THE STAR- OF THE NORTH. W, Weaver, ProJrrleUr.] ***l*l' ■ -■ —7- VOLUME 9. THE STAR OF THE NORTII IB PUBLISHED EVKRY WEDNESDAY MORNING BY < R. IV. WEAVER, OFFICE— Upstairs, in thenew brick build ing, on the south side oj Main Street, third square Wow Market. ' T Ell M B;—Two Dollars per annuhci, if paid within six-ftiontbs from the time of sub." scribing ; two dollars and fitly cents if not paid within the No subscription re ceived for a less period than six months; no discontinuance permitted until all arrearages ore paid, unless at the option of the editor. Advertiscmknts not exceeding one square will be inserted three times for One Dollar, end twenty-five cents for each additional in eettion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. <gl)oi te poctr.Q. Lire IS BUT A SPAN. . Life is but a span—of horses; One is "Age," the other i$ "Prime," Up and down the hill our course is; "Go iu" ponies—"make your time." Boyhood plies the whip of pleasure; Youthful folly gives a stroke; Manhood goads them at his leisure— "Let 'em rip, they're tough as oak." "Hiva! there the stakes we'll pocket, To the wind let care be sent: Time ; in socket;" "Give 'em etriog and let 'em went." On the gunny road to fifty, "Prime" is drowned in Lethe's stream; "Age" is left, old and thrifty ; . Life then proves "a one-horse team." "Age jogs on, grows quite unsteady, Keels and slackens in his pace, "Kick* the bucket," always ready, "Give ft up"—Death wins the race. For the Star of the North. LETTER FROM DELAWARE. MILFORD, (DEL.) JULY 2, 1857. Mr. Weave) —Dear Sir : It is familiar to your readers that there was once such a character as tho "Milford Bard." Now this same "Bard" was a native of this town; his name was Loffland, and his mother and family reside here still. Though not equal i in mental power to O. F. Johnson and E. A. ; Poo. Our boys are thoroughly disgusted with the lax notions, and loose habits which pre vail here, and which have made drunkards of some but little older than themselves. But thid is too much the case in all villages, even in Pennsylvania. I have just returned from an excursion into Maryland. T-et the reader take an At las and look at Worcester County. The bay that presents on the coast is Sinepuxent and wears the general appearanco of all the coast. The occean rolling its ceaseless surf upon a shore of clean white sand, and the mainland side of the bay a narrow skirt of meadow (saltgrass) beautiful to the eye, and firm to tho tread, down to the water's edge. The tongue of land between the bay and ocean is only drifting sand, without a tree or shrub of any kind and less thaD half a mile in width. The land along Sine puxent Bay and west of it across the penin sula, is very fine. Wealth and ease, and abundance abound ; and yet tho system of farming Is very dcjectivo. Clover is sown quite extensively, and 6ome timothy; but no"hay is made—and no idea of that system of rotation, by which the Pennsylvanian holds his manure heap and clover-sod in a just relation with his wheat and corn crops Oats are extensively sown—l saw fields of fifty acres, and very fine. I am satisfied from what I learned, that wheat is a more certain crop in that region (as it is here) than in Pennsylvania, and yet little account comparatively is made of it,—a largo farm er having old wheat enough to last him, will skip a year—sow no whoat for a year. No rye or buckwheat is sown. Potatoes do well, and are raised in abundance. Those who attend to the subject properly have fine horses, cattle and sheep. Some I saw in each of these departments, quite equal to any production in your own county. Properly'speaking, they have no barns.— On the farm, near the house of one gentle man, I counted eighteen outhouses. This name gentleman, twenty years ago built three binu— the whole cost of the whole three was SCO. The farm work is done almost entirely by slaves, and if our fanatics of the North would go there and look after a downtrod den and oppressed race, they would fail to find it. Thoro is no such people there. I have urged gentlemen of your county, and elsewhere, to visit this region and see the inducements there are for men seeking a new location for themselves and families, <o come here. I have described tho soil; represented the facts iq relation to the water, the health, the market, and all that sort of tiling—the price of land &c., but with very little effect. Well,—n' importe. Men of capital are gradually getting possession of farms here, and so are inflicting upon this country a substantial injnry. Land misers are the curses of this country. In process f time a certain old gentleman with his sharp scythe cuts away these obstaclos and brings these large estates into market. As this work goes on constantly, no doubt the thing will all be done up right in the end— and so your humble correspondent will not bother his head any more on the subject. The disorganization and demoralization of tlie whig party byJNative Americanism' is having a good effect in all this region, confirming and strengthening the Democra cy more and more. p. s. A PBIKVER'S TOAST.