The star of the north., December 23, 1857, Image 1

THE STAR OP THE NORTH.
Mrs. B. W, Weaver, Proprietress.]
"VOLUME 9.
THE STAR OF THE NORTH
19 PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNINO.
W. 11. JACOBY, Buftluecis Manager.
WflCß Upstairs, in Ikentso brick build
on the south side o] Main Street, third
njuart below Market.
t'ERIM S:—Two Dollars per annum, if
paid within six months from the time of sub
scribing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not
paid within the year. No subscription re
ceived for a less period than six months; no
discontinuance permitted until all arrearages
are paid, unless at Ihe option of the editor.
A DVKRTISZMENTS not exceeding one square
will be inserted three times for One Dollar,
end twenty five cents for each additional in
sett ion. A liberal discount will be made to
those who advertise by the year.
M R "_i__ SB
van IT it T; AM OF EIIOEITT' ARAJH.
SY TIIOMAS UOOD.
[THOMAS HOOD, born in London, in 1798,
was tbe con of a respectable publisher, of
'the firm of Vernor, Hood and Sharpe. He
wae brought up an engraver—he became a
writer of "Whims and Oddities." end he
grew into a poet of great and original power.
The slight partition which divides humor
and pathos was remarkably exemplified in
llood. Misfortune arid feeble health made
him doubly sensitive to the ills of his fellow
creatures. The sorrows tvhioh he has delin
eated are not unreal things. He died in 1843,
his great merits have been previously recog
nised by Sir Robert I'eel, who bestowed on
hint a pension, to be continued to bis wife.
Thst wife soon followed him to the grave.
The pension has been continued to their chil
dren.]
T'waa in the prime of summer time,
An evening calm and cool,
And four-and twenty happy boys
Come bounding out of school:
Thero were some that ran, and some that
leapt,
Like Doublets iu a stream.
Away they sped with yameenme minds,
And souls untouched by sin ;
To a level mead they came, and there
They drave the wickets in:
Fleasenllv shone the setting eun
Over the town of Lynn-
Like sportive deer they coursed about,
And shouted as they ran—
Turning to mirth all things of earth,
As only boyhood can ;
But tbe hsher sat remote from all,
A melancholy man !
His-hat was off, his vest apart,
To catch Heaven's blessed breeze ;
For a burning thought WHS in his brow,
And his bosotn ill at ease :
bo he leaned bis head on his hands and read
Tho book between hi* knees 1
Leaf aftrr lenf he turned it o'er,
Nor ever glanced aside;
For the peace of bis soul he read that book
In the golden eventide :
Much study had made him very lefcn,
And pale, and leaden-eyed.
At Inst he shut the ponderous tome;
With a fast and fervent grasp
He strained the dusky covers close,
And fixed ibe brazen hasp;
"O God, could I so close my mind,
And clasp it with a clasp!"
Then leaping on his feel upright,
Some moody turns he look ;
Now up the mead, now down the meud,
And paat a shad) nook;
And la! he saw a little boy,
That pored upou a book.
"My gentle lad, what is't you read—
—Romance of f.iry fable'
Or i* it some historic page,
Of kings and crowns unstable ?"
The young boy gave an upward glance—
' It is the death of Abel."
The usher look six hasty strides,
As emit with sudden pain;
Six hasty strides beyond the place,
Then slowly back again:
And down he sal beside the lad,
And talked with him of Cain.
And long since tten, of bloody mea,
Whose deeds tradition saves;
Of lonely folk cut of unseen,
Ami hid in sudden graves ;
Of horrid slabs, in grovea forlorn,
And murders done in oavee ;
And bow the sprites of injured men
Shriek upward from the sod—
Ay, how tbe ghostly hand will point
To show the burial clod;
And nnknowß facts of guilty aots
Are seen in dreams from God 1
He told how murdereis walked the earth
Beneath the curse of Cain,
With crimson clouds before their ayes,
And flames about their brain—
For blood bes left upon their souls
Its everlasting strain!
"And we'l," quoth be, "I know for truth,
Their pangs must be extreme—
Wo, wo, unutterable wo—
Who spill life's sacred stream f
For why t Methought last night I wrought
A murder tn a dream !
'"One that had never done me wrong—
A feeble man, and old:
1 led him to a lonely field,
Tbe moon shone clear and cold:
Now hero, said I, this man shall die,
Aud i will havo bis gold!
"Two sudden blows with a ragged stick,
And one with a heavy stone,
One honied gash with a hasty knife— .
And then the deed was done :
There wsa nothing lying at my feet,
But lifeless flesh end bone !
"Nothing but lifeless flesh and bone,
That con IJ not do me ill;
And yet 1 leared him til the more
For lying there so still.
There was a manhood in his look,
That,murder could not kill!
"And lo! the universal air
Seetned lit with ghastly flame —
Ten thousand thousand dreadful eyes
Were looking down in blame :
I look the man by the hand,
And called upon his name,
irLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY.
' O, God 1 it made me quake .to sea
Such sense within the slain 1
But when f touched the hleler* clay
The blood gushed out amain !
For every clot, a burning spot
Was scorching in my brain I
"My head was like an ardent coal
My heart as solid ice;
My wretched, wretched soul, I knew,
Was at the devil's price :
A dozen timet I groaned, the dead
Had never groaned but twice,
"And now from forth the frowning sky,
From the Heaven's topmost height,
I heard a voice—tbe awful voice
Of the blood-avenging sprite: , :
'Thou guilty man 1 take up thy dead,
And hide it from my sight.,
"T took the dreary body up,
And cast in a stream—
A sluggish water black as ink,
The depth was so extreme.
My gentle boy; remember this
Is nothing but a dream 1
"Down went the corpse witli • hollow plunge,
And vanished in the pool ;
Anon I cleansed my bloody hands,
And washed my forehead cool,
Ami sal among the urchins young
That evening in Ihe school!
"Oh, Heaven ! lo think of their while souls,
And mine so black and grim !
I could not share in childish prayer,
Nor join in evening hymn :
Like a devil of the pit I seemed,
'Mid holy cherubim I
"And peace went with them one and ell,
And each calm pillow spread;
But Guilt was my grim chsmbeilain
That lighted me to bed,
And drew my midnight curtains round,
With fingers bloody red!
"All night I lay in agony,
In anguish dark and deep ;
My fevred eyes dared not close,
But seared aghavt at sleep;
For sin hac rendered ur.lo her
The keys of hell to keep !
"All night 1 lay in agony;
From weary chime to chime,
With one besetting horrid hint,
That racked me all the lime—
A mighty yearning like the first
Fierce impulse unto crime !
"One stern tyrannic thought, that made
All other thoughts its slave:
Stronger and stronger every pulse
Did that temptation crave—
Still urging ma to go and see
The dead man in his gravel
"Heavily 1 rose up, as soon
As light was iu the sky,
And sought the black accursed pool
With a wild misgiving eye;
And saw the dead in the river bed,
For the faithless stream was dry !
"Merrily rose the lark, ond shook
The dew drop from its wing;
But 1 never marked its morning flight,
1 never heard it sing:
For 1 was stopping once again
Under the horrible thing.
} "With breathless speed, like a soul in chase
I took him up and rait-
There was no time lo dig a grave
Before ihe day began :
In a lonesome wood, with heaps of leaves,
I hid the murdered matt!
"And all that day I read in school,
But my thought was other where!
As soon as the mid-day task was done
| In secret I was there;
And a mighty wind bad swept the leaves,
r And a still the corse was bare I
"Then down I cast me on my face,
And firvt began lo weep,
For I knew ray secret then was one
Tiaat earth refused iflkeep ;
Or land or sea, though he should be
Ten thousand fathoms deep!
"So wills the fierce tvenging sprite—
Till blood for blood atones.
Ay, though he's buried in a cave,
And trodden down with stones,
And years have rotted off his flesh—
Tbe world shall see his bones'.
"Oh God, thtt horrid, horrid dream
Besets me now awake !
Again—again, with a dizzy breia,
The human lile I lake ;
And my red hand gtows raging hot
Like Crammer's at the stake.
"And still no peace for Ihe restless clay
Will wave or mould allow;
The horrid thing pursues my sou!—
It stands before me now !"
The fearful boy looked up and saw
Huge drops upon his brow I
That very nigbt, while gentle sleep
The urchin's eyelids kissed,
Two stern-faced men set nut from Lynn,
Through ihe cokl and heavy mist;
And Eugene Aram walked between
With gyves upon his wriats.
ARTESIAN WEI.LV IN SAHARA DESERT. —At
the meeting of tho American Institute Far
mers' Club, in New York, on Monday, a
paper was read giving an account of the
success which has thus fat attended the
sinking of Artesian wells in the great Afri
can Desert of Sahara. The first well was
bored in May, 1856, in the basis of Oued
river, near Tamerma, by a detachment of
the "Foreign Legion," conducted by Engi
neer W. Juss. Water was obtained in Juno
at the rate of 600 hogsheads per hour. The
joy of the natives at the discovery was un
bounded, and, with groat solemnity, they
consecrated it by the name of "The Well
of Peace." Another bore in Tamnqua gave
120 qrts.per minute. The temp, of the water
iu both cases was about 75 degrees Fahren
heit. The supply of water furnished by
these wells will, by means of irrigation,
produce vegetation where none was ever
seen before. v
QT A verdant Yankee expectant for of*
fice, was advised at Washington to apply
for the Consulship of the Lobos Islands, vice
Guano, removed. He had his letter written
before he discovered the joke.
PKESIDGNri) JIESSAWE.
[CONCLUSION ]
Should the Constitution without slavery be
adopted by ihe votes of tho majority, the
rights of property in slves now in the terri
tory are reserved. The number of these are
very small; but if it were greater the provis
ion would be equally just and reasonable
These slaves were brought into the Territory
under the constitution of the United Stales,
and are now the property of their masters. —
This point has at length been finally decided
by the highest judicial tribunal of the coun
try—and this upon the plain principle that
when a confederacy of sovereign States ac
quire a new territory at their joint expense,
both equality and justice demand that the
citizens of one and all of them shall have the
tight to lake into it whutsoever is recognized
as properly by the common constitution.—
To baze summarily confiscated the property
in slaves already in the Territory, would huve
been an aot of gross injustice, ami contrary
to the practice of the older Slates of the
Union which have abolished slavery.
A territorial government was established
for Utah by act of Congress approved the 9th
September, 1850, and the Constitution and
laws of the United Stales wero thereby ex
tended over it "so far as the same or any
provision thereof, may be upphcuble." This
act provided for the appointment by the Pres
ident, by and with the advice and consent of
the Senate, of a governor, who was to be ex
officio superintendent of Indian affairs, a Sec
retary, three Judges of the Supreme Court, a
Marshal, and a District Attorney. Subsequent
acts provided for the appointment of' the offi
ce's necessary lo extend our laws and our
Indian system over the Territory. Brigham
Young was appointed the first governor on
the 20th September, 1850, and has beld the
office ever since. Whilst Governor Young
has been both Governor and Superintendent
of Indian aflairs throughout this petior, .he
bad been at the same time the head of the
church called the Latter Day Saints, and
proteases to govern its members and dispose
of their property by direct inspiration and au
thority from the Almighty. His power has
been, therefore, absolute over both Church
and State.
The people of Utah, almost exclusively,
belong to this church, and believing through
a fanatical spirit that he ia Governor of the
Territory bv Divine appointmenr, they obey
his commands as if these were direct revela
tions from Hetven. If, therefore, he chooses
that Iris government shall come into collision
with the government of the United States,
the members of the Mormon church will
yield implicit obedience to his will. Unfor
tunately, existing fact* leave but little doubt
lhat such Is his determination. Without en
tering upon a minute history of occurrences,
it is sufficient to say lhat *ll the officers of
the United States, judicial and executive,
with Ihe single exception of two Indian a
gents, have found it necessary for their own
personal safety lo withdraw from the Terri
tory, and there no longer remains any gov
ernment in Utah but the despotism of Brig
ham Young." This being the condition of
affairs in the Territory, I could not mistake
the path of duty. As Chiel Executive Mag
istrate, I was bound to restore the supremacy
ol Ihe Cmistiiulirin and laws within its lim
its. In order to effect this purpose,["appoint
ed a new governor and other federal officers
for Utah, and sent with them a military force
for their protection, and to aid as a posse com
itates, in case of need, iu the execution of
Ihe laws.
Wilh the religious opinions of Ihe Mor
.nons, ss long as they remained mere opin
ions, however deplorable in themselves and
revolting to the moral and religious senti
ments of all Christendom, I bad no right to
interfere. Actions alone, when in violation
of the Constitution and laws of the United
Slates, become the legitimate subjects for the
jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. My in
atructions to Governor Cummitig have there
lore been framed in strict accordance with
these principles. At their dule n hope was
indulged that no necessity might exist for
employing the military in restoring and main
taining the authority of the law; but this
hope has now vanished; Gov. Yoong has, by
proclamation, declared hit determination to
maintain bis power by force, and has already
committed acta of hostility against the United
States. Unless he should retrace his steps
the Territory of Utah will be in a siale of
open rebellion. He has commttied these
acts of hostility notwithstanding M.jnr Van
Vliet, an officer of the army, sent to Utah by
the commending general to purchase provis
ions lor the troops, had given him the strong
est assuranoe ot the peaceful inienlions ol
the government, and that the troops would
only be empluyed aa a posse comitaius when
called on by the civil authority to aid in the
execution of the laws.
There is reason to believe that Governor
Young has long contemplated ibis result.—
Ho knows that the continuance of bis des
poiio power-depends upon the exclusion of
all settlers from the Territory except those
who will acknowledge his divine mission
and implicitly obey his will; and that an en
lightened public opinion there would soon
prostrate institutions at war with the laws of
both God and man. He has therefore, tor
several years, in ordar to maintain his inde
pendence, been industriously employed in
collecting and fabricating arms and muni
tions of war, aod in disciplining the Mor
mons for military service. As superintend
ent of Indian affairs be has had ao opportu
nity of tampering with the Indian tribes, and
exciting their hostile feelings against tba U.
Stater. This, according to our information,
be has accomplished in regerd to some of
i
TraUi aid Bight God aad Country.
] these tribes, while others have remained
true to their allegiance, and have communi
\ cated his intrigues lo our Indian agents. He
' has laid in a store ol provisions for three
' yeats, which, in caas of necessity, ss he in
! formed Maj. Van Vliet, he will conceal, 'and
. then lake to the mountains, and bid defi
ance* lo all the powers ol government.'
A great part of all this tnay be idle boast
ing; but yet no wise government will lightly j
estimate the efforts which may be inspired
by such phrensied fanaticism as exists
among the Mormons in Utah. This is the
first rebellion which has existed in our Ter
ritories; and humanity itself requires that we
should put it dowtftn such a manner that it
shall be the last. To trifle with it would be
to encourago it and lo render it formidable.
We ought to go there with such an imposing
force ss to convince these deluded people
that revis'anrc wg-phUbe vaMkjm 1 thus spare
the effusion of blood. We can in this man
ner best convince them that we are their
friends, not their enemies. In order lo ac
complish this object it will be necessary, ac
cording to tbe estimate of the War Depart
ment, to raise four additional regiments; aud
this I earnestly recommend to Congress. At
the present moment of depression in the rev
enues of the country, f am sorry to be oblig
ed to recommend such a measure; but I leel
confident of the support of Congress, cost
what it may, in suppressing the insurrection
and in reeloring and maintaining tbe sover
eignty of the constitution and laws over the
Territory ol Utah.
I recommend lo Congress the establishment
of a territorial government over Arizona,
incorporating with it such portions of New
. Mexico as they may deem expedient. I
need scarcely adduce arguments in support
of this recommendation. Wears bound to
protect the lives and the property of our citi
zens inhabiting Arizona, and these ate now
without any efficient protection. Their pres
ent number is already considerable, aud is
, rapidly increasing, notwithstanding the dis
advantage under which they labor. Besides,
i the proposed Territory is believed to be rich
in mineral and agricultural resources, espe
, cially in silver and copper. The rpails of the
United States to California are now carried
over it throughout its whole extent, and this
route is known to be the nearest, and believ
ed to be the best to the Pacific.
Long experience has deeply convinced me
that a strict construction of the powers grant
ed to Congress is the only true, as well as
the only safe theory ol Ihe constitution. —
Whilst this princip'e shall guide my publio
conduct, I consider it clear that under Ihe
war making power Congress may appropri
ate money for the construction of a military
road through the Territories of the United
Stales, when this is absolutely necessary lor
the defence of any of the States against for
eign invasion. The constitution has confer
red upon Congress power "to declare war,"
"to raise and support arms," "to provide and
maintain a navy," and to call forth Ihe mili
lia to "repel invasions." These high sover
eign powers necessarily involve important
and responsible public duties, and among
them there is none so sacred and so impera
tive us that ot preserving our soil from the
invasion of a foreign enemy. The constitu
tion has, therefore, left nothing on this point
to eon A l ruction, but expres-ly requires that
' the United States shall proteot each o f them
(the State") against invasion." Now, if a
military roed over our own Territnries be
indispensably necessary lo enable its to meet
and repel the invader, it follows ss a neces
sary conaequence not only lhat we possess
the power, but it is our imperative duty to
construct such a road. It would be an absur
dity to invest a government with tbe unlim
ited power lo make and conduct war, and at
the name time deny to it the only means of
reaching and defeating the enemy at the fron
tier. Without such a road it is quite evident
we cannot "protect" California and our Pa
cific possessions "against invasion." We
cannot by any other means transport men
and monitions of war from the Atlantic
Slates in sufficient time successfully to defend
these remote and distant portions of Ihe
republic.
Experience has proved thai the routes
across the Isthmus ot Central America are
at best but a very uncertain and unreliable
mode of communication. But even if this
were not the case, they would at once be
closed against us in ihe event of war with a
naval power, so much stronger than our own
as lo enable it to blockade tbe ports at either
end of these routes. After all, therefore, we
can only rely upon a military road through
our own territories; and ever since the origin
of ihe government Congress has been in tbe
practtre of appropriating money from the
public treasury for Ihe construction of such
roads.
The difficulties and expense of construct
ing a military railroad to connect our Atlan
tic and Pacific Slates, have been greatly ex
aggerated. The distance on the Arizona
route near the 32d patallei of north latitude,
between lite western boundary of Texas on
Hie Hio Grande and the eastern boundary of
California on the Colorado, from the best
'exploration now within our knowledge, does
not exceed four hundred and seventy miles,
and the face of the country is, in the main,
favorable. For obvious reasons the Govern
ment ought not to undertake the wotk itself
by means of its own agents. This ought to
be commuted to other agenr.ies, which Con
gress might assist either by grants of land or
money, or by both, upon such terms and
conditions as they may deem most beneficial
for the country. Provision might thus be
made not only for the safe, rapid, and eco
nomical transpoitation of Uoops and mnhi
tiona of war, bat alio of tbo public mails
The commercial Interests of the whole coun
try, both East and West, would be greatly
promoted by such a road; end, above sfl, it
would be a powerfol additional bond of
uoion. And although advantages of this
kind, whether postal, commercial, or politi
cal, cannot confer constitutional power, yet
they may furnish auxiliary arguments in fa
vor of expediting a work which, In my judg
ment, is clearly embraced within the war
making power.
For these reasons I commend to the friend
ly consideration of Congress the subject ol
the Pacific railroad, without finally commit
ting myself to any particular route.
The teporl of the Secretary of the Treesuiy
will furnieli a detailed statement of the con
dition of the publio finances and of the re
spective branches of the publio service de
volved opon lhat department ol the govern
ment. By this report it appears that the a
mount of -avenue received from all sources
into the treasury during the fiscal year end
ing the 30lh June, 1857, was sixty-eight mil
lion six hundred and thirty-one thousand
five hundred and thirteen dollars and sixty
seven cents, (68,632,513 67) which amount
I with the balance of nineteen million nine
hundred and one thousand three hundred
and 'wenty-five dollars and forty-five cents,
($19,901,325 45,) remaining in the treasury
at the commencement of the year, made en
| aggregate foi the service of the year of eighty
eight milliou five hundred and thirty-two
thousand eight hundred end thirty-nine dol
lars and twelve cents, (88,532,839 12.)
The publio expenditures for the fiscal year
ending 30tb June, 1857, amounted to seven
ty million eight hundred and twenty-two
| thousand seven hundred and twenty-four
I dollars and eighty five cents, (70,822,724 85;
| of which five million nine hundred and for
{ ty three thousand eight hundred and ninety
six dollars and ninety one cents ($5,943,896
91) were applied to the redemption of the
publio debt, including interest and premium,
leaving in the treasury at Ihe commence
ment of the present fiscal year on the Ist
July, 1857, seventeen million seven hundred
and ten thousand one hundred and fourteen
dollars and twenty-seven cents, ($17,710,-
114 27.)
The receipts into the treasury for the first
quarter of the present fiscal year, commenc
ing Ist July, 1657, twenty million nine hun
j dred and twenty-nine thousand eight hundred
and nineteen dollars and eighty one cents,
I ($20,929,819 81,] and the estimated re
' ceipls of the remaining three quarters to the
| 30th June, 1858, are thirty six million seven
' hundred and fifty thousand dollars [836,750-
000] making with the balance before staleJ
on aggregate of seventy five million three
hundred end eighty nine thousand time hun
dred and tbiity four dollars and eight cents,
[575,389,934 08,] for the service of Ihe
present fiscal year.
The actual expenditures daring the first
quarter of the present fiscal year were twen
ty three milliou seven hundred and fourteen
thousand five hundred and twenty eight dol
lars and thirty seven cents, [523,714,528 37]
of which three million eight hundred and
ninety five thousand two hundred and thirty
two dollars and thirty nine cents, [53,895,-
232 30] were applied to the redemption of
the public debt, including interest and pre
mium.
The probable expenditures of the remain
ing three quarters, to 30ih June, 1858, are
fifty one million two hundred and forty eight
thousand five hundred and thirty dollar* sod
four cents, [551,248,530 04,] including in.
lerest on tbe public debt, making an aggre
gate of aevenly-four million nine-hundred
and sixty-three thousand nine hundred and
fifty-eight dollars and forty-one cents, ($74,-
963,958,40,) leaving an estimated Daluncein
the treasury at the close of the present final
year of four hundred and twenty-six thousand
eight hundred and seventy-five dollar* and
sixty-seven cent5[5426,875,67 )
The amount of the public debt at tbe com
mencement of the present fiscal year was
twenty-nine millions sixty thousand three
hundred and eighty six dollars aod ninety
cents [529,060,386 90 ]
The amount redeemed since the Ist of July
was three million, eight hundred and ninety
five thousand, two hundred HUII thirty-two
dollars, and thirty-nine cent5,[53,895,232 39]
—leaving a balance unredeemed at this time
of twenty-five million, one hundred and six
five thousand, one hundred and fifty-four
dollars and fifty-one cents $25,165,154,51.]
The amount of estimated expenditures for
ibe remsinding three quarters of the present
fiscal year will in all probability, be increas
ed from :be causes set forth in the report of
the Seoretary. Hie suggestion, therefore,
lhat authority should be given lo supply any
temporary dt ficency by the issue of a limited
amount of Treasury notes, is approved, and
I accordingly recommend the passage of such
a law.
I transmit herewith the reports made tome
by the Secretaries of War and of Iho Navy,
of the interior and of the Postmaster General.
They all contain valuably and important in
formation and suggestions which I commend
to the lavorable consideration of Congress.
As stated in the report of tbe Secretary,
tba tariff of March 8, 1857, has been in op
eration for so short a period of time, and un
der circumstances so unfavorable to a just
development of its results as a revenue meas
ure, that f should regard it aa inexpedient, at
least for tbe presant, to undertake its revis
ion.
1 have already 'tfeeottlmended tbe raiting
of font additional regiments; and the report
of the Secretary of War prevents strong rea
sons proving ibis increase of th under
Milting circumstances, to be indispensable.
I would call special attention of Con-
gresa to the recommendation of the Secretary
of the Navy in favor of the constiurtioh of
ten small war steamere of light draoght.
For some years the Government has been
obliged on many occasion* to hire ench
ateemers from individual* to eopply it* press
ing wants. At the present moment we have
no armed vessel in the Navy whichesn pen
etrate the rivers of China. We have but few
which can enter any of the harbors sooth of
Norfolk, although many millions of foreign
and dofoestio commerce annually pas* In
and out of these harbor*.
Some of onr most valuable interest* and
most vulnerable points are thus lelt exposed
This class of vessels of fight draught, great
speed, and heavy guna would be formidable
in the coast defence. The cost of their con
struction will not be .'great and they will re
quire but a comparatively small expenditure
to keep them in commission. In time ol
peace they will prove as effective as much
larger vessels, and often more useful.
One of then, should be at every station
where we maintain a squadron, and tferee or
four should be constantly employed on ocr
Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, utility
and efficiency combine to recommend them
as almost indispensable, Ten of thest small
vessels would be of incalculable advantage to
the navel service, and the whole cost of their
construction would not exceed two million
three hundred thousand dollars, or 230,000
each.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior
is worthy of grave consideration. It treat*
of the numerous important and diversified
branches of domestic administration intrust
ed to him by law. Among these the most
prominent are the public lends and our rela
tions with the Indians.
Onr system for the disposal of tbe public
lands, otiginating with the father* of the re
public, hae been improved as experience
pointed the way, and gradually adapted to
the growth and settlement of our western
Slates and Territories. It has worked well
in practice. Already thirteen Slates and sev
en Territories have been carved out Of these
lands, and still more than a thousand mil
lions of acres remain nnsolJ. What a bound
less prospect this presents lo our country of
future prosperity and power!
W9 have heretofore disposed of 363,362,-
464 acres of the public lands.
Whilst 'fbfe public lands as a source of
revenue are of great imporlanue, their im
portance is far greater as famishing homes
for a hardy and independent race of honest
and indosirious citizens, who desire to sub
due and cultivate the soil. They ought to
be administered mainly with a view of pro
moting this wise and benevolent policy- In
| appropriating them for any other parpose,
we ought to use even greater economy than
if they had been converted into money and
the proceeds were already in the public trea
sury
To squander away this richest and noblest
inheritance which any people have ever en
joyed upon objects of doubtful constitution
ality and epediency, would be to viotaie one
of the most important trusts ever committed
to any people. Whilst I do not deny to
Congress the power, when acting bona fide
as proprietor, to give away portion* of them
for the purpose of increasiug the value ol the
remainder, yet, considering the great temp
tation lo abuse this power, we cannot be too
cautious in its exercise,
Actual settlers under existing laws are pro
tected against other purchasers ai the publio
sales, in their right of pre-emption, to l])e ex
tent of a quarter-section, or a 160 acres of
land. The remainder may then be disposed
of at public or entered at private sale iu un
iin i led quantities.
Speculation has of late years prevailed to
a great extern in the publio lands. Tbe con
sequeuce has been that large portions of them
: have become the property of individuals and
companies, and thus the price has greatly
enohanced to those who desire to purchase
forectutl seitlemen'. In order to limit the
area of speculations as much as possible, the
extinction of the Indian title and the exfeA
lion of the public surveys ought only to keep
pace with the tide of emigration.
If Congress should hereafter grant alternate
sections to States or Companies, as they
have done heretofore, I recommend that the
| intermediate sections retained by Ihe Gov-
I cinmeot should be subject lo pre-emption by
actual settlers.
I It ought ever to be oar cardinal policy to
j reserve the public lands at much as thay be
| for actual settlets, and this at moderate prices.
\ We shall thus not only best promote the
prosperity of the new Stale and Territories,
and tbe power of the Union, but shall secure
homes fur our posterity for many generations.
The extension of our limits has brooght
within our jurisdiction many additional and
populous ttibes of Indiana, a large 'portion
of which are wild, untraclable, and difficult
to control. Predatory and warlike in their
disposition and habits, it is impossible alto
gether to resttain from committing aggres
sions on each other, as well as upon our fron
tier citizens and those emigrating to our dis
tant States and Territories. Hence expen
sive military expeditions are frequently na
eersary to overawe and chastise the more
lawless and hostile.
The present syetem of making them valu
able presents to influence them to remain at
peace has proved ineffectual. It ia believed
to be the better policy to colonize Ihem in
suitable localities, where tbey can receive
the rudiments of education and be gradually
induced to adopt habita ol industry. So fat
as tbe experiment baa been tiied it bse work
ed well in praotice, and it will doubtless
prove te belest expensive tban tba present
system ■
[Tw
NUMBER sft.
The length of poet road* in 1827 • 105
386 miles; end in the year 1887 there were
242, 681 milee of the poet rotd, including 22,-
680 milee of railroad, on which the maile are
traneported.
The whole number of Indiana within oar
territorial limite ie believed to tie. from the
beet data in the Interior Department, about
325,000.
Tbe tribe* of Cherokee*, Chnotaw'f, Chi*-
kaeawe, and Creek*, eettled in the territory
eel apart for them wet of Arkaneae, are rip
idly advancing in education and in all the
arte of civilization and ee/f-goebtntsent; and
we may indulge the agreeable anticipation
that *t no very distant day they will be in
corporated iito the Union ae on* of tbe sov
ereign States.
It wdl be reen from the report of'the Post
master Gen'l that the Poet Office Department
still continues to dopand on the Treasury,
as it has been compelled to do lor several
years past, for an important portion 'of the
means of sustaining and extending its opera
tions. Their rapid growth and expansion
are shown by a decennial statement of tha
number of post offices, and the length of post
roed* commencing with the year 1827. lit
that yeai there were 7,000 post offices; in
1837, 11,177; in 1847, 15.146; khd in 1857
they nnmber 26,686. In this year 1,725 post
offices have been established and 704 dis
continued, leaving a net increase of 1,021.
The postmasters of 368 offices are appointed
by tbe President.
The expenditures of the department for tha
fiscal year ending on the 30th Jane, 1857,
as adjusted by the Auditor, amounted to
311,507,670. To defray these expenditures,
there was to the credit of the department on
the Ist July, 1853, the sum of $879,689; the
gross revenue of the year, including the an
nual allowances for the transportation of free
free mail matter, prod need $3.033,951; and
the remainder was supplied by the appropri
ation from the treasury of $2,250,000 gran
ted by the act Of Congress approved August
18, 1856, and by the appropriation of $066,-
883 made by tbe act of March 3,1857. lead
ing $252,763 to be carried to the department
in the accounts of tbe current year, f com
mend to your consideration (he report of the
department in relation to the establishment
of the overland mail route from tbe Missis
sippi river to San Francisco, California. The
route was selected with my full concurrence
as the one, in my judgment, best calculated
to attain the important objeols contemplated
by Congress.
The late disastrous monetary revolution*
may have one good effect should it causa
both the government and tbe people toietorh
I to the practice of a wise and judicious econ
omy both in public and private expenditure*.
An overflowing treasury has fed to habit*
of prodigality and extravagance in our legis
lation. It has indaced Congress to make
large appropriations to object* for which
tbey never would have provided had it beeh
necessary to raise the amount of revenue re
quired to meet them by increased taxation
or by loans. We are now compelled to pause
incur career, and to scrutinize our expendi
tures with the utmost vigilance; and in per
| forming this duty, I pledge my d 6 Operation
, to the extent of my cocstiiutional competen
| °y.
| It ought to be obkerved, at the 6ame time,
; that true publio economy does not consist iu
| withholding the means necessary to accont
< plish important national objects "intrusted to
us by the Constitution, and especially such
' as may be necessary for the common de
| fence. In the present crisis Of the couotry
; it is our duly to confine our appropriation*
. to objeots of >his character, unless in case*
; whore justice to individuals may demand a
< different course. In all cases, care ought Id
: be taken thai tbe money granted by Congresh
shall be faithfully and economically applied,
i Under tbe federal Constitution, "every bill
| which ehall have passed the House of Repre
| sentatives and the Senate shall, before it be
, comes a law," be approved and signed by
the President; and, if not approved, "he shall
return it with his objections to that Hdu>e in
which it originated." In order to perform
•bis high and responsible duty, sufficient
time must be alluwd the President to read
and examine every bill presented to him for
approval. Unless this 6* afforded, the Con
stitution becomes a dead letter in this par
ticular; and even worre, it becomes a means
of deception. Our constituents, seeing tbe
President's approval and Sign*fure attached
to each Act of Congress, are ir/ducedio be
| lieve that he has actually performed this du
ly, whan, in truth, nothing is, in many cases,
I more unfouoded.
From the practice of Congress, such an
examination of each hill as the Constitution
requires, lias been rendered impossible. The
most important business of each session i*
generly crowded into its last hbure, and the
alternative presented to the President is eith
er to violate tbe Constitutional ditty which
ha owes to the people, arid approve bill*
which, for want of lime, it is impossible ha
should have examined, or by hie refusal to
do ibis subject the country and individual*
to greet lost and iucocvenienoe.
Besides, a practice has grown tip of lat*
years to legislate in appropriation bills, at the
last hours of the season, n new and impor
tant subjeto*. This practice cOnStriihs the
President either to sutler measures to be
come law* which he does not approve, or to
iooorthonek of stopping the wheel# oi thd
government by vetoing an appropriation bill.
Formerly, each bill*erereconfined toepeeifio
appropriation for carrying into effect existing
laws and the well established . policy of the
country, and little time was then required by
tbe Presidoat for their examiaation<