" THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
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VOLUME 7.
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For the Star of the Roth.
FACTS AND FANCIES.
THE evening was lovely. The sun was
sinkingbehiud the distant hills—all nature
seemed at peace, it was a time for reflection,
and my thoughts turned to the days of my
childhood—to tne bright happy scenes of the
• days of my infancy—to those hours of in
nocent mirth and gayety that will nev
er, never return ; and 1 pictured to myself the
pleasant white cottage among the hills, and
memory led me back to the cool shaded
spring where a large willow threw its grace
ful branches over tho pure cold water, and
near by was a rustic arbor, over which my
sister, brother and I had trained with so much
care a luxuriant grape vine. For several sum
mers we used ail the means in our power lo
have it bring forth fruit, but in vain. In spite
ol all our efforts, our toil, our truiuiug, r.ol a
single grape made its appearance. Yet un
grateful as it seemed lo us, we cherished it
still, and when our father would have de
stroyed it, we en'reated tim to spare it; for
though it bore no fruit, yet its beautiful foli
age sheltered us from the summer's sun.
Ah! I must not forget the orchard that grew
on the bill side. Oh ! what delicious peach
es we used to gather, and apples too. With
what delight would we ramble through the
woods and meadows and gather the lovely ,
wild flowers. And I remember what pleas- j
ure 1 took in calling them fairy thrones, anJ
imagining that perhaps there sometimes |
dwell in each violet a little spirit that had its
home in that bright happy place thai our
mother used to tell us of, methinks she call
ed it HEAVEN. Yes often would she gather
us around her, and point to the skies, and talk
to us of that delightful place, and tell us that
belore long she hoped to dwell shere. And
leave us alone mothet I we would ask, what
will we do without you ! Then she would
tell us of a being who was always willing to
take care of us,even though our parents were
gone.
And I remember too with what satisfaction
I would watch the stare as they made their
appearance one by one in the evening and
fancy they were windows in Heaven through
which the angels looked down and watched
us.
A thousand other fancies flitted through
my brain and I busied myself in building
splendid glass castles in the air, when
tbe shrill but well knowu voice of a fe
male fell upon my ear like a thunder-bolt: —
" Why Jemima Ann, what upon artlt are you
about! 1 thought you went out an hour ago
to milk the cows!" I started, looked around
me,and with some surprise and chagrin found
myself on the top of a six rail fence sta
ring toward the West with all the interest of
a practiced gazer, weaving bright fancies and
burldirjg air castles which faded away at
the sound of thut shrill voice,like mist before
the sun. Jumping down from my exalted po
sition, seizing (he milking pail which lay at"
my feet, I went to perform my duty with a
heart neither heavier nor lighter than it had
been an hour before. EFFIE.
Suck Horn. , ■
, Deatb of Lord Rnglntr.
Lord Raglan died nominally of dysentery.
But it will be observed that bis seizure comes
just after the failures of the English attack on
the Redan, in which an old blunder that the
British made at the battle ufcNew Orleans
was repeated, and where, under a murderous
fire, it was discovered that by some oversight
tbe scaling ladders had been forgotten. Tbe
French General bad complained of inefficient
support, and his government had remonstra
ted with that ol Great Britian, and applied
fqf his reoall. In such circumstances, there '
can be but little doubt that bis death is rath-1
er to be attributed to non-success and antici
pated disgrace, than to tbe ordinary effect of
disease. j
The Emperor Nicholas died a few months
since, unquealionably more from a constitu
tion worn out by disappointed ambition pro
ducing disease, than any other cause. Mar
shall St. Arnaud was hurried to his grave by
the anxieties of the desperate undertaking of
landing in the Crimea under a decimating
disease. General Conrobert bas so.far failed
to meet expectations, and retired indeject.on
while the Russian Generals in command have
all failed of a tingle achievment. We say
nothing of the boat of inferior men who have
died or been disabled, or dismissed, or re
tired in disgust, from Admiral Napier to Ad
miral Boxer. So far the war has exhibited
much personal bravery and heroic conduct,
but a miserable want of generalship and ef
fieienoy all round. Pelissier began with a
few brilliant strokvs, but albat once comes
under an eclipse,and seems unable to emerge
•gain. "
It is war, therefore, in whioh no General,
no Ministry and no country eugfged baa
gained a particle of glory or of lerntory, but
in whioh all have sunk immense amounts of
treasure, and loat public confidence; in
wfclch U kind* of eoieutifio inventions bare
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY. JULY 26, 18551
been tried, and nothing efTected beyond the
satisfactory discovery cf the value of earth
works lo counteract them atl. It seems as
if it were a war made expressly to exhibit
the vanity of war and nothing else. So far
it has not laid bare quite so much of its wick
edness, perhaps, as usual. Fewer cities have
been sacked, and fewer innocent, peace
ful inhabitants slaughtered, because Kertch
and Balaklava have been the only towns
captured. Thus far the horrors of war have
fallen elmoat exclusively on the armies, and
not the peaceful citizens ; on public, not on
private property; on the officers with more se
verity than on the men. In lact,il seems to be
an unmitigaisd exposure of the curse of war,
without any one thing to arouse the sympa
thies of spectators in favor of either party, but
simply to awaken a feeling ol pity for both.