— Woman —tho fairest werk of citation. The ediiion being exten sive. let no man bo without, a copy. BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PZ,WEDNESDAY, AUGUST ADDRESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC STATE COMMITTEE. To the Citizens of Pennsylvania :— lt has been usual for the Stale Committee, repre senting the Democratic party of Pennsylva nia, to address the people of the Stale pend ing important elections. In conformity with this usage, which may be regarded as settled and salutary, we Bubmit tho following ad dress : The Democratic State Convention, upon the second day of March last, and at its re assembling in June, made nominations for the offices of Governor, CanaJ Commissioner snd Judge of the Supreme Court. For Governor, General Packer, of Lycom ing, was named, after a spirited contest, and 1 his nomination was then nnsnimvUsty and rightfully confirmed. He has been long well known throughout the Slate; bas filled a numboi of responsible and important posi tions in the Slate Government, and has es tablished a public character which spangly recommends the popular confidence. We conceive it to be a material qualification for this high office, that the incumbent shall be well acquainted with the practical workings of the government —with the course and character of legislation—the details of busi ness in the several executive departments— and with the public meo of the Common wealth, who have filled, or may fill, the va rious positions created by the Constitution and laws. The contrast, in this respect, be tween onr candidate and the candidates of the opposition, is too strongly marked to es cape general notice, and it is bui necessary to allude to It to show the vantage ground held ty our party in the press it canvass.— It may be asserted that the Convention have named "the right man for the right place," and that their nomination deserves popular endorsement if regard is had to qualifica tions and experience. It is agreeable to add, that our candidate lias a solid and reputable character in pri vate life, and that his estimable qualities have endeared him to a large circle of friends who can enter upon his support with feelings of enthusiasm as well at with con victions of duty. We do not desire to draw strongly the contrast which it is possible to drafg, between our candidate and his leading opponent. Judge Wilmot has had a career as a public man which has given bim no toriety without inspiring confidence. Imper fectly acquainted with the praolical action of the State government ; without experience either in the legislative or executive depart; menls; with but a iimitod knowledge of pub lic men and State affairs beyond hie imme diate locality,—he is presented upon a com paratively remote national issue, and as the candidate of a bitter sectional party which received a merited defeat at the recent Pres idential election. It is not believed that his career in Congress exhibited any high ca pacity to promote the interests of the people of Pennsylvania, and it ie certain that his recfent course in the (ffice he now holds, has been calculated to lower the judicial charac ter by connecting it with extreme and violent partisan disputes. Nimrod Strickland, of Chester county, was named by the Convention for Canal Com missioner. He needs no recommendstion at our hands, for his integrity, firmness and ca pacity,are not disputed and are widely recog nized. It wilt be a pleasure for those who belong to our party, and for all who desire to consult fitness and merit in bestowing their , suffrages, to give him their cordial support. By reason of the declination, by Chief Jus lice Lewis, of the re-nomination tendered him by the Convention, and the oaliing of Judge Blank to the post of Attorney General in the National administration, the Conven tion, upon its re-assembling in June, found 1 the duty devolved upon it of naming two candidates for the Supreme Bench, William Strong, of Berks County, a distinguished member of the Bar, and formerly a member of Congress, and James Thompson, of Erie, also a former Member of Congress, odcb a President Judge of the Common Pleas, an ex-Member of the Legislatnre, and a pro - found and successful lawyer, were selected 'by the Convention. Their locations are suit able, giving both to the East and West a representation upon the ticket, and their learning and integrity welt qualify them to discharge the arduous and responsible duties of-the highest judicial position nnder our Constitution. Such is the ticket formed by the delegates representing the Democratic party, and sup port of it is confidently asked in view of the character of the nominations. Bat confi dence and support is also invited upon tbe general grounds of policy and principle opon which oar party stand. Ours is no new. un tried, vindictive, sectional, or suspicious or ganization. It has been tried; it is bold and open in condocl; il is magnanimous, patriot ic iRd national. Founded more than half a century ago by the anthor of tbe Declaration of Independence, it has bad a distinguished history, has ordinarily given direction to the of public affairs, and planting itself early, and throughout its whole career, upon a strict construction of the Constitution, and a sparing use of tbe powers of Govern ment, has preserved our American system from degeneracy and failure. The usefoloess of organized parties Is sometimes dlnied and oftenerdonbted. But iu view of historical facts it cannot well be questioned that they are incident to free governments, ind arise of necessity under their operation. An inquiry, however, Into tha nature of political parlies and the causes which produce them, can scarcely be ex pected to oonstitnto the subject of a fugitive address. It will be sufficient,for present pur poses to assert the necessity of our party to check the evil end dangerous influences to which our political system is liable, and against whioh it is impossible that written constitutions can sufficiently guard. Doubt less our constitutions exhibit the wisdom of those who framed them, and the amend ments to whioh they have been subjected have rendered them more complete and per fect than they were at first. But a contitu lion can only be an outline for the action of government, (besides providing for its estab lishment,) and by construction it may be made to mean almost anything the political authorities for the time being may choose.— It is a chart given to direct the vessel of stale, which can have little effect upon the voyage unless those in command choose to faithfully interpret and observe its counsel.— A party organization, therefore, founded up on right principles of constitutions! construc tion and powerfully and constantly influenc ing official action, may be regarded as neces sary. It is, in short, absolutely required to give a just and consistent direction to gov ernment, both in cases dependent upon con struction of the constitution and in cases where the constitution is silent. Besides, the instability of political action in repnbltc is a reproach to which they have been often sub jected, and is the objection to them which has had greatest weight with profound and independent thinkers in the old world and the new. But this instability, which arises principally from individual ambition, the self ishness of classes, and the fluctuations of opinion, is to a great extent checked and prevented by the predominance of a party foonded upon clear and sound principles of pnblio policy, and acting constantly with reference to them. Now, the Democratic parly is simply the representative of a school of opinion, and its creed is given it by those who founded and have subsequently supported it. The great men who have spoken and acted for it, and whose names will remain stamred prominently upon the history of the country, have been men of strong, clear and sound views of our system of government, and of the rules upon which its administration ! should proceed. Our party is the product of; their efforts; the instrument for accomplish ing the ends tbey proposed, and it remains a ' monument of their sagacity, foresight and patriotism. The held that over-action in government was a great evil—the most difficult to be guarded gains|, and therefore the mbqj dan gerous—and tbst both Within and without 1 the Constitution powerful guards against„it were required. Proverbial language conveys the idea in declaring that "the world is gov erhed too much," and that "that govern ment is best which governs least;" and phil osophical reasoning attains the same re'sd It, in concluding, (hat government, being the creature of necessity, is limited by lite neces sities wbich create it, and is not to be ex tended beyond them. The Democratic par ty has therefore held, and holds, that Con stitution shall receive a strict construction; that government shall exercise no powers not clearly delegated to it, and that in ceeee of doubt as to the policy of a par'icular meas ure, the conclusion shall be against it. In short, that public power shall not be exerted except where a clear warrant and manifest utility authorize and justify it. * The powerful (and we should think salu tary) operation of this doctrine appears throughout the history of the National and Slate Governments, and the occasional de partures from it stand as beacons to warm and not as examples to follow. To illustrate our remarks, we well iqj|r briefly to a number of measures of public policy heretofore proposed to (he general or State Government, and upon