last few years, that any State, whenever this shall be its sovereign will and pleasure, may secede from the Union, In accordance with the Constitution, and with out any violation of the constitutional rights of tbe other members of the Confederacy j that as each became parties to the Union by the votes of its own people assembled in Conven tion, so any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar manner by the vote of such a convention. In order to justify secession as a constitutional remedy it must be on the principle that the Federal Government Is a mere voluntary association of States, to be dis solved at pleasure by any one of the contrac ting parties. If this be so, the Confederacy is a rope of sand, to be penetrated and dissol ved by the first adverse wave of public opinion in any of the States. In this manner our thirty-three States may resolve themselves into as many petty, jarring, and hostile repub lics, each one retiring from the Union, with out responsibility, whenever any sudden ex citement might impel them to such a course. By this process a Union might be entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks, which cost our forefathers many years of toil, priva tion and blood, to establish. Such a princi ple is wholly inconsistent with tbe history as well as the character of the Federal Consti tution. After it was framed, with the great est deliberation and care, it was submitted to conventions of the people of the several States for ratification. Its provisions were discussed at length in these bodies composed of the first men of the country. Its opponents contended that it conferred powers upon the Federal Government dangerous to the rights of the States, whilst its advocates maintained that nnder a fair construction of the Instrument there was no foundation for such apprehensions. In tbat mighty struggle between the first intel lects of this or any other country, it never oc curred to any individual, either among its op ponents or advocates, to assert, or even to in timate, that their efforts were all vain labor, ! because the moment that any State felt her self aggrieved she might secede from the U- mon. What a crushing argument would tins have proved against those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be endangered by the Constitution. The truth is, that it was not nntil many years after the origin of the federal Government that such a proposition was first advanced. It was then nmt and re futed by the conclusive arguments of Gener al Jackson, who in his message of 16th Jan., 1833, transmitting the nullifying ordinance of Sonth Carolina' to Congress, employs the fol lowing language: "The right of the people of a single State to absolve themselves at will, and without the consent ot the other States, from their most solemn obligations, and haz ard tbe liberty and happiness of the millions composing this Union, cannot be acknowledg ed. Such authority is believed to be utterly repugnant both to tbe principles upon which the General Government is constituted and to the objects which it was expressly formed to attain." It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives countenance to such a theory. .It is altogether founded upon in ference, not from any language contained in the instrument itself, but from the sovereign character of the several States by which it was ratified. But is it beyond the power of a State, like au individual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to secure the remainder? In tbe language ol Mr. Madison, who has been called the father of the Constitution : "It was formed by tbe States tbat is, by the people in each of the States, acting in their highest sovereign capacity ; and formed consequent ly by tho same authority which formed the State constitutions." "Nor is the Govern ment of the United States, created by the Con stitution, less a Government in the strict sense of tbe term, within the sphere of its poweis than the governments created by the constitutions of tbe States are, wtthin their several spheres. It is, like them, organiz ed into legislative, executive, and judicia ry departments. . It operates, like them, di rectly on persons and things ; and, like them, it has at command a physical force for exeeutin? the powers committed to it." It was intended to be perpetual, and not to be annulled at the pleasure of any one of the con tracting parties. The old articles of confed eration were entitled " Articles of Confedera tion and Perpetual Union between the States;" and by the 13th article it is expressly declared that "the articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual." The preamble to the Constitution ot the United States, having express reference to the articles of Confeder ation, recites that it was established "in order to form a more perfect union." And yet it is contended tbat this "more perfect union," does not include the essential attribute of perpetuity. POWERS Or TUE TEPERAL GOVERNMENT. But that the Union was designed to be per petual appears conclnsivcly from the nature and extent of the powers conferred by the Con stitution on the Federal Government. These powers embrace the very highest attributes of national sovereignty. I hey place both the sword and the purse under its control. Con gress has power to make war, and to make peace ; to raise and support armies and navies, and to conclude treaties with foreign govern ments. It is invested with the power to coin money, and to regulate the value thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations,and among the several States. It is not necessary to enumerate the other high powers wnicn have been conferred upon tbe Federal Govern ment. In order to carry the enumerated pow ers into effect. Congress possesses the exclu sive right to lay and collect duties on imports, and in common with the States to lay and col lect all other taxes. But the Constitution has not only conferred these high powers uponCon gress, but it has adopted effectual means to re strain the States from . interfering with their exercise. . For that purpose it has, in strong prohibitory language, expressly declared that "no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque or reprisals 1 coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a legal tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex pott fueto law,' or law impairing tbe obligation of contracts." Moreover, "with out the consent of Congress, no State shall lay any . imposts or duties, oa any im porta or ex- purls, except wuat may be absolutely necessa ry for executing its inspection laws ;" and, if they exceed this amount, the excess shall be long to the United States. And no State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage ; keep troops,or ships of war, in time of peace 5 enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign" power j or engage In war, nnless actually in vaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay." In order still further to se cure the uninterrupted exercise of these high powers agtinst State Interposition, it is provi ded "that this Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursu ance thereof and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the U nited States, shall be tho supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in tho Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwith standing." The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the obligations of offi cial duty, and all senators and representatives of the United States, all members of State le gislatures, and executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of tbe several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution." In order to carry into effect these powers, the Constitution has established a perfect Government in all it J forms, Legislative. Executive, and Jndicial ; and this Government, to the extent of Its pow ers acts directly upon the individual citizens of every State, and executes its own decrees by the agency of its own officers. In this res pect it differs entirely from the Government under the old Confederation, which was con fined to making requisitions on the States In their sovereign character. This left it In the discretion of each whether to obey or refuse, and they often declined to comply wifh such requisitions. It thus became nesessary, for the purpose of removing this barrier, and "in order to form a more perfect Unioa," to es tablish a Government which could act direct ly upon the people, and execute its own laws without the intermediate agency of the States. This has been accomplished by tbe Constitu tion of the United States. In short, tbe Gov ernment created by tho Constitution, and de riving its authority from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the same right to exerciso its power over the peor pie of all these States, in the enumerated ca ses, thaf each one of them possesses over sub jects not delegated to the United States, but "reserved to the States, . respectively, or to the people." To the extent of the delegated powers the Constitution of the United States is as much a part of the constitution of each State, and is as binding upon its people al though it had been textually inserted therein This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful Government, Invested witfc all the tributes of sovereignty over the special sub jects to which its authority extends, lfs fra raers never intended to implant in its bosoni the seeds of its own destruction, nor were they at its creation guilty or the absnrdity of providing tor its own dissolution. It was no intended by its framers to be the baseless fab ric of a vision which, at the touch of tho en chanter, would vanish into thin air, bnt a sub stantial and mighty fabric, capable of resist ing the slow decay of time and of defying the storm 8 of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots of that day have indulged fears that m government of such high powers might violate the reserved rights of the States, and wisely did they adopt the rule of a strict construction of these powers to prevent the danger I But they did not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine, that the Constitution would ever bo so interpreted as to enable any State, by ber own act, and without the consent of her sis ter States, to discharge her people from all or any of their Federal obligations. SECESSION IS RE VOLITION. It may be asked, then, are the people of lb States without redress against the tyranny and ippression of the Federal Government By no means. The right of resistance on tb part of the governed against the oppression of their governments cannot be denied. It exists independently of all constitutions, and has been exercised at all periods of the world's history. Under it old governments have been destroyed, and new ones have taken their place. It is embodied in strong and express language in our Declaration Qf Independence, But the distinction must ever be observed, that this is revolution sgainst an established uovernmont, and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue of an Inherent constitutional right. In short, let us look the danger fairly' in the face : Secession is neither more nor less than revolution. It may or it may not be, a justifiable revolution, but still it is revolution. POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT. . , What, in the meantime, is the responsibility and true position of the Executive T He is bound by solemn oath, before God and the country, "to take care that tho laws be faith fully executed," and from this obligation he cannot be absolved by any human power. But! what if the performance of this duty, in whole or in part, has been rendered impracticable by events over which he could have exercised no control 7 . Such, at the present moment, is the case throughout the State of South Carolina, so far as the laws of the United States, to so-' cure the administration of justice by means of the Federal Judiciary, are concerned. AH the Federal officers within its limits, through. whose agency alone these laws can be carried into execution, have already resigned. We no longer have a district judge, a district at- torney, or a marshal, in South Carolina. In fact, the whole machinery of the Federal Gov ernment, necessary for the distribution of re medial justice among the people, has been de- molished : and it would be ditflcult. if not im possible, to replace it. The only acts of Con- ; gress on the statute book, bearing upon this ' subject, are those of the 28th ot February, 1785, and Bd or March, 1807. These author-; ize tbe President, after he shall have a seer- ; tamed that the marshal with his posse comitatut Is nnable to execute civil or criminal process ' in any particular case, to call forth the militia ' and employ the army and navy to aid him in) performing this service, naving first by Procla- ' mation commanded tbe insurgents "to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective a- ' bodes, within a limited time." This duty" cannot by possibility be performed tn a State ' where no judicial authority exists to isaoo pro-- cess, and where there is no marshsl to execute i it, and where, even if there were snch an offi- " cer, tbe entire population would constitute one ' solid combination to resist him. The bare e numerstion of these provisions proves how in- ' adequate they are witboui further legislation ' to orercomo a United opposition in a single ii I 1 '! t