What sympathy can the United Slates feel
in behalf of the Allies ? Louis Napoleon is
not less an Emperor than Alexander. His
government is more at war with the liberty
of its citizens, and is a greater outrage on
freedom, because there is in France a great
er sense of freedom to outrage than in Rus
sia. The Allies, if they had been success
ful as they hoped, would lucre been very
apt, in the flush of victory, to turn
this country. In Europe, tbe alliance with
France has lied '.he hands of England, so as
to make her policy less in favor of liberty on
the continent, ami more for upholding des
potism, than it has been for a generation. It
is equally idle to talk of our sympathizing
with Russia in this struggle. A perfect des
potism the destroyer of Hungary, the prop of
absolutism in Europe, bent on extending its
dominions by conquest, it is impossible lo
believe the world has anything to hope from
her success as a nation. True, her Emperor
has always been polite and liberal in his in
tercourse with the United States ; has em
ployed her citizens, contracted and paid lib
erally for their locomotives and their ships,
but her peoole are half barbarous, the best
apology perhaps that can be made for them
for entrapping and firing upon a flag of
truce.
Nor is ih ere any hope of liberty, or good ;
of any kind, crowing out of lha present eon- J
lest. Even the sick roan.. Tnrkey, will be )
bled to death by his physicians, as much as
by his toes. If Franco and Eogland capture
the Crimea, they will quarrel over the spoils ;
and if they fail, they will quarrel through
mutual recrimination. All Europe is com
ing round, increasingly, to the position of
the United States, in seeing nothing whatev
er to hope from the present struggle, let it
terminate as it may. If it only make all na
tions less dispbsod to meddle in each other's
quarrels, less in favor of war, and more dis
posed for peace, it will not, however, have
been without iis utilities'—Ledger.
A Country singing Muster at the Opera-
New YOKK, August 4, 1854.
Dear Juke: —l've seen sights sinco I left
home. I've seen ships and monkeys, and
the 'clips of the sun, and Barnurn, and organ
grinders, and Jullien and the Musical Con
gress; I've been in the Crystal Palace, and
the tombs, and lots of other places too nu
merous to write about. But I want to' teli
yon that I have been to the opera of Binssa
Yellow to-night, to soe 'em operate. None
hardly but big bugs and us musicians go to
tho opera, for it costs a dollar, and that's more
than some people can pay for singing, and
preaching a whole year. I can't tell you
much about it, for several of the operators
belong to the choirs in the fashionable church
es in the city, mid have lamed to sing (hat
nobody can understand them. Now, Jake,
I'll tell you what 'opera style' is. When yon
see a girl, or anybody else, wriggle and twist,
and mm tier head, and roll her eyes like a
pious duck in a shower, and not speak plain
enough for you to understand a word, that's
'opera style.' That's the kind most all choirs
hereabouts are trying to imitate, aud some of
them come mighty nigh it too. Well, as I
could not understand the words of lha opera,
I will tell you what I can remember about
the operation.
When I went in, thoro was only three or
four hundred people; for this is a very select
opera, and but few go to it, because they
can't opprociate it. Some fellowa sat in front
of a big platform playing on aome fiddles and
brass horns, and such like. I tell you, they
made 'em acreech. The racket beet the
nanny roogins when they went round town
dressed up so funny. Well, after they play
ed awhile, a great painted sheet was rolled
up. It waa covered with pictures, you know,
like the pretty bed of ours that that fellow
stamped those pea-fowls, and elephants, and
wagon wheels on. When it rolled up, there
stood a fellow dressed like a monkey. He
sung and tried 10 walk, but went one way
and then another way, then strutted just to
show his fine clothes. After be had sung in
some heathen language awhile, out came
lots of girls with no dresses on—ouly just pet
ticoats all sorts of colors, and some of the ug
liest looking fellows you ever did see, with
'em. They sung a song, and then a woman
came out with a shiny dress on. She had a
scolloped thing on her head. I suppose it is
what they call the 'primas du-no;' but 1
should call it a crown. She wae mighty proud
of it, but soon something hurt her; lor oh !
how she pot her hand on her bosom and
equalled I Then she went round to the fel
lowa, who bowed, and that made her feel ea
ay, but aoon aha equalled again, and every
body clapped their handa as if they were glad
but I pitied her, and wanted her taken off and
given a doae of paregoric, or aomethin. At
laal, after a bard squall, she aat down in a
chair when out ran a girl with her sister's
clothes on! Jake, it'i a fact; her coat didn't
come down lo her knees ! She ran, whirled
round and round, kicked her heels higher
than her head, and the people laughed but I
was ashamed. I never before seen anything
tike it in my life.
Then came out a girl that cut up and made
all sorts of motions. She didn't say anything
but she did expose herself so that when they
got done they knelt down and prayed. I
suppose they were pitying about her acting
so shamefully, for they looked mighty sorry.
I don't know what they said, for they seem
ed to use the language of the Mormon preach
er out by Hans Ingledyno's—the Adamit lan
guage.
After the prayer was done, someof'em
went behind lite partition, (I tell you it looks
very queer,) and soon they felt happy and
sung mighty pretty. But they stolo the tune,
for it was 'composed expressly'for a book
for school girls when they wanted lo sing
about flowers and make a queen. I've sung
it lots of times. After a little while, out
came tho girl with the crown on, holding oft
one of the most Arabic looking fellow you
ever saw. He looked like the picture of some
Turkey chap fighting with Russians. Well,
this girl was tickled to think she was mar
ried, (that's natural, you know, with 'email,)
arid she smiled, and wriggled, and squalled,
then she let go his arm, gallqped of! one side,
and told a chap sotnetning that nobody could
understand. He bowed; then she went to
another, and he smiled; and she wenuto an
other, and be smiled; and she went round to
all, but when she came to the girls they
did not smile, no, they were ail disappoint- j
ed.
All this time that dumb girl was running
round, making motions, and pointing at the
new husband. I believe, Jake, he bad boen
doing something wrong, or this poor girl
wouldn't have looked so bad. She looked
as sorrowful as the picture of the 'Maid and
her Milk-pail,' in our spelling-book. Right
here tbe curtain dropped, and the (idling fel
lows crept through some holes under the
platform. I didn't much like their playing,
for it was too loud. It reminded me ol many
who play on the organ alchurch. They make
the organ swallow the ehoir, and that is not |
tasty. I believe the words ought to be heard !
when people sing.
Well pretty soou the curtain rolled up, and
then I saw why it had dropped, for every
one had pulled off,his or her clothes and put
on others to go a fishing, and there they stood
a fixing their fish seines. While they work
ed, one tn an sung, aud it gave 'em fits, and
they jumped up aud ran off. Then two men
came out, and sung to ono another, and mo
tioucd as if they would fight. When they
got through—would you believe it! some ol
the women who came to listen, threw %rH
ers at them. 1 reckon it was lo get them to
try it again, to see if ibey couldn't do better,
aud they did.
Soon the dumb girl, who couldn't speak,
ran out as if she Was going to drown herself;
but I tell you it was only pretence. It was
just like Nancy Bandy, who always fainted
in meeting when she could be sure tujall in
to the arms of some nice young man. Just
so it was with this gitl. The lellow got his
arms around her and she made believe she
wauted to get away but she didn't though.—
Soon a chap behind the' partition saw what
was going on, and raised a yell vvjirch brought
the whole crowd lo the platform. They equall
ed, and bowed, and courtosied, and pointed
and shook hands. What under the sun they
did it (or, I couldn't tell. Soon down drop
ped the curtain, and (he lidlcrs crept under
the platform again.
In a low minutes up went the curtain, and
sure as 1' rn living, the man had been fish
ing, and the women had been to the barn
hunting eggs and here they had them to sell:
Every one seemed anxious as hack drivers
down lo the steamboat landing lo secure pat
ronage. I couldn't keep from laughing just
i to look at 'em and heat tliem tell how good
and cheap their traps vtare. They would
make good hands to stand in mock auctions
g;,d sell watches |o green western fellows,
j Soon a queer looking chap said something to
| two girls, who laid down their plunder, aud
lie put his arm around them—aud they let
him, too—and they walked on the platform.
What do you think they were going to do!
Why, each was trying to see which could
put the foot the highest aud turn round the
fastest.
The way the short clothes stood out and
formed a periphery was a caution. I felt so
ashamed that 1 just looked at the toe of my
left boot, and supposed that everybody else
was doing the same; but on looking cautious
ly round, I found the spectators, men and
women, were looking with all their might, and
soma had spy-glasses. This did astonish me.
But tbe laol is, Jake, I am told that the short
er and lighter the petlicoatir, the longer and
heavier the stamping. Well, the rest of the
operators looked at these dancers for a while,
ar.d not being able, I suppose, to stand such
wickedness, they all fell on their knees and
prayed again, and no wonder. Well, soon
after the prayer, a chap who seemed to have
a spite against the girl that made tbe people
believe that she couldn't talk, tried to catch
her. The man jumped in ahead of bim, and
they fought with tin swords and pop-guns,
and such like, add killed tbe fellow, and
down dropped the curtain. Whether that
was the end of the opera or not, I'don't know!
but I thought it ought to be, so I came off.
Now, Jake, what do you thick of it! I
would like to tell you about soma of the
church singing here, but this letter is a heap
too (oug already; so you must wait until my
next. Your affectionate brother,
WILLIAM PILKINS.
From the Presbyterian Critic
THE A2IEKII AN PARTY.
Tbero is no demand whatever, for a great
national movement against the Catholio
Church. The recent excitement in the coun
try has been, ia the main, the rasnlt of a cor
rupt movement cf unprincipled politicians,
to excite the Protestant feeling of tho people,
and to ride into power upon the tide. They
have run foul of the great maxim, whioh
they have so conspicuously tot forward a
mong their principles, as if for
of exposing the profligacy of the whole
movement, by violating in practice what
they oppose in theory. It is to deny,
that making tho mere religious sentiments
of a man, the reason of refusing to vote for
bim, is a violation of the great principle of
religious liberty. It is allowing a principle
of discriminating the political aspect of a
vote to be sound and just; which would be
wicked and nnprincipled, if embodied in a
law. If our neighbors make their dislike to
our Presbyterian sentiments, the ground for
their refusing to vote for us, it is perfectly
useless to disguise, that we are under politi.
cal responsibility for religious opinions—that,
quoad hoc, we are suffering for them. The
objectionable feature in this view of the case*
is, making religious opinion unattended by
any viciousness of action growing out of it.
a ground for an universal discrimination in
political affairs', affecting permanently large
masses of citizens. This is our first and
great objection to the American or Know-
Nothing party; it is violating the very prin
ciple of religious liberty, which it professes
to conserve; and has adopted a construction
of that principle which strips it of all prac
tical force, leaving it a dead letter in the
statute book, and abandoning its control over
the political action of the people.
We object again to a political movement
against the Catholic church, because therg
is no necessity for it, piovided the people of
this country will properly employ the legiti
mate agencies of opposition which are in
their power. The simple and sufficient con
dition of the preservation of the Republic
from the aris ol Romanism is, the full and
efficient support of the Protestant Church—
the complete and animated maintenance of
the Domestic Missionary enterprise of the
various Protestant denominations. This is
the great conservative element of our politi
cal system ; to sustain and vivify it with the
vigorous energy Which it onglit to possess,
and it need r.ot to be feared that any of the
great social or political interests tjiat are con
ditioned upon it, will over come to harm.—
It is the only,—not less than the only legiti
mate power which can be effectively em- i
ployed to restrain Popery, and maintain the !
institutions of our government. All perse
cution no matter how disguised in form, or
limited in extent, will endure to the benefit'
of the body enduring it. The policy then, j
of restraining Popery by political disabilities !