which divisions ol opinion have existed among public men and parties. They will afford data fof judg ing the value of the Democratic doctrine on the subject of government powers and poli cy, ol which we have spoken. First— A bank created by the General Government, owned, in part by it, and in tended for the regulation ot the currency, and to afford facilities to commerce and business. This measure was resisted, and alt recent attempts tore-establish such an institution have bsen put down, upon the very grounds above staled. Second—lnternal Improvements to be con structed at the charge of' the national treaa ory, to facilitate internal trade, and assist In developing the material resources of'particu lar sections. Mo clear authority for outlay* of this description appearing, and the mani fest dangers whfch they lead being appa rent, tbe action of our Federal Government on this subject has been rightfully and wise ly arreeted. Third —Fxcessire duties upon imports, to the extent of prohibition upon their importa tion, or to the production of revenue beyond tbe legilimste wants of government. The federal power of imposing duties being for (he expressed object of Government support and the liquidation of public indebtedness, its exercise for an entirely different object would seem unwafranted, and woold be an jnst to interests or individuals against whom a discrimination is thus produced. There fore it is, that against much misconception and tbe opposition of powerfnl interests, the doctrine of limited and reasonable duties has been sternly, and, upon the whole, suc cessfully upheld. Fourth —The distribution of moneys from the ttalional treasury among tha States, be lieved to be equally unwarranted with the proceding measures, and inevitably tending to (be production of speculation and cxtratra ganco in the States, has also been restated, Truth ant Bight God ud our Country and except upon a single occasion, prevent ed. • . .vi V ' • Fifths- A canicrapt *6), 'dissolving the re lations of debtor and creditor jn-a manner and to an extent unauthorized by the Con stitution, disastrous to private rights, injuri ous to morals, and to the encouragement, mainly, of one of the least meritorious class es of society—the speculator and spendthrift. With hot haste and under the laeb ol public opinion, the very anlhors of suoh an act 'n 1842 were coerced into its repeal. Sixth —Appropriations of public moneys or lands, to objects of doubtful constitution ality or utility; connected with which, may be mentioned the allowance of claims, in sufficiently established 01 nnjost. The Dem ocratic principles strikes aa decteixeif at all projects for lesaihng the treasury, for an in* dividual class, or a section, in the absence of clear right to justify the demand, as it does at other unwarranted or doubtful meas ures. Seventh —The execcise of jurisdiction by the General Government over slavery in the territories, to the exclusion of local decision thereon. Legislation by Congress upon sla very beyond the express requirement as to return of fugitives, is to be doubted, and if regard is had to high judicial decision, ex pressly denied, as a valid exercise of power. And its inexpediency is yet more plainly manifest, in view of the dangerous disputes which such action inevitably produces. Most clearly, therefore, is it to be deprecated and opposed, npon (he general doctrine of non action by in doubtful cases. Eighth —The establishment of corporations, either excessive as <o ntmbet-or vested with i inordinate powers or privileges; and especial ly for pursuits or business within the reach of individual means and skill. Under wbich head is to be particularly noted, the charter ing of Banks beyond the business wants of the community, locating them at points with out adequate commerce or exchanges to afford legitimate occupation, and failing to impose upon them such guards against abuse and fraud as are demanded by experience.— The recent resolution on this subject by onr Slate Convention, but indicates the well con sidered position of oqr party and its policy for tbe fnture. Ninth— The authorizing of rouniciptl snb - script ions to railroads and other corporate bodies to the encouragement of speculation, corruption and the accumulation of public debts. The propqsition now before the peo ple 'or the nnieod*-em of lke Consfitutipn to prevent this in future, it but*in affirmance of the principle we have been considering; for the decision of a divided Court in favor of legislative power to authorize such subscrip tions has not removed all doubts, and has left the powerful objections to the system, upon gronnds ol expediency, untouched and irresistable. „ Tenth— The sale or surrender by Govern ment, in whole or in part, of any of its con stitutional powers confided to it by tho peo ple. The attempt to do (his in the late act for the sale of the Main Line nf the Public Works; an attempt which was denounced by the Slate Convention, and has since been pronounced unconstitutional by the Snpreme Court, may be cited under this head, and de served that reprobation whicn it has generally received. Eleventh —Sumptuaty laws, by which dress, food, drink, equipage, or other like concern of use, habit or fashion, is coerced. The in terference of law in such esses- would seem to be nnnseful, and is of doubtful authority. Twelfth— Finally,measures directed against a class or sect, and jptended to degrade them or limit their civil privileges. It is affirmed that neither religious belief nor birth place will furnish gronnds for ostracism or a denial of common right. Such are some of tha leading measures up on which political divisions have liken place, and on their careful examination it will be seen, that they can all be resolved into the general question whether the powers and ac tion of government shall be extensive or lim ited. And if we should pursue the subject further, this view of the fundamental ground of difference between public men and parties would be but confirmed and strengthened. We are left then to shoots side* iu the strug gle between power and liberty—between a government tbat meddles and one that ab stains—between political New Englandism and (be Virginia doctrines of 1798. Neutral ity is not possible, for almost every public question that arises compels us to a choice between contending patyies, and lbs schools of opinion which they respectively-represent. It has been fashionable for apostates from our party to claim that they retained their principles unchanged, and even opposing par ties occasionally advance pretensions to the faith and docirines of Jefferson. How un founded suoh pretensions are, whether ad vanced by apostate or party, will appear from considering the measures of public policy they propose and support. If we find them lavoring new projects of dqabtlol right or ex pediency, contending for {Mteosive jurisdic tion for government, scoffing at constitu tional scruples as "absfrHWfena," we may be sure they are no deoiptdsofihe philanthropist, philosopher and staiesman who founded our party, and wh°-*K>l* to Edward Livingston as Iste as ISM, to endorse the sentiment, that "if we have a doubt relative to any pow er, we ought oof to exercise it." Muoh more may we deny their diecipleship, if we find their measures conifboted with intolerance in religion, proscription of adopted citizens, or aggressions upon territorial or stale rights, which is manifestly a true description, at this momont, of the parlies opposed to us. This-(so-called) Republican party makes high pretensions and challenges their exam- ina'.ion —but there ran be little difficulty in determining their character and value, and assigning the parly which holds tliem its trne position before the public. Especially will it be a work of ease, to explode its pretension to the sound opinions as held by former Re publican Presidents, and to bring it within the condemnation which they directod against the heretical movements of the limes io which they lived. The resistance made abont 1820, In the ad mission of Missouri into the Unior., was sim ilar to the recent conduct of these who mis describe themselves as Republicans. In both cases the proposition was, that Congress should prohibit slavery in territories (or cause it to be prohibited) prior to their admission as States. The argument against this was •mrtetf byMniJtmm; Ttrtlio VTsisti letters, un der all the high sanctions which his abilities and his position aa the leading author or the Constitution, could confer upon it. And it is aa well established as ar.y historical fact can be, that Mr. Jefferson was opposed to the Missouri agitation throughout, and to prohi bitions of slavery by Congressional coercion as then proposed. His celebrated letter to John Holmes, dated ?2d April. 1820, furnish es conclusive proof of this, and confirmation of the lacl will be found in other pans of his published correspondence. In his letter to John Adams of December 10, 1809, he says, that, "from the batllo of Bunker Hill to the treaty of Paris, we never had so ominous a question ; it even damps the joy with which f hear of your high health and welcomes to me the want of it. I thank God, 1 shall not live to witness its issue." In a letter to the same, April 22d,182t, hesays—"What does the Holy Alliance in and out of Congress in tend to do with us on the Missouri question! And this, by the way, is but the name of tho case : it is only the John Doe or Richard Roe of the ejectment. The real question, as seen in the Spates afflicted wi'h this unfortunate are ou' slaves to be presented with freedom and a dagger." He says to Mr. Monroe, March 2d, 1820 —" The Missouri Question is the most portentious one which ever yet threatened our Union. In tliegloom iest moment of the Revolutionary war, I never had any apprehension eqnal to that which 1 fell from this source." To Mr. Short, April 13, 1820—he writes—"Although I had laid down as law to myself never to write, talk, or even think of politics ; to know nothing of publio affairs; and had therefore ceased to read newspapers; yet the Missouri question aroused and filled me with alarm. The old | schism bt'Kbderal and Republican threatened 1 ipcauso it existAd in every State, { and united them together by the fralernism ! of psrty. But the coincidence of a marked \ principle, moral and political, with a geo- j graphical line, once conceived,l feared would never more be obliterated from the mind; I that it would be recurring on every occasion, ! and receiving irritations, until it would kin- i die such mutual and mortal haired as to ren- j der a separation preferable to eternal discord." I He says to Joseph C. Cabell, January 31, '2l j —"How many of your youths, she (Harvard I College) how lias learning the lessons of Anli 1 Missouri-ism, I know not; but a gentleman ! lately from Princeton told me he saw a list! of students at that place, and (hat more than j halt were Virginians. These mill return home 1 no doubt deeply impressed with the sacred prin ciples of the Ifoly Alliance of liestriclionists!" And to Gen. Breokenridge he writes, Febru ary 11, 1821. "The line of division lately marked out between different portions ol our confederacy is such as will not soon, I fear, be obliterated; sod wo are now trusting to those who art against us in position and principle, to fashion to their own form the minds and affections of youth. If, as has been estimated, we send three hund-d thou sand dollars a year to the northern semina ries for the instruction of our own sons, then we must have five hundred of onr sons imbi bing opinions andprinciples in discord with those of their own country. This canker is eating on the vitals of onr existence, and, if not ar rested at once, will be beyond remedy." In a letter to Madison, in reference to the Mis souri question, be declared that Rofus King, (a distinguished federalist) was "ready to risk the Umon for any chance of restoring his party to 'power, and wriggling himself to the head of it." On another occasion, he declared the question to be a mere parly trick," that (he leaders of federalism defeated in their schemes lof obtaining power, * * have changed their fact and thrown out another barrel to the whale* They are taking advantage of ike virtuous feeling of the people to affect a di vision of parties hjr a geographical line, ex pecting that this will assure them, upon local prinoiplns, the majority they conld never ob tain on principles of federalism." And, fi nally, his letter to ■ Gen. I A Fayette, dated November 4, 1832, contains his judgment ef the whole movement, expressed ie his osoa! directness and vigor. ' He says:—"The Hart ford CoDventionj the victory of Orleans, and the peace of Ghent, prostrated the name of federalism. Its votaries abandoned it through shame and mortification, AND NOW CALL THEMSELVES REPUBLICANS. But the name alone is changed, the principles are the same. * * *• On the eclipse of federalism with us, though not its extinction, its leaders got up the Mis souri question, under the false front of les sening Ibe measure of slavery, but with the real view of producing a geographical division of parties which might ensure them the next Presi dent. The people of the north went blind fold into the snare, followed their leaders for a while with a zeal truly moral and laudable, uutil they became sensible that they were injuring instead of aiding the real interests of the slaves, that thty had been used merely os tools for electioneering purposes AND THAT TRICK OF HYPOCRISY then lell as quickly as it bad been gotten up.'[ This is the admirable description of the Republican parly of the present day—of tbe causes which led to it, and lbs objects of its founders. The pic'ure is drawn by the hand of a master, and represents the feature of the subject with fidelity snd exactness. Repub licanism being but a reproduction of Mis souri agitation, bears precisely the same de scription, and is obnoxious to precisely the same censure. And it is to be remarked, that like its predecessor—it Invokes the leg islation of Congress in a case of rank expe diency and doubtful power, and hence falls within the condemnation of the general principle as to limited action by Goverrynent, which has been a topic of this address. But a view of modern Republicanism would be incomplete without Unas yirtion lar notice as to the feature ol Its career Without tracing its early movements ir. the organization of Abolition societies, the cir culation of incendiary matter through the mails, agitations by petitions to Congress, clamorous opposition to the annexation of Texas, and to the prosecution of the Mexican war, and the acquisition of territory to which it led ; it will be sufficient to notioe some what the Wilmot Proviso which preoeded, and the Kansas dispute which accompanied, the organization of the Republican party iu its present form. The Wilmot |Proviso was offered in Con gress in 1846, as an amendment to the war bill, and waa (briefly'described) a proposi tion to prohibit slavery In Mexican territory 10 be acquired. It created contention which continued some four years. The national harmony was' disturbed and the public busi ness impeded by it, until it became nece*-' sary for patriotic men, in Congtess and out ot it, to unite their utmost efforts to restore peace and secure such legislation aa wis ab solutely necessary for the territory in question The Compromise Measures were therefore passed in 1850, and eventually received tbe general approval of the people. In faol, in 1852, both the great parties of the country endorsed them in their platlorras, and their wisdom and propriety are now at a subject of general dispute. The Territory weacqnired from Mexico bjr the treaty of peace—the treaty of Gaudaloope Hidalgo—was comprised of nearly the whole now included in the Stats of California and the Territoriea of Utah and New Mexioo, and the Proviso, if it had been adopted, would therefore have had application solely to ibem. Bnt the Proviso was never adopted or ap plied by Congress to either. • California was admitted ibto the Union as a State with the Constitntidn sho formed for herself without ar.y decision by Congress on the subject of slavery within her limits. That wasadjusted by herself in her Constitution, and by her own act thereforoshe entered the Union as a free State. In the acts for tbe organization of Utah and New Mexico as Territories, there ware no provisions prohibiting or authorizing slavery, but it was expressly provided that they should eventually come into the Union with or without slavery, as the people of each should decide, in forming Constitutions pre paratory to admission. Seven years have elapsed since Ihpse Territorial acts were passed, and no complaint is heard against them, nor has slavery been established in eith er territory. It is, therefore, proved that the Wilmot Proviso was wholly unnecessary to the exclusion of slavery, and that the agita tion from 1846(0 1850 to secure its enactment was a thing of arram folly as well as of real evil. There stands the faots! no longer to be perverted or denied, and they exhibit the Proviso agitation in its true character. Not adopted, it is seen to have been unnecessary. Prodnctive to great mischief to tbe country in the contention and alienation it caused, it was a mere abstraction, a thing neither prac tical nor useful. A desperate aliempt was nidi last year to carry the Presidential election upon a Kansas agitation, in which the same class of actors appeared that did in the Missouri agitation of 1820—men "ready to rißk the Union lor any chance" of establishing their party, "and wriggling themselves to the head of it." But, a just judgment was pronounced upon these people and their project, in the election of Mr. Buchanan, and they will soon be oblig ed to select some other topic upon which to disturb the public tranquillity, and struggle for the attainment of power. Their spas modic attempts to keep up excitement with out any practical or useful object in view, but simply that they may thrive upon dis cord and passion, are even now received by the public with a feeling bordering very nearly upon contempt. The American people aro practical and sagacious. They will require some practi cal good to appear in any movement to which they are invited; and when due time has elapsed for reflection, they will try par ties and party measures by the standard of principles and not of professions. The Wil rnot Proviso was utterly extinguished by Webster on the 7th of March, 1850, in the I demonstration of its utility, and was thence forth delivered over to history as an imjJßs- j ture; and approval of the Kansas-Nebraska . act of 1854, has boon growing more and ' more general as its couformity to sound principles has been examined and estab lished. That unnecessary things shall not bo done, and that the citizens of each polit ical division of the country shall determine their local institutions, arc, in fact, prepo sitions so reasonable and just that it is sur prising that they should ever havo bean questioned. Three years ago, the Democratic parly of this State choso defeat before dishonor. It stood up for toleration and equal rights, [Two Dollars per Annua. NUMBER 30. againkt the passions and prejudices of the time, bocause constitutional and just princi ples demanded it. And now, wiih a new antagonist—the Republican party —it still stands in the path of duty, with its past course yindicated, and with the highest claims to public confidenco and favor. — While it is not insensible to ideas of prog | ross and improvement, and will seek to ap ply those that are practioal and just, its duty as g great conservative organization to pre serve the principles of the government and the institutions of the country from degen eracy, will not bo neglected. In brief, if trusted it will be trne, and from its adminis tration of public afTairs, tho people will re ceive, as heretofore, the "peaceable fruits" of good govern ment and honest rule. C. R BUCKALEW, Chairman. JNO. N. Hirrcmasoa, 1 - . R. J. HALDEMAE, J SBRTTARU,. ■ ' A w*irr Al* . BY MRB.'BARCLAY PBHBOCY. So close we stood, together, So near our hearts did beat, There lay but a single shadow On the groen-swanl at our feot. To their inmost soul of azure Hung bare the heavens on high ; Slow up through the morning brightness A mist-wreath climbed the sky. Then in the silver silence My heart became aware Of a sound, so fine it moved not The mute and delicate air. " Is it tho musical ocean. The moaning, musical seal Or is it a wild witch singing In tho bo ho of the great ash-tree 1 "Seven leagues away to the northward Moan the sea-shells on the shore; No wind in the bole of the ash-tree Ever sang this tune before," Then while the fine compression Of his arm around me stole, I felt how the eyes of my lover Were looking info my soul. And ho softly said, "This music Doth ray heart make night and noon ; Full long have I waited, weary, For thy heart to learn the tune. " Oh, leave the wind in the ash-tree! Oh, leave the sun on the shore 1 For our hearts shall best this measure, Dear love, till they beat no more!" 1 he Progress Life, Men rejoice when the sun has risen ; they rejoice also when the sun goes down; whilo they aro unconscious of the decay of their own lives. Men rejoice on seeing the face of a new season,kh tho arrival of one greatly dqpired. Nevertheless the revolution of one season is the decay of man. Fragments of drift wood meeting in the wide ocean con tinue together a little spoco; thus parents, wives, children and friends remain with us a short time, then separate—the separation is inevitable. No mortal can escape tho common lot; he who mourns for departed relatives, has no power to cause them to re tarn. One standing on the road would read ily say to a numbor of persons passing by, "I will follow you j" why then, should per sons grievo when journeying on tho same road that has been traveled by our forefa thers. Life resembles a cataract running down with irresistable impetuosity. Know ing that tho end of lifo is death, evory right minded man ought to pursuo that which is connected with happiness and ultira&to bliss. ASICDOTB OF ACDUBOI*. —The great natu ralist was one day on the lookout for red headed woodpeckers and Was very anxious to obtain a specimen. Seeing one fly into a hole in a tree a long way up, he pulled off his coat and climbed up with that energy of his that never failed hira. Puffing and sweating, he reached it at last, and putting in his hands to seize the bird, to his dismay a snake stuck his head out of the hole and hissed in his face. 7his was so unexpected and frightful that Audubon let go his hold, and tumbled to the ground more dead than alive. IDs companion came running to hira, and seeing the naturalist was not hurt, but was dreadfully frightened, feaid to him : "Ah ! you are very much frightened, doc tor !" " No, sah!" replied the doctor quite of fended, "no sah; but if you want to seo von badly scared snake, just you go up dare!" THr MODEL LATT.— The model lady puts her childjon out to nurse and tends lap dogs; lies in ben till noon; wears paper-soled shoes; pinches her waist; gives the piano fits; forgets to pay her milliner; cuts her poor relations; goes to church when she has a new bonnet; turns the cold shoulder to her husband, and flirts with his "friend;" never ?aw a thimble; don't know a darning needle from a crow-bar; wonders where puddings grow; oats ham and eggs in pri vate, and dines on a pigeon's leg in publicf runs mad after the last new fashion; doots on Byron; adores any man who grins bet hind a mustache; and, when asked the age of her youngest child, replies: "Don't know indeed—ask Betty!" To MAKE BI.ACKBKBRT WINE. —As this is the season for blackberries, the following recipe for making wine, which is endorsed by sev eral journals, may be of value to the ladies: Measure your berries and bruise them, to every gallon adding ono quart of boiling water. Let the mixture stand twenty-four hours, stirring occasionally; then strain oIT the liquor into a cask in every gallon add ing two pounds of sugar Cork tight, and let stand till following October, and you will havo wtoo ready for use, without fur ther boiling or straining, that will make lips smack as they never smacked under similar influence before.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers