possible to entirely suppress illicit trade From the returns received fct the einv.y Department it appears that more lba °. “ ; thousand vessels have been ca P lur 't , the blockade was institute.!, and t ‘ value of the prizes already sent m judication amount to over thirteen million d °Tbe B Naval force of the United States, consists, at this time, of Dieted and in the course of completion, and of these, 75 are Iron clad armored “"eaters. The events of the war give an increased interest and importance to the Navy, which will probably extend beyond the war itself. The armored vessels in our Navy, completed and m service or which are under contract and approaching completion, are believed to exceed in number, those of any other Power; but while there may be relied upon, tor har bor defence and sea soast survey, others of greater strength and capacity will be necessary for cruising purposes and to maintain our rightful position on the ocean. The change that has taken place m no val vessels and naval warfare, since the introduction of steam as a motive power for Bhips of war, demands either correß ponding change in some of our existing navy yardß, or the establishment of new ones for the construction and necessary repair of modern war vessels. No incon siderable embarrassment, Qelay and public injury have been experienced from the want of such Government establishments. The necessity of such a navy yard so fur nished at some suitable place upon the At lantic seaboard has on repeated occasions been brought to the attention of Congress by the Navy Department, and is again pro senled in the report of the. Secretary which accompanies this communication. 1 thins it my duty to invite your special attention to this subject, ar.d aUo to that of estab lishing a yard and depot for naval pur poses upon one of the A naval foroe has been created on these in terior waters, and under many disadvan tages within little more than two years, exceeding in numbers the whole naval force of the country at the commencement of the present Administration. Satisfac tory and important as has been the per formances of the heroic men of the navy at this period they are scarcely more won dertul than the services of our mechanics and artizans in the production of war ves sels, which has created a new form of ua val power. Our country has advantages superior to say oilier nation in our re sources of iron and timber, with inexhaus table quantities of fuel in the immediate vicinity of both, and all available and in close proximity to navigable waters with out the advantage of public risks, fho resources of the nation have been devel oped and its power displayed in the con struction of a navy of sucn magnitude, | which has, at the very periodolitscroation, rendered signal service to the Union. The iocrease of the number of seamen in the public Bervice from 7,000 men in the spring of 1861, to about 24,000 at the pres ent time has been accomplished without especial legislation or extraordinary boun ties to promote that increase. It has been found, however, that the operations of the draft, with high • bounties paid for army recruits is beginning to affect injuriously the naval service and will if not corrected, be likely to impair its efficiency by iog seamen from their proper vocation and inducing them to enter the army. I there fore respectfully suggest that Congress might aid both the army and naval ser vice by adequate provision on this subject which would at the same time bo equitable to the communities more especially in tended. I commend to your consideration the suggestions of the Secretary of the Navy, in regard to the policy of fostering Bod rw>in4a<r flflpmwn for naval service. The in preparing midshipmen lor 1 nimbly rea ponsible duties, which in alter life they will be required to perform, in order that the country shoald not be deprived of the proper quota of educated officers, lor which legal provision has been made. At the NavS Sohool the vacancies caused by the neglect or omission to make nomina tions from the States in insurrection, have been filled by the Secretary of the Navy. The school is now more full and com plete thap at any previous period, and in every respect entitled to the favorable consideration of Congress. During the past fiscal year the financial Condition of the Post Office Department has been one of increasing prosperity, and I am gratified in being able to slate that the.acconnts of postal revenue has nearly equalled the entire expenditure, the latter amounting to eleven million three hun dred and fourteen thousand dollars and eighty four cents, and the former to eleven million one hundred and sixty-three tbons and seven hundred and eigbty-nine dol lars and fifty nine cents, leaving a deficiency of but $160,417,26. In 1860, the year immediately preceding the rebellion, the deficiency amounted to $666,670,649, the postal receipts of that year beiog $264,572,219 less thap those of 1868 The decrease since 1860 in the an nosT|imonnt of transportation has been only about 26 per cent, but the annual ex penditares on account of the same has beeu reduced 36percent. It is manifest, there fore, that the Postoffice Department, may become self sustaining in a few years, even with the restoration of'the whole ser vice. The international conference of postal delegates from tsbe principal countries of Ehrrope and America, which was called at the suggestion of the Postmaster -Gen eral, met at Paris on the 11th of May last, and concluded j:s deliberations on the Bth of Jane, The principles estab lished by the conference, as beet adapted to facilitate postal mterconrse between nations, and as the basisof future conven tions to ioaugnrate a general eystera of uniform international charges at reduced rates of postage, cannot fail to produce beneficial results. I refei votf to the report of the Secreta ry of the'Yfiterior, which is horewith laid before you, f6r the useful and varied in formation in relation to pablic lands, Indian affairs, patents, pensions, and oth£t matters ot pnbtic concern pertain ing to bis Department. The Quantity of lands disposed ot duriug the' last and the first quarter of the present fiscal years, was three rfiiltibn eight hundred and forty one thousand and five