inflicted upon the individual Catholic, is sui- j
cidal in the extreme. It will "concentrate
and intensify the attachment of its members, i
and reader them more and muro unapproach- j
able by Protestant instruction. It will create ;
sympathy, and thus open wide the door to ;
proselytism, and it will put the Church in j
an altitude far more attfuctive, as the victim j
of an unjustifiable crusade, than it is at all '
entitled to assume from its intrinsic charms, ■
How long is the world to be teaming the 1
lesson and never coming to the knowledge i
of the truth, that tdl means but reason and i
love, to effect tho opinions of men, only re- j
suit in strengthening attachment to their i
original convictions ! The principle of this
opposition to Popery is vicious, and the
more completely it is carried into effect, the '<
more disastrous will be the result. The
more completely the political victory over
Popery, the more it will he benefitted. The
only effective—as it iB the only lawful, gen
eral and permanent agency of opposition to
the Popish Ctiutch, is the true Protestant'
Church of Christ under its various forms.— j
We have no right to complain of the ineffi- |
ciertcy of a means, until we have employed
it fully, and tested all its capacities. Let the
people of the United Stales double theit sup
port of the great Domestic Missionary work,
aud they may salely abandon all political
agitations against the Catholic Church.
We object again to tbe American party,
that it is condensing the Catholic and For
| eign element in our population into a poiiti- j
i cal body, distinct from the mass of our citi
zona, armed with all their power to do mis- j
chief, and animated bv all that hostility
which is natural to men suffering under an I
ostracism ot their religion and birth, and
provoked by an attempt to diminish their
full equality with other citizens. Now what
does Kuow-Nolhiiigisni propose to do for the
remedy of thisevil which it bjis 1—
It only proposes to render the" Catholic MI!
Foreign citizen* ineligible
them the to
emigration
great means of misubieffi^^^^^^^^^^H
to use them. There
the Pope's overV^^^^^Kdd
except in taking away the
altogether. Now it is, to Say
the most manly and honest policy, to pro
hibit the entry of a Catholic and a Foreigner
altogether, into the country, and to tbe right*
of citizenship, ra<her than invite them to
come and then begin to annoy them by a
whole series of political disabilities, which
are assumed to be essential to a defence a
gainst them. Indeed, the inference of the
Know-Nothing creed, on both the issues it
has raised, is a logical and practical blundei
from its own premise*. It assumes in the
strongest sense of an existing faot, not as a
logical inference from the Ctholic-creed,the
* .4 , m .* * *
#
absolute inoompatability of the Catholic
Church and the free institutions of this coun
try. This is the premise: its inference is to
render the individual Catholic ineligible 'o
office: the true inference from the premise
as they construe it is, that the Catholic
Church ought not to be tolerated at all. On
the other issue, the premise is, that the for
eign element in our population is dangerous
to the government: the inferor.ee is, the re
duction of a part of the right of citizenship
—the eligibility to office, in the foreigners
nlready here,and an extension of the term of
naturalization. The true inference is, the I
prohibition of all emigration for the future,
and the avoidance of every thing that would
exasperate tho foreign element already in
the midst ol us; the careful observance of
every thing which would tend to strengthen
their attachment to the institutions of tho
country.
Thes9 are the results which logically is
| sue from the premises of the Kitow-Nolhing
. creed, and which they are logically required
to assume. But tliey dare not do it: lite
measure they propose to adopt—the exclu
sion from office—is ridiculously incomplete as
a practical expedient: it is a most impotent
and lame conclusion, as a logical inference.
It is absolutely necessary, either to cease
this political crusade against large masses of
the people, or to make it efTecttial lo accom
plish, not only the ends it holds in view, but
to prevent the incidental evils the effort at
reform has created in its ptogress. Nothing
short of a far more effective diminution ol
the common rights of citizenship than has i
yet dared lo assume the shape of a public
proposition, will meet the ends which the
American party are seeking lo accomplish.
It is absurd lo admit large classes of men to
all the common rights of citizenship, except
one, and that by no means (he most impor
tant one. If there is a reason why they
should be deprived ol one, it is u reason
why they should be deprived ol all. If it is
right to allow them to vote, it is right lo al
low them to be voted for; the one right is al
most, if not altogether, to correlative of the
other. Any argument which would prove a
man disqualified for office, would prove him
disqualified to vote. There may be special
reasofs why particular offices, involving the
representation of the national character, as
well as the national policy, should be exclu
sively occupied by native born citizens ; but
this is very different in nature, ami proceeds
upon a wholly different principle of political
wisdom, from the universal declaration of
ineligibility to all office, among largo mass
es of citizens. That elegibility, attaches as
an incident, or inheres among the mass of
the common rights of citizenship ; and it is
absurd lo admit the citizenship in general,
and e'eny this single capscity whioh it in
volves. This principle of action involves
the explanation of the difficulty raised by
the writer in lite Critic for May, in relation
to the elegibility of a Chinese or a Mahom
medan. This question will be settled by (be
settlement of a previous question, and that
is. whether large masses of such persons,
Pagans and Polygarnists, are to be admitted
at all lo the permanent and general partici
pation in the rights of citizenship in a Chris
tian Country!
It is on this question, tbe great Mormon
issue now ripening lor trial, will bo deter
mined in a lew years. Conceding this issue
as determined in the affirmative, all minor
questions, such as elegibility to office, and
propriety of voting such persons into
are settled : it is absurd to question the or
dinary propriety of allowing by vote, what
is allowed by law. The whole question, as
a general proposition, is determined by the
permanent admission of large masses of per
sons in view, to tho common rights of citi
zenship. It is one th\n|f to allow specific
privileges to individual foreigners residing
on our soil, for specific purposes; but it is
altogether another, to disfranchise in pari,
and by a principle designed to be perma
nent, immense masses of men already per
manently a part of the population, and so
recognized. We insist, therefore, that Ihe
wholo movement must rstrace its progress,
or go forward : it is unwise in the extreme lo
leave all their power for mischief in their
hands, resulting in part from their simple
existence in the country as a pan of its pop
ulation, and, in part, Irom tbe privileges
are still to be left them—and then exaspe
rate thern lo use it, by atteroptir-g t 0 r „j uce
their full political equality witL citizens of
other birth and other religious opinions.
We object in the lust place, and wi(h deep
severity of conviction, to the principles of
organization adopted by the American or
Know-Nothi.ng party, acd to some of the
particular features which they have embodi
ed in ineir order. If ever any priaciple waj
it war with the very foundation of tbe Amer
ican Republic, it is the principle ot a jflltek
htth bound organization of
dangerous, hoslilegJHF
HjHntmental maxims of Republican liberty,
Bad, in its existing aspect, demoralizing in a
degree. It strikes a blow at that great
maxim of the government —the
HPnlgence of the people—an essential ele-
Phut of republican liberty. What matters
it how much intelligence tbe people may
have, if political men will conceal from them
the elements npon which lo employ that in
telligence, in the foundation f an opinion
and the adoption of a polioy. The duties of
a man ia correlative. If it is the doty of the
people to require knowledge of any party
claiming their suffrage, before they endorse
them, and it is tbe duty of that party to give
it. No party has a right to retire into tbe dark,
bind itself to ssoreoy under oatb, unfold what
they please god conoeal what they please
from the people; the shadow of a moral right
to give their sanotion to lliat, of the proprie
ty of which, they are not informed. More
over, this principioof organization will prove
utterly subversive of the Constitution of Ihe
United Slates, by placing the legislation of
Congress in the hands of an irresponsible as
sociation of its members; in a body unknown
to the Constiiution, distinct from Congress
its self, existing within but independent of
nil responsibility to any public or recognized
law. .The Congressional Council, itself at
war with the Constitution, will be under the
control of the National Council; and the re
sult will he, thai the Congress of the Uuited
States will become, under the full success of
Know-Nothing principles, a mere registry of
decrees to a body in the heart of the country
—unknown to the Constitution—oxisting, no
one can tell where—aiming at, no one can
tell what. It is a principle of party organi
zation, which, by demanding the unlimited
submission of the minority to the majority,
annihilates the balance power of a Parlia
mentary opposition, and all the advantages
•that belong to it. It extinguishes the person
al independence of die voter, destroys ihe ju
risdiction of conscience over the political con
duct, and make it a condition to the preser
vation of his integrity, if the voter should
happen to scruple a measure or a man pro
posed by tiie Order that he absolutely aban
don the parly altogether.
Lastly, if this principle ol secrecy and ob
ligation under oath, is legitimate for one par
ly, it is legitimate lor all: every party may
adopt it: the Bag Nichl' clubs of the for
eigners of tho West, are wholly justified;
and the whole political dostinies of the coun
try may be controlled by secret oath bound
organizations—a hybrid mixture of Masonry
and a political caucus, with all good in eitber
spoiled by the conjunction. Can any man in
this nation contemplate such a prospect—the
legitimate result of the principle of organiza
tion adopted by the Know-Nothing party—
without emotions of alarm amounting lo ter
ror ? It is a principle, legitimate in a condi
tion of society, where the lives of men are
dependent on the fidelity of their political as
sociates: it is utterly abominable in any oth
er. Yet the accomplished writer in the Crit
ic lor may, would place such a principle, in
point of political morality on the same foot
ing with the vote by ballot!
We have only to a Id, that if the National- '
ity, the Federal Uuion, and the Protestant 1
civilization of this country is dependent upon 1
tho conservatism of this new political oombi- '
nation, its past acts indicate most fearfully 1
that gloomy limes are ahead.
lu Debt or Out of Debt-
Under the old Romans,the debtor who could '
not satisfy his creditor, became the slave of i
the man to whom he owed money. It would
even seem also that, in some cases, the law ■
permitted the creditor lo put his debtor to |
death, and this not in the gentlest manner ei
ther. i
In this day, the debtor is uo longer liable ,
to be sold in open market, to be driven un
der llie whip, or to be tortured to death in ,
revenge for having cheated his creditor. But,
though he escapes being reduced to the nom
inal conditiou of slavery, actually he is no •
longer his own master, but, in part at least,
belongs to another.
The debtor cannot leave his State without
the consenJ of his creditor. He cannot enjoy
the complete fruits of his labor, for he has to
pay interest on his. debts, even when he
makes no attempt to liquidate the principal.
He cannot oven avuil himself to the full of
the chances that fortune presents, (or he dare
not, in justice to his creditors, embark in
ventures of great hazard. The debtor is,
therefore, still in bondage. He is a citizen
shorn of half his privileges. Ho fills a posi
tion of quasi slavery.
To this condition, moreover, he has gener
ally sunk by his own folly. Though some
times he has only indiscre'.'ions to answer
for, quite as often he is Uhargablo with wil
ful errors. Rarely is ',,0 wholly without fault.
Extravagance, indolence, want of thrift, and
other purely faults, make shipwreck
of the largest proportion of those who fall in
to deb.,; A few, indeed,becom e victims to
circumstances, which no human foresight
could divine ; but these form the exception,
not the rule. The ordinary debtor, therefore,
has little cause lo censure others for bis slate
of bondage. He was a slave to his appetites,
or lo culpable inefficiency, before he be
came a slave to his debts ; and, in fact, he
became the slave of the last, because he was
already a slave to the fiist. If he has sacri
ficed his independence, it has been by pur
suing a line of conduct which he know, or
ought to bavo known, would reduce him to
tbu slate of a dependant. As nations oannot
remain free without self-discipline, so nei
kter without it can a man be exempt from
ebt. It is as idle lor ihe one to deplore his
pariial slavery, as it is for the other to be
wail the liberties it wantonly threw away.—
Oar vices, whether we act in an individual
or national capacity, are the real tyrants that
degrade and subjugate us.
"Who would be free himself must strike
the blow;" The quotation is as applicable lo
the debtor as it is to a people groaning in
chain*. He who would recover his lost free
dom, must retrace the steps by which he
sacrificed it. Ai man talis from his "high
estate" of pristine freedom from debt, by ex
travagance, neglect of business and want of
prudenoe, so he can only recover it by thrift,
energy, oaolion and self denial. Tbe prac
tice of these virtues also must be eevare in
proportion to the extent of his involvements.
The thorny road to be travelled will appear
NUMBER 27.
I lbs more difficult from lbs rose-leaves vrilh
■ which formerly be ao thoughtlessly strewed
bis path. Bat herd though the way may be,
i it is not impossible to a strong self-reliant
i soul; and tae straggle always strengthens
: and ennobles the character. Great men make
themselves such by discipline, as the oak
hardens by cold or tempest. Never despair,
even if in debt. Some of oar richest men
were once in debt. To have been in debt,
and recovered from it, is, in some respeots,
a prouder boast than never to have known
what it was to owe money.
To every one who is in debt, wo say, be
gin from this hour to get out of it, else you
will lose all that is left in you whiob is uoble
or independent, or heroic. Toe longer you
remain in debt, the more degraded you will
j become. Don't put off" for a single day be
ginning to reform, for the task will be the
harder with every hour of delay. Be up and
doing ! Now, or never! — Ledger.
Merited Tribute.
The Wilkesbarre Record pays the follow
ing handsome compliment to the memory of
Samuel P. Codings, From a late antagoniat
the tribute ia doubly valuable:
" The knell of death again grates upon our
ear, hearing the sad in'elligence (hat SAMUEL
P. COLLINGS Esq., U* S. Consul at Tangier,
Moriocco,isdead. This community, amodgst •
whom his life has been spent, fell the blow
severely as it came borne upon the wings of
the telegraph last Wednesday.
Air. Codings, as the editor of a paper in
this place, has ably and powerfully served
the Democratic party for a life time, and al
though so faithful an advocate of its doctrines,
the first reward ever received for his arduous
services, was the consulship to Tangier, giv
en by President Pierce last spring. For many
years bis life has hung upon a single slender
thread, threatening to be snapped at any mo
ment by the slightest jar. Frequent attacks
of bleeding at the lungs had kept the physi
cal man weak, but the mind worked with re
newtd and redoubled energy, seeming to
defy the ravages of the disease that was
wasting away the body. When the appoint
ment came,,doubts arose whether his health
would bear the long journey. Hearing of
his arrival in safety, we had hoped the new
climate and scenes would woik a favorable
change ; but scarcely is the hope entertained,
ere the unwelcome tidings is brought over
the waters that he is no more. 'Tie hard to
die in a foreign land. He has left a sorrow
ing family there, to retrace tneir steps to
this valley with hearts cast down in sadness.
His wife, her'sistsr, and two of his children
had gone with him and were just settled in
their new home when the destroyer came.
To them the blow comes with a weight al
most too heavy to bear.
To eulogize the deceased would be folly
The mere mention of his death will recall
his life to every one who sees this notice.—
His qualities were of that fearless manly char
acter that we can but admire. In the politi
cal contests of this county, his pen has been
wielded with a force soldom equalled. Prob
ably no one ia all this region was soffamiliar
with the politics not only local, but of the
Nation, as Mr. Collings. His head was clear
'and his pen was always ready to trace out
(he ideas with a power that has caused many
a one to wince under its inflictions when op
posed in a contest. Vigor and clearness were
his characteristics in writing:—a scorn of
anything not honorable, marked bia actions.
Even those who differed with him, will ad
mire his bold and fiery opposition.
" At the battle of Cerro Gordo, General La
Vega commanded one of the most efficien
batteries in the engagement, and was taken
a*, his post. Amongst the prisoners marobed
between the American lines after the surren
der, rode La Vega, with the psoud bearing of
the soldier. As his horse came opposite the
head of Gen. Worth's line, a soldier with'
clear voice said—" Who was the last man to
leave the guns?" Instant, as if by magi*
the whole line shouted "General La Vegtt#
This, from a conquering enemy, must have
shot with pride through hie veias* So in
the political fights here, we might ask, who
fought the battle bravely ? and the answer,
would be SAMUEL P. COLUNUS."
A GOOD CLAIM.— Mr. Albert Stoughton, of
Boston, was recently killed by being thrown
from his horse, in consequence of aome boy*
throwing a bunob of fire crackers in the street.
The friends of Mr. Stoughton here brought
suit against the oily for damages, alleging
that as the crackers were fired in violation
of law, the city is responsible for the mis
chief which occurred from a neglect-of em
ploying the proper means to see the ordinan
ces enforced. The family have undoubtedly
a very good legal claim, and enforcing it in
i this manner will probably have a good effect
on the city authorities.
Titc AGRICULTURAL FAIR AT POWXLTOJL—
Kx-Governor Bigler has aooepted en invita
tion to deliver ihe annual address on the occa
sion of the cext Agricultural Exhibiting, to
be held at Poweiion.onihellth, 19tb, 13th,
aud 14th of September next. The exhibit
tion promises to be one of the most brilliant
and succeesful affairs of the kind evet held
in this State.
In connection with the subject of Agiicul
tural Fairs, we see the liat ol prizes for th
State Fair, at Harrisburg, is published, and
makes a more liberal allowance, and embra
ces a muob larger range than usual, which
will tend tomake the exhibitiou better atteng
ded and more interesting to tlje public.
tW Never make money et the expense of
youi reputation.