-V -*•& • - r. - R. W. Weavers Propriety : ' VOLUME 9. TIIE STAR OF THE NORTH Is PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNINU BY It. VT. WEAVER, OFFICE— Up stairt, in the new brick build ing, on the south side of A/uin Street, third square below Market. V Bit #lB J—Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the time of sub scribing ; two dollars and filly cents if not paid within the year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than six months; no discontinuance permitted until all arrearages ere paid, unless at tlis option of the editor. ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square toll! be inserted three times for One Dollar, end twenty-five cents for each additional in sertion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. ghottc JJoetrji. NOUGHT'S SONG. 6wift never wrote anything better in verse than the following lines from an unknown correspondent; I. I'm thinking just now of Nobody, And all that Nobody's done, For I've a passion for Nobody, That Nobody else would own; I bear tho name of Nobody, For from Nobody I sprang; And I sing the praise ot Nobody, As Nobody, mine has sung. 11. In life's young morning Nobody To me was tender and dear; And my cradle was rocked by Nobody, And Nobody was ever near; I was petted and praised by Nobody, And Nobody brought me up, And when I was hungry, Nobody Gave me to dine or to sup. 111. I went to school to Nobody, And Nobody taught me to read; I played in the street with Nobody, And to Nobody ever gave heed; I recounted my tale to Nobody, For Nobody was willing to near; And my heart it clung to Nobody, And Nobody shed a tear. * 1111. And when I grew older, Nobody Gave me a helping turn; And by the good aid of Nobody 1 began my living to earn; And hence 1 courted Nobody, And said Nobody's I'd be, And asked me to marry Nobody, And Nobody married me. V. Thus I trudge along with Nobody, Au<i Mui.\.vij „i,cis my lite, And I have a iove for Nobody Which Nobody has for his wife; So here's a health to Nobody, For Nobody's now in "town," And I've a passion for Nobody, That Nobody else would own. New York Evening Post. From the Pennsylvc.nian. MONEY. Coin and bank notes are commonly called money. Yel the difference between the two commodities is very great. Their character istic distinctions not being clearly understood by the people, is a source of incalculable mischief. Il may be said, that we, as a na tion, overrate the value of bank notes, which, of course, proportionally diminishes in our eyes, that of coin. Relying upon our abund ant supply of paper-money, we look with sio ic indifierenoe upon the exports of the pre cious metals. Some eight or nine years ago we had the good fortune to dioouver the California gold deposits. When their rich yield was fairly ascettainsd, it was confi dently expected by many inlelligsnt persons, that we should soon be relieved from the dependence on European money lenders; that henceforth we should be enabled to pay for necessary improvements, ths construc tion of railroads, canals, etc., without being compelled to borrow abroad ; and that we should no longer be subject to the prostrating influences of strictures in the money market. But the financial millenium did not arrive. Notwithstanding the large consignments of California gold dost, our monetary resources are, at this moment, at a low ebb, as the un usually high rates of interest indioate. Sev eral causes may have co-operated to produce that effect, but the main reason, will be found io the drain ol precious metals. No sooner was (he prosperity, consequent upon the gold 'productions of California felt here, tbau we doubled and trebled the importation of foreign fabrics aod luxuries, to be paid in domestic produce, and this not sufficing, the balance bad to be made up m bullion and ooin. Pre* vious to 1851 that balance never exceeded 9,600,000 for any one year. The total excess of exportations over importations of precious metals, fort period of (biny years, from 1821 to 1850 inclusive, was according to official statistics, 842,365,756; whereas, for the six years, from 1851 to 1856 inclusive, it amounts 4o no less than *213,037,841. The excess of exportation of Coin over im • portation, was Id 1851 824,019,160 1852 37,169,091 1863 23,285,493 1854 34,438,713 1855 52,587,631 1856 41,587,858 Thie drain is beyond all doubt, the princi pal cause of the present scarcity of mooey. Had the national mind been more deeply impressed with the real, inirinsio value of gold, we should have nusbsnded the precious acquisition, mud the advantages of California would nol have been lost to the country; money wootd now be plenty, interests low, aod business iloarishing. We frequently hear the opinion expressed that gold and oil. ver coin represent value. Not so: they do not merely r•present, but art, in the strictest senee of the word, value or property, as much BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTYTPA. WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1857. a* iron, ooal, copper, lead, ivory, furniture or land. The price of til theae things is deter mined by their utility in the first instance, and in the second, by the quantity in which they exist; or, in a few words, by demand and supply. The uses to which iron can be pet are muliifarious. They determine its absolute valuv, which is equally great, here, in England and Ilussia; but iron-ore being more scarce in Russia, the relative value of iron ore is higher there than in England or America; that is to say, the same weight of iron will fetch the greatest weight of silver or gold or other marketable goods, in Russia. Now, gold and silver, like other metals, are "of (be greatest importance in the arts. They are on account of ceitain properties, suob as incorrosiveness, great raaleability and divisi bility, etc., indispensable, end no substitute has yet been found forthem. Without them chemistry would probably up to this day have remained a mere speculative science; and the practical arts could not have advanc ed to (heir present eminence of utility. Were gold more abundantly found in the crevices of the rocks and the sands of the rivers, its utility would remain the same ; only its rela tive price would diminish, and such has been to a certain, but Inconsiderable extent, the consequence of the supplies from Australia and California. Silver has risen as gold went down ; which effect, partly owing to the cause just assigned, was increased by the large shipments to China. The same excel lent properties, on account of which gold and silver are so useful in the arts, pre-eminently fit them to serve as a circulating medium.— Capable of infinite subdivision, incorrosive and easily transportable, they are, besides platina, the only metals fully answering the purpose of money. Their particular adepi edness for specie,* however, only enhances (heir intrinsic value, as the price of iron would be enhanced should a new extensive use for it be discovered. The stamp on gold and silver coin is but a convenience in ex change, indicating its weight or value. The stamp wholly obliterated, the coin would re tain the same value, only less iho trifling ex pense of coinage, provided the weight has not been diminished. Gold and silver there fore have an Intrinsic, universally recognized worth. In all parts of the world they are readily and at the shortest notice convertible into every description of services or property, simply because they are themselves the most useful, the most desirable kind of property, of all things least subject to depreciation and fluctuation. They do not represent, but at* actually property ; whereas bank notes hav ing no intrinsio value, are in fact, nothing more than its representatives. The credit of the parties who issue them not being univer sal!) known, they cannot have but a limited scope of circulation. Every note must be backed by security, or else it is worthless, hence the amount of security ofTered by a company determines its credit, or capacity for issuing notes. Gold and silver coin is se curity in itself and as it forms the basis of all banking operations, expanding or contracting them, according as it is plentiful or scarce, thus re-acting either beneficially or injuri ously upon every department of business, it is of (be utmost importance, that we should always be adequately supplied with it. In the United States the necessity for national activity is infinitely greater than in the coun tries of the Old World, where past ages have to a great extent anticipated the wants of the living generation. For every addition to the population, we have to make new provisions, which requires money, and money being therefore of a much higher value here than elsewhere, we should adopt such measures as will prevent effectually the excessive ex portation of the precious metals—which alone are money. The Philosopher aad the Child. "Have you a soul?" a philosopher once enquired of a little girl. She looked up into his face with an air of astonishment and of fended dignity and replied: "To be sure f have." "What makes you think yon have"' "Because I have," she promptly answered. "But how do you know you have a soul ?" " Because I do know," she answered again. It was a child's reason, but the philoso pher could hardly have given a better one. "Well then," said be, after a moment's consideration, "if you know yon have a sonl, can you tell me what your soul is?" "Why," said she, "I am six years old, and don't yon suppose that I know what my soul is?" "Perhaps you do. If you will tell me; I shall find out whether yon do or not." "Then you think I don't know," she re plied, "but I do—it is my think." "Yonr think!" said the philosopher, as tonished in bis turn; "who told you so?" ' Nobody. I should be ashamed if I did not know that without being told." The philosopher had puzzled his brain a great deal about the soul, but he could nol have given a better definition of it in so few words. QP A newly married couple took up their residence in Poplar street. At breakfast next morning the gentleman said to the lady: "My dear, this is Poplar street, and hy putting u (you) in it becomes popular." "And by putting ous (us) in it," promptly replied hie better half, "will very naturally become populous." "How is it," said a man to his neighbor, "that our parson, the laziest man in the world, can preach such long sermons ?" "Why," said the neighbor, "he is too lazy to stop." SPEECH OF SENATOR IIICU.ER, AT CLARION, ON THC BTH INST. In reply to the address of the Hon. David Wii mot, delivered at Philadelphia, 24 1h ult. After giving a brief history of the Demo cratic party, showing how eminently wise and successful its policy had been iu the past, and how it bad uniformly, in all exi gencies, in war or peace, stood by the true interesta of the country, and bad advanced its growth and prosperity, and elevated the dignity and prowess of the nation, claiming lor that party a higher degree of purity, wisdom and patriotism than were possessed by any similar association of meo in modern limes; and having also paid a compliment to the character and qualifications of General Paoker and his associates on the Democratic ticket, he proceeded as follows : Judge Wilmot, the Republican bss evincsd h> entire willingness to make bis views known to the people, and seems quite unhappy that the State Committee would not agree that the Democratic candi date should waste his time with him in per sonal controversy, and still more displeased that the Committee should have suggested that the discussion of the slavery question is not essential in a Gubernatorial contest.— Failing to secure the attractions of General Packer to get up large meetings and excite ment for him, he has bravely dashed into the field alone. lam in possession of a copy of his first address delivered at Philadelphia on the 24tb ultimo, and published in the Evening Bulletin, to the leading features ol which I shall ask you attention before I take my seat. I find no fault iu Mr. Wilmot for appearing before the publio to make known bis views. I think acondidate for any office may properly do to. I see no want of dig nity or propriety in the practice, if pursued in the proper spirit. In doing this, no candi date properly appreciating his position will solicit votes; be will simply declare his views on pending questions, foreshadowing as best lie can the policy he will maintain if elected, so the intelligent elector may vote for or against him, as may seem proper. But I have searched in vain for any such fore shadowing in the laie speech of Mr. Wilmot. Ii is devoted exclusively to the subject of slavery, except only a brief reference to his letter on Americanism. State affairs seem to have had no attiactions for him. It is an almost incredible fact that in a long speech occupying columns of the Bulletin, he should not have alluded to any one of the many in isresih which woutu cotue under bis cnarge, were he elected Governor, nor discussed a single question connected with the duties of the office for which ho is a candidate, or over which the political authority of the State Government could in any way be exertecP— From beginning to end he has talked out side of the true purpose of his appearing be fore the public, and has failed, therefore, to give the people the mesne to decide wheth er he would make a good Governor or not. He has talked about Slavery, and questions incidental and collateral; but not a word about Stale affairs. He should certainly have given us his view on the question of more Banks and paper currency. Many of the people would be glad to know whether he intends to maintain to the policy of the present incumber!, his political friend, on these vital questions. What does he think of the policy of giving awsy the largest snare or ine I'ODIIO tvorks for an inadeqnate compensation, payable to the next generation; and if elected, will he favor a disposition of the remainder on the same condiiion 1 Why not give the people hia views on these State questions, as also on the subject of paying the publio debt, maintaining and extending our system ot free schools; on the granting of special privileges to facilitate the ends of private gain, and especially on the pending amendments to the Constitution, embracing questions of grave concern for the people.— All these subjects, vitally important, and wilhin the range of the legitimate duties of the Executive, seem to have been lost sight of in the smoke and dust of a kind of Quix otic onslaught upon Slavery and the Slave power. But another fact, equally singular, is, that although his address abounds with graphic descriptions of the evils of slavery, and coarse imputations upon the motives of its advocates, it does not contain a single prac tical suggestion as to a remedy for the evils it laments. Mr. Wilmot declares it to be a "question of vital practical importance which lies at the foundation of everything valuable to os as freemen," and yet he has not at tempted to show Ihe people of Pennsylva nia in what way they can apply the remedy. Not only this, hut I shall prove to yon thai, according to his own Bhowing, the people of a free Slate have no Constitutional right to interfere for or against the evils he affects to deplore, whether in a Stale or Territory. If Mr. Wilmot found it necessary to make his address on national issues entirely foreign to the Executive doties, it is to be regretted that he did not devote a portion of his time to his favorite topic, Ihe tariff. The old friends of "protection for the ask* of protection," whom he expects to rally under his flag, would doubtless be delighted to hear from the man whom they need to designate as the advocate of "British free trade," Ihe success ful betrayer of Pennsylvania's best interests, and as a "vile traitor to the Stale of his birth." Possibly he could have convinced the mannfactarera of iron in Clarion and elsewhere, that they are specially hi* debtor, and permitting the dead past to bury its dead, I they should come to his rescue in thie his I boor of need. Perhaps there were among his auditors at Philadelphia, those who had assisted to give Mr. Dallas to the flimee in Truth aa* Right CM an *r Cawtry. effigy, for following the Wilmot lead on the Tariff io 1846, and he could have indooed them to (spent that great wrong on Mr. Dal las, as alto their oft repeated imputations up on his own motives and conduct. He cer tainly could have shown those who abated myself and others, laet spring, for agreeing to a modification of the tariff when we bad no power le r t to resist it, that they were un reasonable in that complaint, or are now mistaken in their support of the distinguish ed advocate of "British free trade." But let that pass; we will leave the distinguished advocate of free trade in Ihe embrace of the protectionists, and the protectionists under die leadership ol the distinguished ftee tra der. The new alliance only furnivhed an other verificatioo of the homely adage, that political necessity nytkto JUajftae bed <*l - But lo the speech, and I will give you ils beat sentiment first, so that bis friends may not complain. It reads as follows: "I hold that under the Couslilution of the United Slates we have no right lo meddle directly with the question of Slavery in the Slates where il already exists; it ia a State institution, and can only be controlled by State laws, and we in Pennsylvania have no more right to legislate for Viiginia upon the subjeot of Slavery than Virginia has the right to legislate for Pennsylvania on the subject of our Public Schools. Bui in the territories the question is different. The territories are the common properly of the Union, and we have the common right to oontrol them. Than again, speaking of Slavery, be says: "The question is no mere abstraction, nor is it simply a question ol right and wrong, a question of morals; it is a qnastion ttf vital' practical importance, which lies at the foun dation or everything valuable to us as free men." Touching the Dred Scott decision he re marks: "And as I am on this point, I wish lo say that I bow to the Dred Scott decision as a matter of law. I raise no arm against the law, and I would never advise any one to do so; but there is no law on earth which can bind my reason or my conscience. I can, and will think, and vole for what I be lieve right." Now let us consider the doctrines of these quotations for a few minutes. In Ihe first he 6sys we have "no right to meddle with Slavery in the Slates where it already ex ists," but that "the Territories are the com •nAl* p . r -*jr wf 4be * ■ > ■•■* kaee the common right to control them, fn the second he presents the effects of Slavery as "vital practical questions, involving every thing valuable lo us as free men." And in the third he informs us that he "bows to the Dred Scott decision as s matter of law." 01 coutse I agree that we have no right lo interfere with Slavery in the States, but "bowing to the Dred Scott decision," how does Mr. Wilmot propose to reach the insti tution in the Territories ? What becomes of the "common right" of the States to control its existence? How can that right be brought to bear? That decision defines the Constitu tion to mean that Congress has no right to legislate on the subjeot for the Territories; that a Congressional interdiction against its extension is unconstitutional, and Mr. Wil mot agrees that that decision is law; then •wtt nt his common right to coutrol it in the Territories; and of the "vital practical questions" he has presented for our consider ation. Now thi* is the point to which I wish your special attention. Though acknowledging in hia own peculiar phrase the binding ef fects of the decision of Ibe Supreme Court, Mr. Wilmot is very carefol to control the influence of that decision upon his position and arguments; he has not told the people frankly that by virtue of the decision he so reluctantly recognizes as binding, slavery in a territory is almost as completely ont of the reach of the people of the government of a free State, as it is in the State of Virginia - He dare not be explicit on this point; for he wonld thereby illustrate the otter impractica bility oi bis doctrines on the snbject. In deed, his whole theory goes to pieces at this point, and be most necessarily conceal as much as possible, the effects of this decision, or the deceptive character of his speeches wonld become so transparent that be would be obliged to abandon the discussion entite •y- Bowing to Ibe Dred Scott decision as mat ter of law, it will not do to say only that "Pennsylvania has no mare right to legislate for Virginia, on the subject of Slavery, than Virginia his to legislate for Pennsylvania on the subject of Publio Schools." Mr. Wil mot cannot stop at this point; he most, and does virtually agree by that "bow" that neither Pennsylvania noi Virginia has any right to legislate for Kansas or Nebraska, on eithsr snbject, and tbey have no power to interfere for or against the institutions of the Territories directly or indirectly. The citi zens of each may go to Kansas, and when bona fide residents, tbey oan give effect to their will. He or I can do this; hot as citi zens of this State we eaonot influence the qoestion in either Kansas or Virginia. Prior to the Dred Scott decision, the Republican party contended for Ibe power of Congress over the subject in the Territories; but thtfT decision has settled the question against Ihem, and baa closed the last channel through which the free States could rsaoh the ques tion. Il hse swept away the entire stock in trade of the Republican agitators; the Mis souri line, the Wilmot proviso, and every ether scheme of Congressional intntfennce. Tbey have no occasion longer to seek even the election of anti-Slavery men to Congress, for that body cannot touch the question.— Their long cherished business of asitation is therefore gone—gout forever. Wherein, then is the fitness of Mr. Wilmot's inflammatory address about Slavery to the exclusion ol every other topic. Having no power over Ibc subject, it cannot be of vital praotiosl im portance in Pennsylvania, unless, indeedi Mr. Wilmot in his feverish sensitiveness, has a'lowed nimaelf to conclude that some dough- Faced Democrat, in obedience to the Slave power*, is about to propose to re-establish (be institution in this State. Until this be done the question cannot be so practical as he allege*. But is il nol singular that Mr. Wilmot should seek to agitate the public mind in behalf of measusea which bava bfen declared unconstitutional and to which decision he agrees! What can be accom plished by such effortst Though he could convinoe a majority of the people that the measure would work practical good to the country, the constitution, until changed, is an insurmountable barrier to their adoption. Would it not bo wiser to accept the philoso phy of the triie saying; that "it is useless to cry over spilt milk." When the election is over he will need the benefit of some soult reflection, for I think his chances are better to become the sncceaeor of Judge Bullock, i than of Gov. Pollock. I do not mean to say that the candidate for Governor may not properly allude to Slavery; but Mr. Wilmot insists that measures which have been declared unconstitutional shall bo recognized issues in lite Gubernatorial contest, and continues to discuss these measures as though they could be made available to the country, and insists that tho people should lake one side or the other.— He says slavery is the only question involv ed, and has so far declined to speak on State questions at all. He says that Virginia has the samo right to interfere with our public schools, that Pennsylvania has with Slavery in Virginia; and thnt is true; but did it not occur to his mind, at the same time, that it would be a most singular, if not ludicrous spectacle, to witness a candidate for Governor in Vir ginia, resting his claims to popular favor solely on his views about public schools in Pennsylvania, and confiding his discussions to that topic aione ? Why the people of the Old Dominion would get a straight jacket for any man who might attempt to play such a trick before high heaven. And what would Pennsylvanians think of such impu dent interference? Tlicy would most cer- IUIUIJ tu.tiv on, -Virginia aspirant to tuße care of his slaves and leave the public schools to them. Mr. Wilmot would be sure to do this, and yet he talked for hours about Virginia negroes, and said not one word about Pennsylvania schools; so deter mined does he seem to rest his claims on questions belonging to other States and over which his lias no control. Perhaps his friends can explain all this, but I think I can safely assure them of one thing, if he does not get more votes in States where his address would bo appropriate, than in his own, he will be badly beaten. He will be almost convinced that he has not only been speaking for other Slates, but running for Governor some where else than at home. Mr. Wilmot's prompt recognition of the binding effect of the Dred Scott decision has certainly surprised and disappointed OOME( I.U F-N-I—T <..TLICN.NU. BUT tliuy should notice that he dare not raise bis voice against the Constitution, when asking to be ) permitted to take an oath to support it.— That he has yielded reluctantly, and wiih exceeding bad grace, is evident from the low terms in which he impugns the motives of the Court. He says "it is easy enough for the Executive to find corrupt Judges to carry out corrupt designs." This is coarse, exceedingly coarse, scarcely a lowable in a common place politician, and utterly inad missible in a candidate for Governor. Very many who intend to vote for the author of ■ the base allegation, will despise his foul as persions. Even they will not agree that it is becoming in David Wilmot to warn the country against the corruptions of James Buchanan and Roger B. Taney. But in his anger at courts, he has gone out of his way still further to make an onslaught upon the I integrity of the Supreme Court of his own ' State, and broadly alleges that its decisions are often contradictory, and it is common talk among the bar, that a decision must be revived every five years to have binding effect. The courts should take warning, for failing to be Governor, as this gentleman certainly will, he may still retain the otfice of Judicial Censorian. Fearing to repudiate ths decision of the Supreme Court in express terms, many of Mr. Wilmot's school of politicians ere indus triously engaged in efforts to destroy the con fidence of the people in its integrity. As a means of doing (bis, they are in Ihe habit of expatiating on the extraordinary circumstance that the ordinance of 1787 should have been declared unconstitutional at the end of sixty years after its adoption, and the Missouri Compromise so declared after having stood for nearly forty years. They certainly know that the Ordinance of 1787 did not derive its authority from the present Constitution—that it was the work of the Congress of the old Confederation, and was agreed to by the States, snd was merely perpetuated under the i present Constitution as a measure to which | the States had agreed to. Thie item of his ■ lory they prefer to suppress, so that if# actio# of the Court may seem more strange. They know, too, that the Missouri Compromise was an arbitrary arrangement between the North and the Sooth, (breed by an exigency that endangered the peace of the country, aod that its Cooetitntieoal authority, though eoa- stonily denied by many wise statesmen, had not been directly tested prior to the late de- '■ cision. The history of the renowned Proviso is ! re-wriiten in this speech, and Mr. W. has manifested special delight in exhibiting what he considers the inconsistencies ol the Dem ocratic party ou this subject, and ntoto espe cially those of Gen. Cats, Hon. Richard Brod bead snd myself. He alleges in substance, that if (be General had voted before he re flected, he would have gone for the Proviso, and that Mr. Hrodhesd had said he would vote for it if offered to the proper bill, and , that I had been very careful to record my name in the affirmative, when a similar sen timent passed the S'ate Legislature. The course of General Cass and Mr. Rrodhegd needs no explanation or dalsncs at my hands. Theireenrtwieme arefe* we)' Jfaewjj la ilia country to be successfully misrepresented.— And, indeed, sdmiliing sll that Mr. W. alleges, I do not see that he make* out any man's de struction. The wisest men in the nation have often been wrong in their first impressir r.s as .to the expediency of suddenly proposed measures, and to be mistaken on a constitu tional qnoalion is no uncommon thing among able lawyers. As to the Pennsylvania reso lution, il certainly did not receive that con sideration to which it was entitled. Ido not believe it was under consideration in the Senate, exceeding a half hour before it pass ed finally. For mysell 1 knew but little about il until it came from the House of Represent atives, the day it passed the Senate, and had only thought of it as an abstract sentiment sgainst the acquisition of territory, with the view to the extension of Slavery and as ef fecting the question of peace with Mexico.— As a proposition involving the rights of the States, and the powers of Congress, I had at that lime given it no thougld. Reflection upon these things soon after, and long before I knew that Mr. Wilmot Intended to press the principle as admissible when applied to Territoiy wh'ch had been long previously ac quired by the common blood and treasure of all the Slates, without any such original con ! dilton, convinced my mind that its practical operation would do injustice to th 9 slave j holding States, and I discarded its doctrines I entirely. Four years after the advent of lite proviso, when the Democratic nominee for Governor, I certainly wag not charged with a want of sympathy for the South. The re verse was the constant allegations of my po j litical enemies. The execution of the fugi tive slave law and the doctrine of non-inter vention were topics in that contest, and 1 ad vocated the affirmative or both on all occa sions. Mr. Wilinot himself publicly dissent ed from my views on these points at a meet ing in his own town where we stood face to face. But it is of litdo moment whether I have been consistent or not. I trust I may always be more ambitious to be right, and never vain enough to pretend to great wis dom or forethought. If I did not mistake the meaning of the proviso, when first proposed, j I certainly misunderstood its author, for I thought him n Democrat, and he has toroed | out to be anything else. But has Mr. W. re , lieved bis position by what he has said on ' the point? If it even be true that certain Democrats inclined to favor the proviso be fore they discovered their wrong, he was not thereby warranted in sustaining it when the injustice of the practical working had become it has been shown to be unconslitulional. But the candidate and his party are great on consistency. They are io the habit of ar raigning Mr. Buchanan, Judge Douglas, and other Democratic Statesmen, on the charge of inconsistency, because at one time they sustained the policy of settling the slavery question by a geographical division, and have since embraced 'he policy of referring the question to the people of the territories, to be settled as they may deem best. There is very little sense and less patriotism in such criti cisms. The whole history of the ("object shows that the controversy, at the differeat periods when the excitement attained to a dangerous height, wss treated as s subject of compromise, implying at once the concession of principle and peculiar views. Statesmen and patriots lelt required lo yield much in the way of opinion, to secure the peace of the country. Mr. Buchanan favored the Mis souri line so long as the policy of settling the question by territorisl division was maintain ed; and Mr. Donglss, in 1848, proposed to extend the parallel of that line to Pactfio Ocean as a final adjustment of the dangerous fend. But the very men who now, and since 1854, have not ceased to bewail the aban donment of this policy, were united in their opposition to its extension and perpetuity on hat occasion. They repudiated it: scouted and reviled it. Another mode of settlement became absolmely necessary to save the j country from civil war, and that of noo-iater ! vention, as nowfoond in the Kansas law, was wisely adop'ed in 1350 : and is maintained by the statesmen I have named. What in consistency is there in such action? And whit is to be said for the insiacerity of those who continued to denounce the Missouri line op to the lime of its repeal. The party who in Connecticut beret James T.tnmsn io effigy for voting for it, and Isaac Toocy near the same apot, for voting to repeal i', and who labored to reject the principle in 1848. They are not in a condition to talk aboot consisten cy. Having so conspired against this mode of adjustment, and secured its overthrow, they now have Mr. Wilmot engaged io a clumsy imitation of Mark Amony with the dead body of Caaar, by toting the liMeee remains of the aiteonstitotiooal moasura from place te place over the State,giving utterance I to hie deep griof in pathetic appeal* to the I passions sod prejudice* of it* people, to draw [Twt Dalian ptr liMßt t NUMBETT I*7. down their vengeance on the destroyer* of this orce favorite scheme. On Kansas affaire Mr. Wilmot become* quite belligerent, and hurl* vindictive asper sions en the National Administration. He talks as thongh he did nol know that the odi ous (est laws enaoted by the first Legislature bad been repeated by the last; that hi* party friends in Kansas are daily availing them selves of these bogns lawa ; that Mr. Robin ion, the Topeka Governor, had petitioned Mr. Siantotl, when acting Governor, to confer the appointment ol commissioner to acknowl edge deeds on his friottd, by virtue of the territorial lawa. He seems determined to give the version of affaire that will best suit his purpose. Hiving presented a startling picture ol the wronga and outrage* which, according to hia story, have been wantonly I inflicted upon the free State party of that unhappy Territory, he makes the meowing ■weeping declamation : "1 affirm that the Administration know all - about these outrages, and yet they tfpheld thorn. They sustain the Missotirian usurpa tion, and tliey dare not be just, because they are the slaves of the slave power who crea ted litem and upholds thorn." This is terriffic indeed, coming from A candidate for Governor, but Mr. Wilmoff# language is lame and feeble compared with the sparkling rhetoric of Col. Keitt, of South Carolina, on the other side of the qoestion. The Colonel, in his letter dated at White Sulphur Springs, imputes to the Administra tion altogether different action and purpose. He alleges that its first act was to appoint a Governor to "debauch Kansas from all alle giance to the South and deliver her into the hands of Free Soil fanatics," and that, "to say that the cause of tho South was lost in Kansas prior to the appointment of Walker, is to palliate fraud by falsehood." Here is a wide difference between big doctors. But the Southerner socms to havo the best of tho contest. Indeed the best attempts of Wif • mot and his school of orators, to show the subserviency of the Administration to the slave power, fall far below the most ordinary efforts of Col. Keitt, the Charleston Mercury and the New Orleans Delta, to demonstrate J its Free Soil tendencies and its treachery to I the South. With such firo in front and rear i who will say that Col. Keitt may not reason* i ably imagine the fantastics to be hereaftet played by "shivering Cabinets," and "con vulsive Administrations." Then, again, Mr. Wilmot and his party ; seem to be in great tribulation lest the slavd power should deprive some of tho citizens jot Kansas of the opportunity of raising their ! voices against the institution at the ballot ' box, lost some be deprived of that high and I sacred prerogative, the right of suffrage.— i They decant eloquently on the sac redness ; of this right, and hurl destructive anathemas upon the heads of all who shall attempt to restrict or usurp this proud function of i American freemen. The people and tho j whole people must be heard. Now this is | all very well, and they cannot go further on this point than will the Democracy; but does not this sickly concern for the rights of tho people who come with exceeding bad grace from Mr. Wilmot and his party, who in tho convention that nominated Col. Fremont, laid it down as a principle, that not only a portion, but all the citizens of Kansas should be deprived of the right of saying whethei * ine) wuuia nave nuTury oi nut. A wrj nnm ed that right for Congress, and virtually held that though nine-tents of the people might desire slavery, the interdiction of Congress should be conclusive. It was no half way business with them. It was a part of theix i faith to deprive all the people of the sacred opportunity which they falsely allege the 1) emocracy are attempting to take from some. They execrate the interference of Missouri in the settlement of the blsrvery question in Kansas, and yet according to their own do* trine not only Missouri, but Massachusetts and all the North and South are invited to interfere through their representatives is Congress. The pratical effect of their doe trine being that the power to decide the question for Kansas is to be found every where else in the United States except in that and the other territories—that the pie of tho States who do not go to Kansas •hall have a voice on tho subject, but those who do, shall no t. How absurd, then, their atfecied distress lest by design or accident some citizen of Kansas may be deprived of the opportunity of giving effect to his will on tho subject. Why even now Mr. Wil mot and his party will not say that they will be content with the decision of the people, and admit Kansasjas a State unless that deci sion be against slavery. They will agree to take her into the Uuion when she obeys their dictation and not till thea. It was in this connection, in the contest last Fall, that we ridiculed their pretensions to exclusive friendship for freedom in Kansas, whilst holding that the people should mot b* fnt to select their own institutions. We claimed that tho Democracy were more friends of "Free Kansas." because they wished to have the people perfectly free to select alt their domestic institutions- They holding that Kansas should not corav into the Fwion unless she adopted, their views, and the Dv mocracv maintaining thai she sheekl ease in, no matter how she might decide as to Slavery. The question ut the Presidential issue was not whether she shock! to fire* at slave, but simply whether tor own bona tide citizens should be permitted to decide I'm ilmawehas That question was affirmed i by the people u the polk, and Sfr- feeton an and hie advisers, in toy judgment, a honestly andae voting to eony net that de cisMo, in good Saith, regatdleee off laaoo n orioa Hem the Keith or ft>arh, and |to
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