hundred and forty nine acres, tff' which‘"one hundred and sixty-one thousand nine hundred and eleven acr?B were sold for cash ; one mil lion fcur hundred and fifty six thousand five hundred and fourteen acres were takeu up under the homestead law, and the resi due disnosed of under laws granting lands for military bounties, for railroads, aud other purposes. It also appears that the sale of the public lands is largely on the increase. It has loDg been a cherished opinion of some of our wisest statesmen, that the people of the United States had a higher and more enduring interest in the early settlement and substantial cultivation of the public lauds, than in the amount of direct revenue to be derived from the sale of them. This opinion has had a control ling influence, shaping legislation upon the subject of our national domain. I may cite as an instance ot this the liberal mens ares adopted in reference to active settlers the grant to the Sta U-s of the overflowed lands within their limns in order to their being reclaimed r.od Tendered fit for cuki vation. The grant to railroad companies ot alternate sections ot land upon the con templated lines of their road, when com plr.ted, will largely multiply the facilities of reaching our aieiant possessions. This policy has received its most signal and be* luficent illustration in recent enactment, granting homesteads 10 actaal ffettlere since the first day of January last, the before mentioned quantity of one million fonr hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred and fourteen acres of land has been taken up under its provisions. This fact, and the amount of sales, furnish grati ying evidenceof the increasing settlement THE PITTSBURGH POST: THURSDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 10, 1863. upon the public lands, notwithstanding the great struggle in which the energies of the nation have jbeen engaged, and which has required bo large b wittid raw b! ot out citiisns from their accustomed pursuits. I cordially concur in the recommendation of the Secretary of the Intejciot.Buggesting a modification of the act in favor of those engaged in the anilitary and navaliervice ot the United States. I doubt notthat Con gteeswill cheerfully adopt such measures a? will, without essentially changing the general features of the system, secnr ? t 0 the greatest practicable extent its benent to those who have left their homes tn the de fence of the country in this arduous crisis. I invite yonr attention to the views of the Secretary of War as to the propriety of raising, by appropriation ot legislation, a revenue from the mineral landß ot the United States. The measures provided at yonr last session for the removal ot per tain Indian tribes have been earned into effect. Sundry treaties have been negotia ted, which will, in due time, be Bubmited for the constitutional action of the Senate. They contain stipulations for extinguishing the possessors’ rights ot the Indians to large and valuable tracts of land. It is probable that the effects of those treaties will result in the establishment ot perms nent friendly relations with such of those tribeß as have been brought into frequent and bloody collisions with our onllying settlements and emigrants. The sound policy and our imperative duty to these wards of government demand our anxious and constant attention to their material well being, to their progress in the arts of civil zation, and, above all, to that moral training which urder blessings ot Divine Providence will confer upon them the elevated and sanctifying in fluence of the hopes and consolations ot the chrißliau faith. I suggested in my laßt annual me Bage the propriety of remediating our IndißD system. Subsequent events satisfied me ot its necessity. The details set forth in life report of the Secretary, will evince the urgent need for immediate legislative ac tion. I commend the benevolence of the institutions established or patronized by the Government in this district to your geuerous and fostering care. Internal Improvement*. The attention of Congress, during the last session, was engaged to some extent with a proposition for enlarging the water communication between the Mississippi river and the Northeastern seahoard, which proposition, however, failed lor the time Since then, upon a call of the greatest re spectability, a convention has been called at Chicago upon the same subject, a sum mary of whose views is contained in a morial addressed to the President and Congress, and which I now have the honor to lay before you.' That this interest is one which ere long will force its own way, I do not entertain a doubt, while it is sub mitted entirely to your wisdom as to what can be done now. Augmented interest is given to this subject by the actual coni mencement of work upon the Pacific Kail road under auspices go favorable to its ra pid progress and completion. Kolarg l *'! navigation becomes a palpable need to this great road. I transmit the secoud annual report ot the Commissioner of the department of Agriculture, asking your attention to the developments in that vital interest of the nation. When Congress assembled a year ago, the war had already lasted nearly twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land and sea with varying resnlts. The rebellion had been pressed back into reduced limits, yet, ihe tone of public feeling and opinion at home and abroad was not satisfactory. With other signs, the popular elections then just past, indicated uneasiness among ourselves, while amid much that was cool and mena ring, the kindest words coming from Eng ~we were too blind 1 16 SlfiTUlASeiOf -tPA? JfltAt merce was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels, bnilt upon and furnished from for eign Bhores, and we were threatened with such additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the aea, and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European governments anything hopeful upon this subject. The Emancipation Proclamation, The Emancipation Proclamation, which was issued in September, was running its assigned period to the beginning of the new year. A month later the final proc lamation came, including the announce ment that colored men ol suitable con dition would be received into the war service. Tbe policy o! emancipation and of the employment of black soldiers gaTe to the -future a pew aspect, about-which hope and fear aiid 'doubt contended in uncertain conflict. According to our political syßteni, as a matter of civil ad ministration, the General Government had no lawful power to effect emancipation in any Slate, and for a long time it hed been hoped that the rebellion conld be suppressed without resorting to it as a military measure. It was alt the while deemed possible that necessity for it might come, and that if it should, the crisis of the contest wonld then be pre sented. It came, and, as was intended, it was followed by dark and donbtfnl days. Eleven months having been passed, we are permitted to take another review. The rebel borders are pressed still farther back, and by the complete opening of the Mississippi river, the conntry dominated over by the rebellion is divided into dis tant parts. Practical communication between them and Tennessee and Arkansas, has been - o substantially cleared of insurgents’ control and influence, and the citizens in each, and owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation, in their respective Sfates. Of those States not included in the emancipation procla mation, Maryland and Missonri, neither of which years ago would tolerate any restraint upon the extension of slavery into their territories, only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it from within our limits. Of those who were slaveß at the begin ning ot the rebellion, fnlly one hundred thousand are now in the United States military service, about one-half of which number actually bear armß in the ranks, thus giving the doable advantage of taking too much labor from the insurgent cause and supplying the places which otherwise must, be filled with so many while men. So far as tested it is difficult to say that they are not as good soldiers as any. No Bervile insurrection or tendency to vio lence or cruelty, has marked the meas ures of emancipation and arming the blacks. These measures have been much i discussed in foreign countries and con temporary with snch discussion, the tone of public sentiment there is mnch im proved. At home, the same measures have been fully discussed, supported, criticised and denounced, and the annual elections following are highly enconrag-1 ing to those whose special duty it is to bear the country through this great trial. Thus we have the reckoning : the crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past. A Reconstruction Proclamation. Looking now to the present and future and with reference to a resumption of the national authority within the States where in that authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to lßsne a proclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examination of this proclamation, it will appear, as iB believed, amply justified by the Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given, bat no man is coerced to take it. A man is only promised a pardon in case be voluntarily lakes the bath. The Constitution authorizes the Executive to grant’it oh terms as is fully established bv judicial and other authorities. It is also proffered that if many of the Btates named a Seat of Government, it shall be in the mode prescribed set up.- - Bncb govern ment shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States, and that under it the Slate bliall, on subscribing to the cousti tutional conditions, be protected against invasions and domestic viatenCß. The constitutional obligation ot the United Btat.es to guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form Gov* eminent, and to protect the State in the case as stated, is explicit and full, bnt why tender the beuefita of this provisions only to a Suite Government set np in this par ticular way ? This section of the Consti tution contemplates a case wherein the ele ment within a State favorable to a repub lican Government in theUnionmay be too I feeble for an opposite and hostile element I external to ana even within the State ; and such are precisely the cases with which we are now dealing. An attempt to guarantee and protect a revised state of Government constructed in whole or in preponderating part from the very element against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected \b Bimply absurd. There must be a test by which to Beparsfte op posing elements so as to build only from ihe sound, and that test is a sufficient and liberal one, which accepts aB sound who ever will make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundnesa. Bat if it be proper to require a teat of admission to the political body an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and to the Union under it, why not also to the laws and proclamation in regard to slavery. Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put ferth for the purpose of aiding in the suppres sion of the rebellion. To give them the I fullest effect there had to be a pledge for 'their maintenance. In my judgement . they have aided and will further aid the cause for which they were enlisted. To givo up this principle would be not ouly to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and astounding breach of faith. , 1 may add, at this point, that while 1 remain in my present position, 1 shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is made free by the term* ot the Proclamation, or j iby any act of Uougreßa. Kor these and I other reason? it. is thought best that the support ot these persons shall be included in the oath, and it is believed the Execu tive may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration of projected rights, which he has clear constitutional power to withhold altogether, or grants upon the | terms which he shall deem wisest tor the public interest. It should be observed also that this part of the oath is subject to the modify ing and abrogating power of legislation and Kapreme Judicial decision. The pro posed acquiescence of the National Ex ecutive, in any honorable temporary State arrangement tor the Ireed people, is made witu the xiew of possibly modi fying the confusion and distressed desti tution which must at best attend all clues I ea by a total revolution of labor through |out the whole Stales. It is hoped that the already deeply attiicled people ir those States may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their affliction; and io this extent this vital matter is left to themselves ; while no power of the Natioual Executive to prevent an abuhe is abridged by tins proposition. The Flan of < on»tracUon. The suggestion in the proilamation ns to maintaining the political framework of the Slates, on what is called reconstruction, is made in the hope that it may uo good without harm. it will favor labor nud avoid great confusion. Hat why any pi oc lamation now upon this eubiectV 'ibis question is beset with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or betaken too soon. In some states elements for resumption have been ready for action, but rrmun inactive apparently for want of rallying point, or plan of action. Why shall A adopt the plan of B. rather than how can they ’know government here will respect their plun By the proclamation, a plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which they are assured in advance, will not be rejected here. Ibis may briag them to act sooner than they otherwise would. The objection lo a premature presenta tion of a plan by the National Hxecut>ve consists in the danger <A com no Hunt* in points which could be more sab-ly h-ft to farther developments. Care has been taken to so «hap« the document as to avoid embarrassment from this source. In snyiug that on certain terms, certain classes will be pardoned with their rights restored, it is not said that other classes on other terms, will never be included. In saying 1 1 at a reconstruction will be accept ed it presented in a specified way, it is not ►.aid that it will never he accepted in any other way. The movements by State ac tious tor emancipation in several of the States not included in the emancipation proclamation, are matters of profound gratnlation, and while I do not repeat m detail what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon this Bubject, my general views and feelings remain unchanged, and I rust that Congress will omit no fair oppor uni’y of aiding these important steps to he great consummation. The War Power—Onr Hellacice. In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight of the fact that the war power is still '.■nr main reliance. To that power alone can wo look yet for a lime to give coutidunci- io the people in contested regions that the insurgent power will not again oveiTuu them. Until that confidence shall he established little can be done anywhere for what is called reconstruction, Hence our chiefest care mast still be directed to our army and navy who have thus far borne their harder part so nobly and so well, and it rnay bo esteemed fortunate that in giving the greatest efficiency to their indin pensable arms we do also honorably en courage gallant men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom more thau to all others the world must stand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged and perpetuated. ABRAHAM LINCOLN December 8, 1863. Proclamation Accompany lug the Mea The following proclamation is append ed to the message: Proclamation. — Whereas, on and by the Constitution of the United States, it is provided that the President shall have power to grant re prieves aud pardons for offences against the United States, except iu cases of im peachmeni ; -and whereas, a rebellion now exists whereby the loyal Stateß and gov ernments of several States have for a long time been subverted, aod many persona have committed and are now guilty of treason against the United Sta'ea. Aud whereas, with reference to said rebellion and treason, laws have beeu enacted by Congress declaring the forfeiture and con fiscation of property, and liberation of slaves, all upon terms and conditions therein stated, and also declaring that the President was thereby authorized, at any time thereafter, by proclamation, to ex tend to persons who may have participa ted in the existing rebellion—in any State or part thereof —pardon and amnesty, with such exceptions, and at such terms and on such conditions as he may deem expedient for the public welfare. And whereas the congressional declara tion for limited and conditional pardon accords with well established judicial ex positions of the pardoning power, and whereas with reference to said rebellion the President of the United States has is sued several proclamations, with pro vis ions in regard to the liberation ot slaves, and whereas, it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged in said rebel lion to resume, their allegiance to the United g&tesi. 'and, rd inaugurate. loyal State governments within ana for their re epective- States. Therefore.l, Abraham Lincoln, Presi dent of the United States, do proclaim, on »’< : ii.f ii:!w s ; known to till perrons win) haw mi *fc*Lly, or by implication, } ar* ticipated in the-existiog rebellion, except as hereinafter excepted, that a fall pardon is granted to them and each of them, with I restoration ot all rights, if third parties | Bhall have intervened,end upon the condi tion that every such persons shall take and subscribe an oath, and thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate, and which oath shall be registered for perma nen* preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit: I do solemnly swear in the presence of , Almighty God, that I will henceforth faith- I folly sapport, protect and defend the Con stitution of the United States, and the Union of States thereunder, and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all acts of Congress during the existing rebellion with leference to slaves, so long and fo far as uot repealed, modified or held void by Congress or by decision of the Sopreme Court, and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully snpportall proclamations ofthe President, made during tue existing rebellion, having reference to slaves so long and so far as not modified or declared void by f decision of the Supremo Court, so help me God. The persons excepted from the benefits of the’doregoiug provisions, are all who are or shall have been civil or diplomatic offi cers or agents of the so called Confederate Goeernment ; all who have left judicial stations under the United States to aid the rebellion ; all who are or shall have been military or naval officers of the rank ol Colonel in the army, or Lieuteuant in the navy ; all who left seats in the United States Congress to aid in the rebellion ; all who resigned their commissions in the army and navy ot the United States and afterwards aided the rebellion, and all who have engaged in any way in treating colored persons or white persons iu charge of such, otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war, and which persoas may be found in the United States service as soldiers, seamen, or in any other capacity. And I do further proclaim, declare and I make known, thai whenever in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Geor gia, Florida, South Carolina and North Carolina, a number of persons, not less than one tenth of the number of the votes cast iu such State at the Presidential elec tiou ot the year of our Lord IHuU, each baviug takeu the oath aforesaid, and uot having since violated it, and being a qual ified voter by the election laws ot the Slate, existing immediately before the so called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall be established a Slate Gov ernment, which shall be Republican, and. in no wise contravening said oath. Such shall be recognized as the true govern , ment of the State, and the State shall re , c.eive thereunder the benefits of ihe Con 1 Btitutional provision which declares that ; the United States shall guarantee to every State iu this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each ot them against invasion, and on application of the Legislature, or the Executive when the Legislature cannot be convened, against domestic violence. Aud 1 do turiher proclaim, declare and make known that any provision which may be adopted by snch State Government iu relation to the freed people of such State which shall recognize and declare thtir permanent freedom and provide for iheir education, and which may yet be consis tent as a temporary arrangement with their ipreaeut condition as a laboring, landless and homeless class, will cot be c»jbooted to by the National Executive And it is suggested as not improper that in constructing a loyal State government ia any Slate, the name of the boundary, the subdivision, the Constitution, and the l Federal code ot laws, as belore the rebel lion, be maintained, subject only to mod ifications made necess&ry by the condition* • • ■■ • -»' J _. V. -, l , < any, uot contravening taid which may be deemed expedient by those framing the new State government. To avoid misunderstanding it maybe proper to say that this proclamation, so far as it relates to State governments, has no reference to Slates wherein loyal State governments have all the while been maintained. And for the same reason it may be proper to further say that wheth er members sent to Congress from any Slate Khali be admitted to seals, constilu tionally rests exclusiuely with the respect : ive LI oust'd, and not to any extent with the Executive. And still further, that this proclamation ia inleuded to preseul to the people ot the Slates wherein the ua lior.al authority has been suspended ar»d loyal Slate governments have been subvened, u mode by which the na national authority over every loyal State government may be established wuhin said Stales or any ol them. And while the mode presented is the best the Execu tive can suggest with his present impres sions, it must not be understood that an other possible mode would not bo accept able. Given under my hand, at the City of Washington, the Bth day of December, A D , one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and of the independence o! the United Slates of America, the eighty t-1 gh i h. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By the President : W m. H. Seward, Secretary of State. OLAtUIK—At Ureensburg, Ha., on Tuesday, Doccernbor. Hth at 2 < ’clock p. m , Isakki.l* A. wife oi JaiurHt'. Clarke, esq., ax«i 33 3 oars. 5 meinha nod 7 dajs. Funeral this afternoon, at 2 o’clock. ZUU—Un Wednesday morning, Dooember yth, at Oakland, Eliza, wife of Christopher Zug in tbe v.d year ot barege. Notice of funeral in Friday morning papers. BLOOtt-SEAHCHER. 18. MYSIK'g L\mm BLOOD SKABCBEB For sa'e by KIM ON JO.HNKTON, Corner of Sinithfield and Fourth streets, 4&~one “ J. M Fulton,” by his advertisement seems.to consider himielf. or it may be rather wishes to create the impression that he is "whole sale and retail agent” tor this medicine, To those wt>o know him it is unnecessary to say a wind, but to others I wish to say that / hold “Dr ” Lindsey's oxulunve appointment, having yet over eight years olunexpired time to run.—still tbe publication may boot lens importance to me than to the newspaper owners. 8. J. deB j^-HAtiANg Magnolia Balm. This is the most delightful ard extraordinary articl* ev*r discovered. It ohanges tbe NUN bUBNT FACE AND HANDS to a PEARLY SATIN TEXTURE of ravishing beauty, impart ing the marble purity or youth and the dirt%npue appearance so inviting in the city belie of fashion. It removes TAN, FRECKLES, PIMPLES, ROUOHNESB FROM THJ3 BKIN, Leaving the complexion Fresh, Transparent aid Smooth. It c ontains no material mjui ions to the skin. Patronized by Accesses and Opera Singers. It is what ovory lady should have. At Joseph Fleming’s Drug Store. At Joseph Fleming’s Drug Store, At Joseph Fleming’s Drug Store, Corner of tho Diamond and Market street. Corner ol the Diamond and Market street. Corner of the Diamond and Market street. J. M. 00 RN WELL. <t KERB. CARRIAGE MANUFACTURERS, SILVER A BRASS PLATERB, And manufacturers of Saddlery A Carriage Hardware, No. 1 St Clair street ani DoquMno Way. (near tbe Bridie.) DAIiT dost. PITTSBURGH s THURSDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1863 THE PRESIDENT’S HEBBAGE, vVe publish this document entire, in this dny’fl paper ; it arrived so late that we had no opportunity to carefully consider Rb contents ; its principle points, however, have become familiar to our readers. The inevitable negro looms upabove everything GENERAL NEWS, Jons C. Breckinridge is not dead, Southern Italy grew 80,000 bales of cot >n this year. The railroad Irack from Acquia Creek to Falmouth is iu perfect order. Maj. Gen. Grant has captured since the war tour hundred and seventy- two cannon and ninety thonsand prisoners. rebels have crossed the Rapidan, and taken possession of their old stations on the north bank of .hat river. Lee is preparing to go into winter quar ters on the south bank of the Rapidan, The rebels have two regiments of infantry at Fredericksburg. Trouble witbHhe Indians on thebaokßof the Yellowstone River is expected. They I are determined that the whites shall not explore or occupy it. Longstrket raised the siege of Knox ville on the 4th. Sherman arrived there ion the 3d. Foster’s cavalry ■ followed I him. The emigrants who have arrived at New York since .January Ist number 146,619. The number last year to the correspond ing date was 69,499, ! Gen. W. D. Whipple has succeeded Major General Betnoi.ds as Grant's chief of staff. Gen. Reynolds takes command I of the troops at New Orleans, j On the arrival athia borne in Providencej lof Senator Sprague and his bride, on I Wednesday, they were welcomed with a I salvo of artillery. I New York city is thinking of establish- I ing zoological gardens, like the European I cities—Pariß, London, Hamburg, and I others. General Thomas Francis Meagher baa been captured by the rebels while on a vi- sit to the army at Mine Run daring the late engagement. He wa3 in citixen a clothes at the time. A bHt has been introduced into the Mis souri Legislature to Bell out tbe Pacific Railroad to John C. Fremont and others for seven million dollars, payable in Btate I bonds. The miners at Broad Top, Pa., who have been on a strike for the last two months, have resumed work at all the col leries bat two or three on the terms offer ed by the operators. Navigation on the Mississippi and llli* noisrivers, north of gaincy and Meredo gia, has been closed. The Illinois river is completely frozen over at the latter place. Thirty slave-holder of Tennessee it is said, have sent resolutions up to Washing ton expressing themselves in favor of emancipation in that State without com— ,pensatTOu. Gov. Seymour and the Secretary of \Var have agreed upon a commission to ascer tain into the disappropriate enrollment in the several Congressional districts of the State. It is believed that it an attack hud been made by the Potomac Army upon tho reb els at M>ne Run. it would have been crown ed with huccess. It ie reported that char <jt .j will 1m made against one or two corps commanders iu this connection Following is the vote fir Speaker ot the House of Representatives • Mr. Colfax 401 j Mr. Slebbin* Mr Cox. -• 42 I Mr. King..--. •• Mr. Uawtion 12 j Mr K, P. Blair Mr Mallory lu 1 Mr. istiles Number of votes oast lbl Necessary to a choice General Bragg telegraphs from DaltOD Ga., that the Federal a have fallen back across the Chickamauga, destroying every thing on thr-ir route, including railroad t r ..; k j.nd bridges. Bkagu claims that the ; LViir-iui loss was heavy iu attack on thi Confederate rear guard. Fi huds to the extent of a million of dol lars have been discovered in furnishing supplies to the Army of the Potomac. Several officers charged with being enga ged in it have been arrested by order of the Secretary of War. Other vast frauds are hinted at m which high officers are impli cated. The Government was cheated out of twenty ceuts a bushel on oata and corn. Great frauds m the purchase of lumber have been brought to light. Most have Stamps Attached. — Land warrants &re constantly received at the General Land Office, tor the issue of patents, without the necessary revenue stamps having been attached, causing vexatious delays and annoyance. The interual revenue law requires, to give validity to uti assignment of a land war rant, that a live cent stamp shall be ap pended to the assignment, and the same to each certificate of a magistrate. The Catholic Archbishop of Toam, Ire land, writing to the chancellor of the En glish exchequer on the subject of the Irish exodus to America, a.iys: “It is in vaiu, then, that landlords, now chang ing their tone, beseech their tenantry to stay , it is in vain that the obsequious scribes of a government which so long treated them with cruelty implore them not to go. Their resolve appears deter mined as long as their jnst claims are so mercilessly unheeded. And hence the cool and stern indifference with which they leave a land that has lost for them the endearing character of a parent, and with it all the sacred attractions and security of home. ’ — THE FUTURE OF Si AVERY In our issue of the 26th ultimo, we pub lished an editorial upon the future of Bla very in the United States, of which the following is the opening paragraph, and which is also indicative of the entire ar ticle: .gAM’L. kerb “Independent of the moral of the exis tence of slavery, it would have been a blessing to our people had the institution never existed among us ; and it will be a day of thanksgiving and rejoicing when we hear of its final extinction in the United States. We are not prompted to these reflections, because of the horrible, pictures painted of the enormities of sift*, very, by the frenzied imaginations of Abo Htionists ; bad as slavery unquestionably is—in its mildest form— rita.'woisl phases have never reached the depths of aegrar dation and guilt attributed to them by our PITTSBURGH. Northern fanatical declairoers. eutire slave the fitantuphtted tor emancipation, weiffiotlld balgtod to see them all free to morrowt-iAs to see some Bcheme of gradual emSJHJiph' tion adopted, by which {lie wili speedily die oat and be Oar principal reason for this is, that.it will re* move a question of agitation and Conten tion, which will never be allowed to test, so- long as there is a slave within onr country for canting political hypocrites and hollow-hearted pretenders to whine about.” Oq Thursday we penned the following, in relation to the late letter of Smith O'Brien to Gen. Meagher: 1 ‘ The bloody teachings of Abolitionisne produced our present National troubles, and their continuance is likely to prevent these troubles from coming to a speedy termination. Abolitionism declares that slavery was the cause of the war , and thatti consequently, we can nave no peace until slavery is destroyed .. This is now their programme, a fact that appears quite in comprehensible to Mr. Smith O’Brien*” The Pittsbnrgh Gazette copies the arti cles in question, and appears to detect wonderful inconsistency in their senti ments j our neighbor will pardon us when we declare onr inability to perceive its! sharpness. We again repeat the sentimental ot both onr articles. It would nnqu6ationa-! bly have been a blessing to the people of onr country, had there never been a slave amongst ns ; but the institution being here, not b y the action of the present or the past generation, OHr business is to deal with it sen sibly and not like fanatics. We should like to see the Southern States adopt some system of gradual emancipation, snch as Pennsylvania did, and in this we should like to Bee them consult their own and the Blares’ interest, without the interfer ence of n orthern, cutting hypocritical pretenders. We Bhoold like to see them let their young bondmen free, at a certain age, and be compelled to snpport their j old ones when they became nnable to help I themselves. This was the idea of many leading statesmen, in the Southern States, long after the formation of onr govern pient, and we firmly believe that had it not been for the in temperate aßd impertinent interference of New England with Booth, after Bhe had Bold her own Blaves, Virginia thirty years ago would have pass ed an act of gradual emancipation. This brings us to the consideration of I our second article. The blood f and bru-1 ial teachings of Abolitionism, against sla very, unquestionably did bring about onr present civil war. That slavery was in one sense the cause of onr troubles is un doubtedly true ; but so is the fact of a man’s having money in his pocket, the] cause why he is sometimes robbed of it. On the same principle we can account for many outrages. The Catholic religion was the cause of many of its churches be ing destroyed in 1844 ; and bo was the ac cident of men's nativity the cause of mid night, oath bound political -associations, ten years after. As to the question of slavery in the fu ture we leave it with those who are res ponsible for it, and who are blessed or cnrsed by its existence amongst them. Our philanthropy can find sufficient scope, for its exercise right here, at home, and in a practical way, without crazy, passion ate and unavailing whining over oppression at a distance. Should the Southern States take steps to get rid of slavery, we should rejoice at it ; and one of onr principal reasons (or rejoicing would he, because it would remove'a question which has been nßed by heartless demagogues, until itsag-' itation has resulted in a devastating civil The Abolition War Policy. In IX6(.', fsayg the New York World,) Southern States alleged that their sister tree SLates, having a numerical majority! had determined to govern them npon a subject they had not agreed to be governed upou—slavery, and therefore seceded from the Union. The evidence of this deler mination they found in the eleotion of Mr. Lincoln. The free States were at that time divided into two classes of thinkers, one of which held that a numerical majority had a right to govern on any subject They were the Republicans. The other class held that the subjects of Government were few andjwell defined, and that slavery was not one of them. They were the De mocracy. But while the Democracy agreed with the South upon the objects of the gen eral Government, they denied that the election of Mr. Lincoln was evidence of an attempt or determination of the free States t o usurp a power not given to them by the bargain, from which only any rights over some States accrued to other States. They differed from the Republicans aB to the low, and from the Southern States as to the fact. The war broke out. It was ostensibly and could bo honestly for no other purpose than to compel obedience to the Con stitulion ; in other words, to compel adhe sion to a contract. As such, its condnat was the most simple, plain, and natural thing in the world. It was just as plain aB the course of a sheriff 1 s officer to arreßt an offender. Now, if a sheriff's oMcer with his warrant, in pursuit, on entering prem ises, commenced by killing cows, pocket ing the spoons, threatening the women, breaking the plows, firing the barns, would the offender be as likely to submit without a fight as if he did nothing of the sort ? Probably not; and yet that is just pre cisely the theory upon which this admin istration has acted. Its admirers and ad herents say to the Democrats: “Do yon believe in killing the cows?” “No.” "You are a Southern symynthirer.” “Do you believe in pocketing the spoons?” “No.” “You are a secessionist.” “Do you believe in breaking the plows and fir ing the barns ?” “No,” you are a Cop perhead.” “Do you agree that the Pres ident in time of war is supreme dictator North and South?” “No.” “You are a traitor. ’ ’ This war is alleged to be for the Constitution —so the pepole believed and still believe —and if it had been only for the Constitution it would have been triumphantly ended long ago. Bnt the administration supplied to the Southern disunionists the proof which was wanting to their case. There was a powerful mi nority in the South who stood upon the same platform as the Democracy of the North. Mr. A. H. Stephens may betak en as the representative man of that class. He insisted, like the Democracy, open the want of proof. Thatp oof the adminigtra tion has furnished to his heart’s content. It hue changed the whole character of the war. The Republicans would uo longer fight for tiie Constitution of the United Statiijfifor%|y do not wish the North to have a Cdijstitution. They fight no* only to frefiiaves, who never asked the boon of irejiidom. They go for fighting now to oompel the adoption by South Carolina of Massachusetts notions. The Democracy adhered to its first and only proper object,the restoration of the Union. ( The Baltimore Kyilah, Itiappears tiiaj some geutlemen-of till timore have been sent Sontii because they refused to take the” oath of allegiance. 1 homes Jefferson, if alive, would folio*' them. The usual oath which every officer took was to support the Constitution. That however, did not seem sufficient to the wisdom of the last Congress and to the heaven-born intelligence of the Republican party. A new oath was devised, which the Tribune thinks no loyal naan in the is times can object to take. If this is a gov- ernment of principles, time and place have no effect. If it is not, then we have been wasting a great deal of blood and a great deal of money. “The Constitution, and all lawß of the “United States which shall be made in "pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme “law of the land.” That is the extent of authority in the ru lers, and of the duty of obedience in the individual. That forms the limit of any oath which Congress, or any other Jmwer may lawinliy impose. What bursare in parensnce of (be Constitnlion, is manifest ly a question for conrls. As to the judi eiary is part of the government, an appeal to it is simply an appeal from one branch oi the government to another. The notion that Congress can prescribe something to be done by a voter before he can exercise the functions of the citizen of a State at an election is something, s'o monstrous that it seems difficnlt to imag ine an Ameriean seriously justifying it > but that a man should be punished for not exercising the functions of a citizen at an election, upon those conditiors, is ah in terference with individual freedom hardly dreamed of in Russia. A man in some countries may be punished for wearing a cockade of some peculiar color ; but to be punished for not wearing one of some other color, is beyond the severities of the Aus trian police. When Mr. Lincoln wrote of the “treason of silence’’ it was laughed at as a blunder, or kindly regarded as a bold :fignre of speech. But it really means something, as the Baltimore exiles know. We are not at all surprised at these things. The theory of the Republican parly leads directly to them, and cannot lead else where. It must, by an inevitable logic, end in despotism. Its starting point is, the denial of law as the balance-wheel of | Government Its theory is, that passion has the right to rule supreme. Whet can its possession of power lead to but farther disorganization and total rnin? If the reasoning faculties of the Amer ican people were not held in abeyance du ring the war, the consciousness of the fatal necessity we have indicated would come to all; but so long as passion rages, the rule of passion seems not unwise, nor unnatu ral. The chastening of adversity has not yet been felt; but it is approaching with rapid steps, and its projecting shadow is even now visible. World. Borina Sentiments, There is a healthy tone in the subjoined article from the Louisville (Ky.) Jour nal : “It is a consoling and even cheering re flection that the radicals of the country would not bo großßly calumniate the con servatives but for dread of conservatism. Between radicalism and conservatism on the naked issue of their respective claims, radicalism would Btand no eartbly chance before the people. This the radicals well knew. Hence they deem it necessary to obscure the issue, which they endeavor to accomplish through immeasurable ca lumny. ‘Hypocrisy,’ says Rocheloucanld, is a sort of homage that vice pays to virtue.' We may fitly adapt this Baying to the subject in hand.' Calumny is a sort of homage that radicalism pays to con servatism. ‘ ‘lt is indeed hard to conceive how any rational and patriotic man can give his voice and influence to swell the deadly power of radicalism. Can any such man doubt that the only salvation of oar coun try is by the union of the American peo ple around the conservative standard ? It is universally conceded, as a contempo rary says, that nnion at the North is ne cessary to success. What is success ? W e answer : Peace and the restored power ot the Constitution and Union. This is complete success. ’'Why is there a divis ion at the North ? Becanße the radical party boldly proclaim their intentioh to oppose the restoration of peace under the old Union, or any nnion with slavehold ing States. They assert that there can be no peace with slavery. “On the other hand, the Conservative party believe that a simple, steadfast ad herence to the Constitution will give ns peace, and, what we want, the Union. On which platform is it easier to unite ? On which is success more likely to ha achieved ? The radical platform requires os to abandon the Constitntion, abandon the principles of concession ahd'com promisa, on which onr very Government rests, and go into a crusade for the esti b lishment of a new Union, a new Govern ment, an unknown etmetnee existing c Iv in the dreams of enthusiasts, to be foupded on the ruins of the best and noblest strnc tnre which was ever erected by human hands. The other platform, the conserv ative idea, proposes to save the old struc ture in all its glory, marred somewhat by this terrible experience through which it will have passed, but substantially the same Union of which Washington and hU companions wete the founders. On this platform every patriotic American can stand, onghtto stand, must stand, if wo would win that success for which we strive. ‘ ‘The wild folly which for more than a year was permitted to cry ‘treason.trea son,’ at every voice raised tor the Consti tntion, has been hushed. The accusation of disloyalty hurled at the men who stood firm for the old Union has recoiled on. those who were insidiously plotting to destroy it. The eyes of the whole country are now fixed on conservative men for help, advice, guidance. Ail confidence in radical men and radical measures is gone. They are known to be otter failures. They have sacrificed too. much of blood and treasnr? The people are becoming pf one mind What an intense relief would the whole country feel to-day if H were known that Borne trusty conservative were to be President of the United States by constitutional succession to-morrow 1 Acting under the advice Of such men, the people will preserve the present Adminis tration in power, patiently bearing with its infirmities, protesting firmly against its errors, and rn the .right time wifi restore the Constitntion to conservative protec tion. 1 ‘ Then 'will begin again the story of American greatness,”,. MMBaaay «> ftfals vowderM* Grin. u&CttiM. Jut weired and for nUeby ace
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers