THE STAR OF THE NORTH, H". U. JacProprietor.] VOLUME 10. off Ana '©a 1 VHUB sjvS) i&if rUBLIBHItD IVKRV WEDNESDAY BY m n. jacoby, Offi on Main SU.Srd Square below Market, 'TEEMSTwo Dollars per annum if paid within Bix months from the timo or subscribing; two dollars *nd fllty oents if not paid within the venr. No Bubserlptioo received for a less period than six tnonths; no discontinuance permitted until all ar rearages are paid, unless at the option of the editor. ADVERTISING The rates of advertising will be as follows: One squnre of twelve lines, three times, • • fl 00 Kvery subsequent insertion, 25 One square, threo months, 3 00 6ix months, 5 00 One year, 8 00 ilusinoss Cards of five lines, per annum, - - 300 SPEECH OF BON. PAI'L'LEIDY, OP PENNSYLVANIA, ox Taa ADMISSION OF KANSAS. , Dtlivsrsd in the House of Representatives, March 30, 1858. (CONCLUDED FROM LAST WEEK.J Hero he states that he had asserted to the people that they had, or would have, this privilege; meaning evidently, to convey the idea that he had assured them that the con stitution would be submitted to them. Now, let us see what he did really say on that occasion. This is hislanguage : " You should not console yourselves, my fellow-citizens, with the reflection that you may by a subsequent vote, defeat the con stitution. Although most anxious ot secure lo you the exercise ofthat great constitution al right, and believing that the convention is the servant, and not the master of the people, yet I have no power lo dictate the proceedings of that body." How different the idea! Instead of a pos-1 itive assertion that they should have such an opportunity, he cautions them against trust ing lo any such hope: that it is by no means certain that they can have that opportunity. And lor that very reason they should be sure to attend the election, and secure such del egates as would express their will. 1 hope we shall hear no more of garbled extracts after this exhibition of garbling. I have said nothing about the submission of the slavery article to a vote of the people. I do not deem it of any particular impor tance to notice the objections to the form or manner in which this article was submitted; for the reason that I do not believe the con vention was bound, in law or by precedent to submit any part of the constitution to the vote of the people; and, if they chose to submit the same, or any part of it, to a vote it was for them to say what part, and in what manner. But, in passing, I will re mark that I cannot see the force of the ob jections raised by my honorable colleague (Mr Montgomery) to this submission. First htf objects, because, in voting on the sla very article, either for or against, he says the people were compelled to vote for the <oustitution. Now, sir, I deny this. I aver that the constitution was not submitted to a vote ; That no privilege was given to the people to vote/or or against tho constitution. That instrument, all except the seventh ar ticle, was withheld from the people; and the vote could not, by any possibility, be construed as a vote in favor of the constiiu tion. True, whichever way the people vo ted on the seventh article, the constitution would be adopted, except that seventh arti cle; but not by virtue of that vote, but by the action of the convention. Now, I do not wish to be understood here as asserting that the convention acted prop erly in withholding the wholo constitution from a vote of the people. 1 think they should hare submitted it. 1 believe with the President,that these instruments should in all oases be submitted to the test; but I do not agree that there was any binding obli gation upon that body to submit it, or any part of it, to such a test, and no greater ob ligation to submit the slavery clause than any other, except that which grew out of the state of feeling which existed in the Territory on this subject. But the honora ble gentleman says the people were subject ed to a test oath; they were required to ewear to support the constitution, if adopted. Well, suppose they were? Is it not the du ty of every citizen to support the constitu tion of his own State 1 and is not this duty binding, whether he be required to take an oath to do so or not I If aflopted, would not all the people of Kansas be bound to support it, and every part of it I What ob jection, then, to taking an oath to do that which is right and obligatory, even without an oath I But he says, in swearing to sup port the constitution, they were required to •wear to the truth of all the averments con tained therein; in other words, that every man who swears to support the constitution of his State, or of the United States, swears that all that is contained therein is true and .right, and also swears that it shall not be altered, except in the manner therein pro vided for. This is certainly a novel doc trine, a monstrous doctrine. What! Will the honorable gentleman say here, that every man who swears to support the con stitution of his State perjures himself unless he believes that all the averments contain ed in that instrument are true, and all the principles embodied therein are sound ? Will he tell us that, because the constitution of the State of Missouri contains an aver ment precisely like that contained in the constitution of Kansas, declaring the rigbt to hold properly in slaves, therefore the honorable gentleman from Missouri, [Mr. Blair,] on the other side of this House, who is a Republican, and who, I take it, is hon estly opposed to slavery because he believes it wrong, that be cannot hold an office in his own State, because he would be requir ed to swear to support that constitution ? Will he tell us that all those upon this floor who do not believe that the section in the . 1 . " 1 1 BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY?PA.,-WEDNESDAY. MAY 5.11858., Constitution of the United States which re quires the rendition of fugitive slaves to their proper masters, or that section which gives to slaveholding States a representation on this floor lor three fifths of their slaves, is not just, nor correct in principle, perjured themselves when they took the oath here to support the Constitution of the United States? Or that every man who sits in a convention for the amendment or alteration j of his Stale constitution, is perjured if he ever previously took an oath to support the Constitution, unless the mode of alteration was prescribed in the constitution, and strictly adhered to in all the steps taken for its amendment. What is this oath to sup port the constitution? It is an oath to support and obey it as a fundamental law, not to believe it as a fundamental truth- It is on oath to support it as and while it contin ues to be the constitution or the State, not perpetually, nor after it has ceased to be : such. But the honorable gentleman saya further that the constitution of Kansas repeals the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Is this true? How? Why, says the gentlemen, this constitution declares that all laws now in force in the Territory of Kansas, which arc not repug nant to this constitution, shall continue and be of lorce, until altered, amended, or re pealed, by a Legislature assembled under this constitution; and that thereby this con vention nulified the rjght of legislation se cured to the Territory by the Kansas Nebras ka act, after the 7th day of November, '57; and that if Kansas is admitted with this constitution, all the laws passed by the ter ritorial Legislature, at the extfa session, are thereby repealed. I.et us examine this a moment. To what point of lime des this adverb "now," used in this clause of the constitution, refer? Does it refer to the day that clause was approved in convention ? Does it refer to the day when 'the instru ment as a whole was adopted in the con vention ? Does it refer to the time when the people were to vote upon the slavery question ? or to the time when Kansas shall be admitted by Congress, and thereby be come a State? There is in this instrument itself a clause which fixes the time when the constitution shall go into effect, namely, when ratified by the vote of the people up on the slavery question as therein provided. And hence the word "now" cannot possibly mean any point of time anterior to that; and if the gentleman will refer to the dates, he will find that this event occurred on the 21st of December, after the extra session of the Territorial Legislature had adjourned; and that consequently that all laws passed by that body were not only re pealed by the convention, but, according to his construction were rendered entirely irrepealable until after the State should be organized. But I am inclined to the opin ion that the construction which should be put upon this clause would fix the point of time indicated by this word "now," as the time when Kansas should be admitted and thereby become a State. I think this con struction the fair one, and one that would preserve in tact all the legitimate powers of the Territory while it remained a Territory, and at the same time effect the object evi dently had in view by the convention, namely, the perpetuation of the territorial laws under the State organization until these lawtr should be altered by the State author ity- Having now disposed, as I think, satisfac torily, of these objections, I will next con sider the vote of the 4th of January, 1858, under the act of the Territorial Legislature, lor and againts the constitution. At this election it is admitted, at least I admit it, that a large majority of the votes of the Territory voted against the constitution.— And the question is, what is the effect of that vote 1 Ido not, sir, deny the validity of that act authorizing the vote on the 4th of January. 1 admit that it was within the scope of legislative authority—that it rests upon the same authority as the act passed I by the same Legislature, to determine j whether a convention should be colled to i form a constitution. But the question here is as to its effect; and I wish to call the at- ; tention of gentlemen to this act itself. You , will observe, by a reference to this act, that l it does not pretend to give any legal efficacy j to this vote. It authorizes a vote to be ta- j ken, but it does not go on to say, "and if, . upon the summing up of all the votes cast, j it shall appear that a majority of the votes | cast at that election were against the con stitution, then, and from theceforth, as well the said constitution as all acts and proceed ings theretofore had under the same, shall be null and void." If the Legislature had in tended that this vote should have the effect of a veto upon the action of the Lecompton Convention, they would undoubtedly have so expressed it in some such language as the foregoing. But they did not assume such power. They knew full well that they did not possess the power; and acting Gov ernor Stanton, in his message, had just giv en it as his opinion that the convention, having acted under the previous law, tt was incompetent for the Legislature to reneal the law. And if the Legislature could not do this direelly, they eould not authorize a vote of the people, the effect of which would be to repeal it. 1 have not the time to discuss this point at length; but the point to which 1 wish to call attention, and which I think is decisive of the question, has been suffi ciently indicated—namely, the want of leg islative jurisdiction over the action of the convention. 1 do not wish hyfft to be understood as, in any sense, power of the peo ple to review the actions of the convention; but what 1 contend for is, that it must be Truth and Right God and our Country. done in accordance with the prescribed fo ms of law. And those forms would have required an act of the Legislature authoriz ing the election of delegates to a second convention, for the purpose of revising, al tering, or amending iliis constitution. In this way the people can, I take it, at all times control and regulate their constitu tions, as well-before they have been pre sented to and admitted by Congress, as after; but 1 know of no other way prescribed by law to do it. And if now, under the pres ent law of Kansas, (if they really have a law to that efTect, about which there seems to be some dispute between the Legislature and Governor Denver;) if, under this law, the convention elected should assemble and remodel the Lecompton Constitution, or make an entire new one before Kansas is admitted, and present that here in due form, either with or wiihoul liltving~ftrst submitted it to a vote of the people, 1 hold we should be bound to receive it; and if it was found to have been made in conformity with the requirements of law, giving a full and fair opportunity to participate in the proceedings, I think \te would be bound to accept it as the last expression of the sov ereign will of the people; for I hold that the power of the people is not exhausted by be ing once exercised. Upon this point, how ever, I do not hereby design to commit my self. "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." 1 do not agree with some honorable gen tlemen on this side of the House, that the vote for State and legislative officers under this constitution, on the 4th of January, by the free-State men, is an estoppel, and closes their mouths against a denial of the legality of the constitution. Under strict rules of law, I admit, it might have such effect. But I cannot admit that these rigid rules apply to this high court in such a case. lam of opinion they had a right to guard against a contingency by electing officers under the constitution, and at the same time protest that the constitution was void ; so that, if it should be afterwards decide against them in this court, they would have the advantage of their election. I think they had a right, a legal and constitutional right, on that day, peaceably, at the polls, first to vote for the Stale and other officers i under the constitution, and then immediate ly vote, under the provisions of the territor ial law, against the constitution. In this < view 1 think I am sustained by the instruc tions of the President to Governor Denver, to see that the people were protected in their right to vote ox that election. They had also a right to send the result of that vote here, just as they would have presented i a petition making known their views arid wishes; and then the result is with us. If I we find, upon examination, that they come i here with clean hands; if the grievances of j which they complain are real, and are such i as we can redress, it is our duty to redress them. I extend to them in this case every right and privilege which equity can claim; 1 and if they have a case in which equity can entitle them to relief, then, in the name of all that is sacred, just and right, give them relief. But if, upon investigation, we find that those grievances are the result of their own negligence and inaction, their own fob ly and crime ; if we find that the law affor ded them ample means of protecting them selves against these wrongs, or of redressing the wrongs after they were committed; if we find, as we do in this case, that the wrongs of which they complain are the consequence of their own willful nnd ob stinate resistance of the law and violation of ils requirements, combined with a stubborn refusal themselves of its provisions; then, sir, there is no principle of equity or justice that they can invoke. They may invoke our sympathy; they may ask for favor; but justice and equity they cannot demand. I propose next to consider briefly the | right of the people to amend the constilu | tion. In a case growing out of the Dorr re bellion, the Supreme Court use the following ' language: "No one, we believe, has ever doubted ] the proposition that, according to the insti ' tutions of this country, the sovereignty in I every State resides in the people of the j State, and that they may alter and change i their form of government at their own pleasure." I Following out the idea herein expressed, I the constitution of Kansas, in the bill of rights, declares: " 2. All political power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are found ed on their authority, and instituted for their benefit; and therefore they have at all limes an inalienable and indefeasible right to al ter, reform, or abolish their form of govern ment in such manner as they may think proper." Here we have it first laid down by the Supreme Court as a setted, unquestioned proposition, that the sovereignty of the Stale resides in the people of the State : and that, as a consequence resulting from the foregoing, this people, being sovereign, may alter and chnngo thoir form of government at their own pleasure. Then we have, iu the constitution of Kansas itself, the truth of this proposition reaffirmed and still more , emphatically set forth, declaring that the people of Kansas have at all times an in alienable and indefeaaable right to alter, re , form, &c , their government in such manner . as they may think proper—not at such , limes and in such manner as is prescribed in the constitution, the fundamental law of i the government, but at all times, and in any > manner. And this right is "inalienable and indefeasible the parties possessing it can i not part with it themselves; cannot alien it; nor can they be deprived of it by others. Now, if this is a right inherent in the people, inalionuble and indefeasible, exist ing at all tiroes, then 1 take it that no pro vision whatever in the constitution could possibly affect it, or restrain its exercise.— But in the constitution ol Kan-asno attempt is made to restrain this right; but, on the contrary, it is expressly reserved and ac knowledged. The natural of political rights of an individual or community cannot be divested bet by express, positive law ; but here seems to be a right which is above laws and constitutions; the owners cannot part with it; constitutions and laws cannot deleat it. There is, however, no attempt in this constitution to interfere with this right. It is true, there is in this instrument an ar tide, or section, regulating amendments af ter the year 1864; not amendments by the people, but by me wnr rt be asked why this section relating to amend ments was introduced, if not to prevent amendments in any other manner than therein expressed? I answer, the Legisla ture has not, except by a cons ilutional grant, any power over the constitution, either to make, alter, amend, or abolish; and this section was inserted for the purpose of giv ing to that body this power. But tho grant, regulations, and restrictions contained in this seciion apply exclusively to the Legisla ture, and do not in any manner affect, limit, or restraiu the rights of the people. Under this grant, the Legislature may, after 1864, alter and amend the constitution as therein provided. Prior to this time no such power can be exercised by that body ; for even if the power to alter and amend did not dopend upon the constitutional grant, still the fixing of a day after which this power may be ex ercised would, by implication, preclude the exercise of tho power prior to that day. And suroly, during this period which must elapse between the time of State organiza tion and the year 1864, no exercise of the power of the people, in the way of making amendments or alterations, can conflict with any legislative powers,.for no such powers exist. How is it after 1864 ? Ido not see any difficulty even after that date. Suppose the Legislature, ufter 1864, reluse to amend the constitution in the manner therein pre scribed, which requires a two-thirds vo e ; and suppose, by a majority of that body, a law is passed providing for tho election of delegates to a convention to amend, and in this manner the constitution should be amended; would this act of the people con flict in any way with t'ie legislative right ? The Legislature-refuse to-acl in'the premis es in the manner prescribed by law, and then the people, in the exercise of their or iginal inherent power, act for themselves. I see no inconsistency, no conflict of pow cr. Mr. Chairman, there are a number of other matters connected with this subject which 1 desire to notice, but lime will not permit. The subject of frauds, on which so much stress has been placed in the dis-1 cussion of this question, might properly j claim a little more consideration than I have been able to give it. 1 can, however, mere ly allude to it again. Ido not pretend that there wore no frauds perpetrated by thesuc cessiul party in Kansas. On the contrary, 1 have no doubt there were frauds, gross frauds and wrongs, perpetrated ihere by j individuals of both parties—such as must | forever disgrace the parties who participa- j ted in them, and forever render them uu- { worthy of the confidence and respect of I honest men. That these frauds and wrongs ! were not confined to either party, cannot I now be denied; that a few lawless men in 1 Kansas, aided and encouraged by men ' equally lawless outside of that Territory, ! have not only disgraced themselves, and ' disturbed the peace and retarded the pros- I perily of her people, but have agitated the whole nation, will not be controverted; and I that the great mass of the people there real- I ly desire a cessation of these evils, and will gladly accept of the opportunity which a Slate organization will afford them, of rid ding themselves of the power and influence ol these "pestilent fellows," is, 1 believe, equally true. Mr. Chairman, 1 have now presented all ; that time will permit, in defence of the im mediate admission of Kansas as a State, under the constitution which she has pres ented to us. I might add many other con sideralions which have their influence upon my mind; but 1 will here briefly say, I shall vote tur llio admission of Kansas, because 1 believe that the people of that Territory, of all parties, really desire to have a State organization, as has been sufficiently indi cated, not only by the direct vote upon that question, but by their applications mude here for admission. Bucause 1 believe that she has the requisite population, that the interests of Kansas and of the nation require it. 1 shall vote for its admission under the Lecumpton constitution, because it is the only instrument presented here with her present application. Because I believe that the proceedings, so far as we can judge, under which that constitution has been pre pared and adopted, have bepn conducted in conformity wilh the requirements of law, and in such manner that the people of Kan sas have had full and fair opportunity to participate "through their representatives" in its formation, and that it must be regar ded as the legal expression pf the will of the people. Because it will place the peo ple of Kansas in a condition to have their own Governor and other State officers, who, being elected by them selves, and from I among themselves, will necessarily com mand more fully the confidence of the peo ple than such officers appointed by the | national Administration, and therefore sub : ject to external influence and control, could I possibly receive; which ofirors, coming directly from the people, and dependent upon them alono for political preferment, having all their interest, personal nnd politi cal, identified with those of the people, will have the strongest possible motives for con sulting their will and wishes. Beoijsc, with their State organization, with the legis lative and executive officers all under their own control, and Bubject to their will, that will must at once become the law of the State, and will indicate itself in their legis lative acts as well as in the speedy altera tion of their constitution to such form as they may desire. Because, without admis sion, I see no prospect of an end of strife and agitation which have so long vexed and disgraced not only tho people of Kansas Lul no no a nation. And witll admlnstnn, f entertain the fullest confidence that peace and harmony and prosperity will bo at once restored to that divided and distracted peo ple. I shall vole for admission because of the consequences which will, in my opinion, inevitably result from a rejection of this ap plication. If we reject this application for the reasons which have been urged by the Opposition, we hold out to the future the strongest possible inducements for a recur rence of these scenes whenever any Terri tory is hereafter about making application for admission as a State. If we allow the perverseness, the lawlessness, the obstinacy, and rebellion of a portion of the people of Kansas, be it a minority or a majority, lo constitute a ground for the rejection of tho application of those who, whatever may have been their errors, their follies, or their crimes, have sustained the authority of the Government there, and in their proceedings have conformed to all the requirements of law, we offer a reward for perverseness, lawlessness, obstinacy, and rebellion iu the future. But if we, as iu duly we are bound to recognize only those proceedings which have been in accordance with law; if we refuse to recoguize the irregular action of the turbulent and the lawless; if, by our decision, we give notice to all others iu like cases offending that no advantage can pos siblj result from such a course, that they thereby peril their most important interests, we shall present a strong motive for the fu ture observance of law and order. Another consequence has been suggested by some honorable gentleman as likely to result from a refusal by Congress to admit Kansas under this constitution, namely, a dissolution of the Union. Although I have no fears of such a result from any cause, and much less from such a cause; and al though this is the first time that 1 have had the honor to address a legislative body, I cannot conclude my remarks without enter ing my protest against this cry of dissolution 1 am aware that this is no novel project Since the first organization of the Republic we have heard these intimation. Scarcely had the ink become dry upon the parch ment on which was recorded the sacred compact, until these ''prophets of woe" began their doleful predictions. Massa chusetts and South Carolina, Alabama and Wisconsin, and other States, each in her turn has pronounced the doom oi the Union. Vain prediction ! Idle threat! Dissolve this Union? And for what? Is the nominal freedom of a few thousand ne gro slaves an object so dear to the hearts of northern gentlemen, that to ellect it they will hazard the liberties of the millions of freemen both North and South ? Is the ex- tension of the domains of slavery ot such paramount importance to the interest, the prosperity, and the honor of sonthern gen tlemeu, as to be purchased at the sacrifice ot the priceless legacy bequeathed to them by their Washinglons, their JefFersons, their Madisons, Monroes, and Henrys, and the long list of other worthies of whom they are so justly proundl Shall we, the sons of those great and good men who framed this j glorious structure, and with such adtnirablo | skill adjusted its several parts, who laid its I sure foundations deep imbedded in the j principles of eternal truth, and firmly based ; upon that immovable rock, the right of man to self-government, who cemented it to gether with their hearts' best blood, and consecrated it with their devoutest prayers, who left upon its every part the impress of their lofty patriotism and their deep devo tion to the principles of civil and religious liberty; shall we, their sous, for such inad equate cous.iderations, demolish this grand edifice, and scatter its fragments to the winds'! Never, never 1 We upon this floor may talk of dissolu tion ; but we forget that there is, behind us and above us, an irresistible power, which holds, and will forever hold, this Union firm and indissoluble—the power of the people —a peoplo who cherish this Union in their heart of hi-arts; whose blood and treasure are forever pledged to its support and de tense. That people will never permit this Union, sanctified by the blood of their an cestors, and hallowed by every feeling of national and individual pride and honor, to be dissevered by any ruthless hand Sir, this Union was formed to be perpet ual; and it will live through coming time, And even but hall a century hence, when this Hsll shell have ceased to be the scene of our national councils and our national conflicts; when the capitol ol this great nation, seeking some more central point, shall have fixed its location on one of thyß broody prairies west of the Mississippi; when, perhaps, Kansas, now the scene of tnrmoil and strife, shall have become the seat and centre of this empire of freedom ; when fifty States shall cluster round that centre, and fifty stars shall grace our still unsullied and miriven flag, our sons, then grown gray with age, will, as they read the history of these days, smile at(onr causeless fears and marvel al our jveakness. Mr. Chairman, 1 repeat it, ) have)_no fears of a dissolution of this Union. For— "What God in Ilia wisdom and meroy designed. And armed with His weapons of thunder, Not all of earth's despots and faotions combined liare the power to conquer or sunder. IV FORMER HAPPINESS. —It is wondered how cheap happiness used tA'be. It used lo grow in the field ; we have found it there, but not lately. It lay about Ijke sunshine at arm's length of everybody. Sometimes five speckled eggs in a grassy nest constitu ted it ; sometimes blue ones in the lilacs ; it'used to swiml iu the brooks, anil tnranp its silvery and mottled sides, liko a polished little sabra, sprinkled with the color of fame which is generally suppo sed lo be crimson. We have found it many a time, beside a mossy stone, when it look ed very much like a)spring.flower; we have seen it coming down iu the snow, and heard it descending in the rain. What a world of it used lo be crowded .Saturday afternoon. An old newspaper, with ce dar ribs, a lail like three bashaws, and a penny's worth of twine, have constituted many a time—that is, many an old lime— that entire>tock in trade, of one perfectly happy. 'V A better subject for young men to dis cours Rnd meditate upon was never written than the following by Dean Swift: "No man ever made an ill figure who understood his own talents, nor a good one who mistook them. Young men do not fail in the pursuit of life because they lack ability to succeed, ball as often as a misdi rection of talents. A right use of a mode rate capacity will accomplish more than a wrong application of the most brilliant qualifications. Study, therefore, yourselves. Aim to find out the actual talents you pos sess, and then, endeavor to make the best possible use of them, and you can hardly come short oi making a good figure in the world, and what is more being among those who live not in vain." Two IRISHMEN, on lauding in this coun try, and sitting down to their first din ner on shore, found on the table a dish of prepared mustard, which neither of them had ever happened to meet before. One of them took a spoonful at a venture, which qilieWy brought in of icnrt, Wo eyes. '• What are yon crying about!" asked his companion. '• 1 was crying at the recollection of my poor father who was huug about twenty years ago. The dinner proceeded, and soon the other made a dip into the mustard, with a similar • result. " What are you crying about V' was the brave inquiry of his companion. " I am crying because you were not hung when your lather was." "NEARER HOME." —Jos. T. Buckingham, the once brilliant editor of the Boston Cour ier, a beautiful letter of two columns, which concludes with the following fine pathos: " For me the problem of immortal life, or eternal life, will soon be solved. The great Caravansera is in sight; the steps which conduct to its portal will be few, and, I trust, unfaltering. " Nightly I pitch my moving teut, A day's march nearer home." E7 A Virginia paper records the mar riage of Miss Jane Lemon and Mr. Ebene zer Sweet; whereupon our devil moralizes as follows: How happy in extremes to meet In June and Ebenezer; She's no longer sour, but Sweet, And he's a Lemon squeezer! EV "Come here my dear; I want to auk all about your sister. Has your sister a beau ? "No, its the jaundice she's got; the doc tor says so." 17 An Albany man advertises for his runaway wile—who "is but fifteen years of ago, and of a loving disposition, and had on three rattan hoops." T7 A new play is announced in Boston I under the title of "an Editor with S5000." The Providence Journal wonders whether he was a government officer, or had robbed a batik. 17 Wo never yet knew a man disposed to scorn the humble, who was not himself a fair object of scorn to the humblest. There is iron enough in the blood of forty-two men, to make a ploughshear weighing twenty-four pounds. 17 ADJOURNMENT or CONORESS.— Both Houses of Congress have resolved to adjourn on the 7th of June. tW A beautiful inscription, it is said, may be lound in an Italian grave yard: "Here lies Etalls, who transported a large fortune to Heaven in acts of charity and has gone thither to enjoy it. 17 When are people's toes like oaks 1 When they bear ache corn*. HP Rest satisfied with doing, and leave others talk of you what they please. JKTTWO dollars per Annum. lufiuracc of Song. , Most of us have experienced the luxury | of tears when listening to an old ballad.— | We know an old man who, having lived a , long career of vice and crime, was at length banished from the country ; and who, while j undergoing his period of banishment amidst j the wilds and jungles of a distaut land, heard in the summer eventide a sweet voire, ( singing in his own language the very song • which had lulled him to his infant slumber, I when he knew crime by name, and knew |it only to abhor. It had been sung, too, by | the cradle of an infant sister, one who fiad | died young and now was in heaven ; the mother, too, was no more. But the song—the old song bad not tost its influence over him yet. Back earns trooping upon him the old memories which had so long slumbered down there in the unconsumed depths of his heart; the moth er and the father; the household gathering; the old school house; the time-worn church, half-hidden by the old yew-trees, where lis had first heard the Bible read, all came back upon him as fresh as if it were yester day ; and overpowered by Ins feelings, he gave vent to them in a flood of tears. And then the old man grew calm, and his latter days were his best days ; and when the terms of his punishment had expired, he came back to his father's land and there in that old villiage graveyard, amid whose grassy hillocks he played and gambolled, and where the mother and her little ones were sleeping, he laid down his weary limbs, and sank peacefully away into a common grave. Unhappy Homes. Small matters are often needlessly made the subject of daily comment and blame ; and in the end it comes that home is some times anything but the happy place we choose to make it out in songs and fictions of various kinds. This, when it occurs, is a great pity, t am for making home very happy to chil dren, if it can be managed; which, of course, is not to be made by weak compli ances, and having no fixed rules. For no creature is happy, or even free, as Gmlhe has pointed out, except in the circuit of law. But, once having laid down laws and regu lation all within those bounds should be very kind at home. Now listen to the captious, querulous scoldings that you may hoar, even as you may hear, even as you go along the streets, addressed by parents to children; is it not manifest that in after-life there will be too much fear in the children's mind, and a belief that their father and mother never will sympathize with them as others even might—never will forgive them ? People of all classes, high and low, err in the same way ; and in looking about the world, I liavo sometimes thought that a thoroughly judicious father is one of the rarest creatures to be met with.—Olive Branch. OT A young friend of ours tells the fol lowing story of himself:—When young ho had read the well known story of George Washington's love of truth and the father's love of the noble principle of his son, so well manifested on the occasion referred to, of George's cutting down the cherrytree, acknowledging his transaction and receiv ing a free pardon, besides praises and kind caresses from his father. So Jim, actuated by so noble an example, thought he would try the experiment on. He supplied him self with the hatchet, and going into his father's orchard, cut down some choice fruit trees. He then cooly sat down to wait the old man's coming, and as soon as he maJe his appearance, marched up to him vviili very important air and acknowl edged the deed, expecting the next thing on the programme to be tears, benediction and embraces from the offended parent.— But sad to relate, instead of this, the old gentleman caught up a stick and gave him an "all fired lamming." ACTlVlTV.— Miserable is he who slumbers in idleness. Miserable is the workman who sleeps before the hour of rest, or who lies down in the shadow whilst his brethern work in the sun. There is no rest from la bor on earth. There are always duties to perform and functions which are ever en larging and extending in proportion to the growth of our moral and mental station.— Alan is born to work, and he must work whilo it is day. Addison says, "1 have found that men who are really most fond of the society of ladies, who cherish lor them ahigh respect, are seldom the most popular with the sex. Men of great assurance, whose tongues are lightly hung, who make words supply the place of ideas, and place compliment in the room ol sentiment, are the favorites. A true respect for woman leads to respectful action towards them; great distance is mis taken by them for neglect, or waut of inter est." The editor of the Jamestown Demo crat is ''posted" in Biblical learning, and gives an example thus: "Somewhere in that story it tells about a man whose name was Saul, or Paul, or Haul, or something of that kind, who went down from Damascus to Jerusalem and fell among thieves. Aspl sometime about mid night, a light from Heaven shown down brighter than the sun, so that a man whose , name was Lsvi, who was passing that way, was enabled to bind up his wounds, and take him to a hotel, where begsve the land i lord twenty-fire cents, end told him if it cost more then thet he wonld foot the bill.*
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