Till: STAR OF THE NORTE W .'Heaver Proprietor.] VOLUME 3. TUB STAR OP TIIE KORTU J published every Thursday Morning, by R. W. WEAVER. OFFICE—Up stairs in theNcw Brick building on the south side of Main street, third •t square bcluus Market. Terms :—Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the lime of subscri bing ; two dollars and fifty cents if not jTaid within the year. No subscription received for a less period than six months: no discon tinuance permitted until all arrearages are paid, unless at the option dt the editors. AuvKRTisK.Mr.NTB not exceeding one square will be inserted three times forono dollp r,and twenty-five cents for each additionl inser tion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. SPEECH OF HON. CHARLES R. BUCKALEIF. Delivered in the Court-House, Bloomsburg, Monday evening. August llth, 1851, upon the Sinking Fund of 1849, and the Slave act of 1847. flic birki.no roMD. GENTLEMEN Weie we lo judge from the pretensions advanced, by Gov. Johnston und his friends, i we would conclude that ill 1849, shortly af ter his election, he had projected a plan for tho payment of the state debt sach us bad never before been conceived by the wrt or wisdorA of man, had induced the Legisla ture to sanction it in the form in which it now stands upon the statute had subsequently managed it with such fidelity and skill that the -mod salutary consequen ces, with reference te the finances of the state, had been the resnlt. Johnston him. self, upon the occasion of his recent re-nom ination at Lancaster, sounded loudly tho trumpet of self praise upon this subject, and distinctly invited the attention of tho people to himself, as a public benefactor. In view of these self laudations, so arro gantly made, and since so pertinaciously re peated, it is both amusing and instructive to examine the undeniable facts in the case. The sinking fund plan was neither invent ed by William F. Johnston, nor projected by him for enactment by the Legislature of Pennsylvania. It originated an age ago, and with a statesman as superior in intel lect ar.d acquirements to Johnston, as ihtf latter is superior, in those rcspocts, lo the humblest boot-black rti thb land. Ihe ma terial, the cttai parboils of the act of 1849, consist of (he first three sections ; and they ate simply the sinking fund system of l'itt fhe youugor, introduced into the English Parliament in 1788 far oUDrovi ding a mode for paying the national ifjbt of England. In 1786, Lord Norm had gone onPof power, and the deb'ls created by the Revolu tionary war, and the French and Indian war which preceded it, began to press hardly up on the English treasury. A new administra. rtfitl, avowing reform as the object, brought . forward the plan of a sinking fund and sccnr- ■ tt its enactmen'. The debt upon which it j was to operate amounted in 4786 to two j hur.died and fifty seven millions of pounds : sterling; but with the sinking ftlnd in full , operation it grew rapidly, (during tho unjust | warß waged against France to impose upon j hei a form of government which Bhe had re jected,) until in 1810 it amounted to eight hundred and' eleven millions of pounds sterling, or near four thousand millions of dollars, and that immense and rtassive debt is unpaid lo this day. It is to be hoped, tl no similar result, to wit, th'e increase of our debt, will follow upon our adoption of Pitt's sinking fund in Pennsylvania. You perceive, gentlemen,'thbt our sinking fund was not an origiaal conception in 1819 ; that it was then two thiids oi a century old, older in fact than our present national gov ernment founded in 1788, and that it was an importation froth England, the cobntry from whence we derive the great body of our laws'and many of our political ideas and arrangements. Bbt this is not all. It was projected in l'enn sylvania and introduced into the Legislature, Jong before Johnston was thought of for Gov ernor. Repealed recommendations were made by Gov. Porter and Gov. Shunk to the Legislature in relation to providing revenue to meet the permanent indebtedness of the state, as well as its current outlays, and a series of measures were adopted looking lo this end, so that before the decease of Gov. Shunk not only had the state credit been lift ed up and placed on a firm basis, and large amounts of debts been paid off by cancel ling relief notes, paying domestic creditors end otherwise, but the solid foundation had been laid for commencing the payment of the permanent loans of the commonwealth. And in 1846, two years befure Johnston was eleoted Govern ar—• Col. Bigler introduced into the Senate, of which he was then a member, a bill to create a Sinking Fund, for tho gradu al extinguishment of the Slate Debt. At the same session Mr. Burrell of Westmoreland, who is ndw the Democratic candidate for Judge in his District and then the chairman of the committee of Ways & Means in the llouss introduced'a similar bill in that body, and aueoeeded in passing it-in an amended form. In the Senate il was reported trom the Fi nance Committee by Col. Bigler and a part of the bill was finally passed, and became a laW. Under the provisions of this act alone, Iwtt thirds of all the money that has been paid Utt the stete debt since Johnston be came Governor, is raised, as 1 shall have oc casion preseutly to shew. Those portions of' the Bigler and Burrell project of 1816, re lating to the sinking fund, which were not passed, were then opposed as premature in the existing condition of the treasury, relief notes and other incumbrances, then in tho procoss of payment;.still constituting a hea- BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY,; THURSPAY, AUGUST 21, 1851. vy charga upon the treasury. 45 to 1848 (those years inclusive) the amount of relief note's paid off and cancelled amounted to $550,300, which was, of course a payment of precisely that amount upon the indebtedness of the state. But in 1849, upon the 10th day of April, the Legislature finally passed the Bigler bill of 1846, and it has since remained a la v of the state, and is now claimed by Johnston as the crowning glory of his administration. Is Ihoro not a good deal of assurance required in playing off such an imposture upon the people' Here, the Sinking Fund projected by Col. Bigler is coolly assumed by his oppo nent to himself, togelhor with the credit, if there be such, resulting from it! and thu people are called on to endorse the impu dence of this assumption, against the very person who should receive credit if credit is given at all ! The sinking Fund plan of 1849, as con tained in the first three sections of the act of (bat year, can bo stated in a few words, and we will recolleot, in the meantime, that in so stating it wo have placed before us the Bigler bill of 1846, and the l'itt system of 1786, in every essential particular. The plan is, that certain taxes when received at tho Slate Treasury, shall bn set apart and paid over to the State Treasurer, Auditor General and Secretary of the Commonwealth, who shall act as Commissioners of tho fund so created, and therewith purchase the debts of the state, at the market price, not exceed, ing their par value, and hold the certificates representing the same. So far the plan does not ditfer materially from what has been previously done under acts of nssembly But, by the third section, it is provided that after tfco Commissioners havo bought up cer tificates of the stale debt, with the taxes paid them out of the treasury, interest shall continue to bo paid upon the debt so redee med to the Commissioners, out of the treas ury. This interest, so' paid, is to be U3ed by the Commissioners in the purchase of more Slobkd or debt, in the same manner as they uso tho other funds paid them out of the treasury and the process, so arranged, is to go on until arrested every third year, in a manner to be presently mentioned. That is the whole plan with nothing added or omit ted, and it presents no feature either original or wonderful in legislation. But, the act of 1819, contains some sec tions additional lo those already mentioned which are, without any doubt, both original and extraordinary; although they constitute neftesiatr part of thb sy stent contempla ted by the act. Tt is to those additions do TTC sinking fund, that I desire to call your atten tion particularly, as there is good reason for yielding to Johnston the claim of their pa ternity, as nothing like them exists in the le gislation of any country on the globe. Tbe 4th section, is in these words:— "Section 4. That it shall be the duty of the said Commissioners (of the sinking fund,) oil the first Monday of September in tho year one thousand eight hundred and fifty one, and on the same day in every third year thereafter, to certify the amout of the debt of the commonwealth, held by them to the governor, who shall direct the ceititi cates representing the same to be cancelled, and on such cancellation issue his proclama tion, stating the fact and the extinguishment and final discharge of so much of the prin cipal of said debt." New what is the true significance of this section ? for it has an occult as well as an apparent meaning. Let it be kept in mind that tho fiscal or business year of the Com monwealth begius on the first day of De cember and ends on the last day of Novem ber, This division of timo is found conve nient and is consequently recognized in our legislation. The closing up of the annual transactions of the state at that date permits' all the various public officers to have their reports made Up to lay,before the Legisla ture at its meeting in January; and such is accordingly the practice. The Governor, Secretary of the Cummonweahh, Auditor General, Canal Commissioners, and Stat 0 Treasurer each communi ate to the Legis- 1 lature at that time uuder provisions of thb constitution and laws; the first by message and tho others by reports. And the Treasu rer and Auditor General in particular, (the oporalion of whose departments aro very much connected) report fully upon tho sub ject of the finances of the Commonwealth including the operation of the Sinking Fund. Why then does the 4th section of the act of 1849, which 1 have just read provido that a report shall b > made by the Commissioners of tho Sinking Food at an unusual time in stead of the usual time in January? Why on the first of September, during tbe fiscal year of the' Stato, and not at its close ? Why is this report to be made every third year and the first report exactly on tha Ist of September 18517 The purpose was to re elect IVm. F.Johnston! Recollect, the act was passed 1 Oth of April 1849 and that these re ports spoken of in the 4th section, were to bo made at tbe end Of overy third year. But 1 three years from tho passage of tho act would extend to the 10th of April 1852, Fix months after the Governor's election this fall; iu consideration of which circumstar.oe doubtless, tbe timo of making the repurt was pulled backward and fixed on tho first of September. How beautifully tbe mallei was arranged to effect tbe purpose intended; and how clearly may lEls lourth section enlighten us as to the intention and purpose entertained in 1849. The main object was not to be friend tho people of Pennsylvania iu the payment of their debt, but to re-elect an Armstrong county lawyer—the father of ] Relief biles and tho friend of the Abolition | ists—lb the office of Governor. You will observe thai this triennial report is to be ! made not to the Legislature where such re ports appropriately belong, but to the Gover nor; that up to the lime of such report the debt paid off is considered unpaid arid draws interest; that upon receiving the report the Governor is to order the cancellation or Jes tiuction of the the certificates of debt, so that the actual extinguishment of debt shall appear as his act; and that thereupon, just Sit weeks before the election, he shall issuo a flaming proclamation to the people announ cing the payment of so much of the public debt! And then we are to be told that Gov. Johnston and his wonderful Sinking Fund have done the wholo business! And that the financial abilities of the Executive are at least equal to those of Alexander Hamilton aud Win. Pitt. Do you not perceive that in pursuance of the intention in view the Gov ernor struck tho key note of the music in his speech at Lancaster and has been follow ed by his file leaders all over the State in a paean of praise to the Sinking Fund? It was desirable to direct the public mind be forehand in such manner as to givo a full' and salutary efTect to the September pro clamation! That wonderful document, gen tlemen, is soon coming, in all the beauty of large type and under the great Seal of thb j Commonwealth. It will become us to peruse it with thankfulness and gratitude, I and to recollect that it is the production of a ! sublime personage who has borrowed a pro- ; jeel from his competitor and prepared it for electioneering purposes. The filth and ninth sections ol the act, are clearly inconsistent and contradictory; the one providing that tho Legislature may reduce the taxes payable into the Sinking Fund, and tho other pledging the faith of tho State that the revenues payable into that fund shall inviolably remain to it until the wholo of the state debt is paid. There seems to have been so much attention be stowed upon the fourth section, to render it perfect for electioneering purposes, that the character and consistency of tho remain der of the act was not particularly re garded. Tho sixth section of tho act gravely provides that if any person chooses to give his properly to tho stale ho can do so, and upon report to the Legislature his name is to be entered upon the journals. Nobody has yet been found willing to give his property to ilia slate upon those terms! I have now gone over all the material pro visions (of the act of 1849, Ctgrept rngnlaiTng~iTrc rnllr-rnnrt ttr-A.i. ar.d the general conclusion in relation to it must be that the purpose in adopting it was to delude the people and affect the present election. Iu 1849 Johnston hud a virtual control of the Legislature; one half the House and a decided majority of the Senato being Whig. The act I have been explain ing was the contrivance then got up to se cure bis te-eleciion; and it is reasonable to believe that that was the great reason why it was then enacted. It may be worth whilo to inquire from what sources and under what particular acts, the principal rsvenuos of the State aie de rived. Too little information of this char acter is circulated among the people; and from this circumstance it is possible for suoh unscrupulous men as Johnston lo attain un due credit, by statements which are really both arrogant and false. It may be useful for all to know that nearly the whole of the public revenue is raised under acts exi.-ting before 1849; that the greater part even of tha monies absprbed by the Sinking Fund arise tinder an act passed in 1846; |liat the amounts received at the treasury from the general taxes on realty are no greater sinco 1848 thah before; and that the most marked improvement in the sources of revenue in recent j'ea'rs bat been in regard to the public improvements controlled and managed by a Democratic board of Canal Commissioners. By the act of 7th April, 1826, tho Collateral Inheritance tax (which is now paid into the Sinking Fund,) was fixed at 2$ per cent, li) the act of 22d April 1846, Sec. 14, it was raised to five percent. and has remained at that rate ever siuce. The latter act —the Bigler and Burrell bill—is justly enti tled ; "An act to provide for the reduction of the public debt" and beside the collateral inheritance tax imposes a tax upon stages and other vehicles, aunuities, trust property 1 real or personal, monies at interest, public or corporate stocks and corporate loans and upon vendors of merchandize tho product and m inufacture of tbe United Stales. The previous act of 29th April, 1844 which bears in its title the description of "an act to reduce tho stato debt," is the most important act now in force on the subject of taxation. It imposes the gcncial three mill tax upon property—subjects ail real and personal es tate not particularly exempt to taxation and taxes bank and corporation dividends, loans and stock, carriages, watches, salaries, trades, occupations and professions—debts due upon mortgages, judgments, notes, bills, bonds, agreements and accounts, and estab lishes the Board of Revenue Commissioners to meet every third year for tho adjustment and equalization of the taxes upon and among the counties of the Commonwealth- As the slate recovered gradually from the crash that came upon her shortly after' the close of the Ritner administration, it beoame the duty as it was the desire, of her public men, to husband her existing resources, to provide new sources of revenue in the man ner least burthensome to the people, aud, in short, to adopt such measures as would place her in that position of honor and crcdi' Trotli and Right—God add one Country. which she held before sinking crippled and crushed for a time beneath the load of her obligations. Among the foremost iu this work of usefulness and necessity, was Wil liam Bigler of the county of Clearfield. A Senator for six years; during the very period to which 1 am alluding, he embraced the opportunity afforded him, to render essential service to the people of tho commonwealth. Go to the men who sat with him in the Sen ate from 1841 to 1817, and they will tell yon, that his judgment, sagacity and zeal, were constantly and effectively employed in the public service, and that to no man, per ' haps, in public life, are the people more in debted tor the placing of the finances of the ' State upon a suie and solid foundation. He I addressed himself, throughout, with intelli gence and energy, lo the performance of his public duties. Such are sterling men for publicdfe ; the men who wear well —and from public confidence, when onco given, need never be withdrawn. Col. Big , ler's position in the Finanoe Committee of the Senate, placed him in prominent connec tion with legislation upon our fiscal affairs, and it is undeniable, that to the acts passed whilo he was a member of tho Senate, is to be attributed the present ability ot the slate authorities lo pay off any portion whatever of tho publio debt. Col. Bigler lecommended the creation, or increase, of revenue from estates, by proper enactments, as the burthen least harsh upon the people ; imposed as it is, not upon prop erty in actual possession and enjoyment, but upou properly in its transit from one owner lo another, and when the claim of the latter is not founded upon purchase but upon prin ciples of succession. The heir or devi/.eo usually pays nothing for tne property trans ferred to him; he receives the results of in dustry in which he has not participated, and that il should be taxed for the publio neces sities, before his right attaches, or is enjoyed is expedient and reasonable. To the oxact extent to which such tax is imposed, proper ty in possession is relieved from a burthen. A lax upon estates is shown by Mr. Beutham with that clearness of reasoning for which ho is distinguished, to be less inconvenient and oppressive than almost any other; and it lias long been recognized as a proper source of revenue, in Pennsylvania. In accordance with those views, tho le gislature of 1816 imposed the tax of five per cent upon collateral inheritances. Mark the result! The amount of the collateral inher itance tax paid into the sinking fund in the years JBl9 andf 1851),, wry $280,507, Tho —n-i- imoaht'gf money'(MjßffP'nO swtkirg fund in those years waa $©tJJ32,75. So that two thirds of the whole Mtount paid on the state debt, in 1849 and 1850, was. deriv ed lrom this lax upon Estates, passed at tho instance of Col. Bigler, and during the ad ministration of Gov. Shunk ! Johnston may arrogate credit to himself, with as much vehemence as he chooses, for the sinking fund plan projected in 1846 by his competitor, but lie canuot deny that all the monies absorbed by it, have come out of the pockets of the people, aud that the greater part had beeu provided under acts in oxistence before he became Governor. He has been expending money provided by the legislation of Bigler, Shunk, and others, and now impudenily claims the credit of the im proved financial condition ol the common wealth, with which he has had nothing to do, and which it was impossible for him to prevent. The credit of the state, and the ability of the slate to meet its engagements, stand, at this momeet, mainly, upon the acts, already mentioned, of 291h April 1841 and 22nd April 1846 ; and i.f honor is to be giv en in any direction, it is due, in the first place, to the people who have paid the tax es under those acts, out of their earnings, and secondly, to those statesmen who had the sagacity to perceive those sources of revenue, and the boldness and ability to ren der them available, Tli'e only way in which our publio debt can be paid, is by taxation upon the people. Upon them rests the eutire burthen, aud it is a virtual mortgage upon their whole property and industry, and payable by them to tho uttermost farthing. The contrivance by which the taxes are applied upon the debt, is of secondary importance, and deserves but f'tjlit consideration. Away then with these t oastful pretences, founded on the sinking fund, got up for the purpose of de ceiving and deluding the people. Every intelligent person can know, by a moment's reflection, that in Pennsylvania our financial affairs are confided to other hands than those of the Governor, It is to the Stale Treasurer and Auditor General, and to some extent also the Canal Commis sioners, that their management and adminis tration are committed. Johnston has there fore had no control over, or connection with the actual management and administration of the finances of the state, but those important trusts havo been in the hands of It's political opponents. He could not have pre vented the present improved condition of our monetary affairs, and it is ceitain ho has not caused it. The main thing he could do to fa vor the treasury would be to enconomizo in the exponses of the government; but, he spends more monev, than his predecessor Gov. Shunk. The Government expenses un der Shunk's administration, were as follows : For 1845' 8239,304,20. " 1816 216,532,2?. ' 1847 300,113,37. Under Gov. Johnston, the government ex penses have, been For 1849 $237,105,33. 1850 262,899,71. , For the year 1848, during which Gov. Shunk died and was succeeded by Johnston, t!je expenses wero $230,550,78. It is there fore manifest, that instead pf economy uuder the present administration, we have had in creased expenditures. The Governor must stand upon his election eering additions to the sinking fund plan alone, for almost all the laws creating reven ue, were in existence before ho came into office, and have remained untouched since ; and the state finances have beea actually managed, since he came in, by Democratic officers, without the slightest interference, or power to interfere, by him. Prior to Johnston's administration, the claims of domestic creditors and the cancel lation of Relief notes, constituted serious burthens upou the treasury, from which it has been subsequently relieved, and this fact, in connection with the increased pro ductiveness of the publio works, and somo other sources of reveuue with which ttio Govdltfflhas had no concern, has enabled the not only to set apart a fund (not mucTMixceeding that before applied to cancel relief notes,) to be applied on the state debt; but also, lo mako appropriations to the Portage Railroad, and tiro North Branch Canal. The extent of Johnston's friendship for the latter work, in our imme diate neighborhood has been at all limes measured by a calculation of vo'.es. Aud as tire politics of the section interested, have not been agreeablo to lite Executive, apro priatious have been tendered on terms. No longer ago than the last session, the attempt was vigorously made, to mako the North Branch and Portage appropriations, carry a project for issuing a million of small notes ! Money was not grudged—il could be poured out of tne treasury—if voles for a paper swindle were given as the consideration. This proposition was spurned, and the Exe cutive, and the friends of the Executive, succeeded in reducing largely, (against the will of a Democratic House,) the appropria tion to the great outlet from the coal fields of Wyoming to the markets of NeVr York. But I am, perhaps, consuming too much time iu reviewing the financial pretensions of Wm. F. Johnston, as they do not duserve any protracted consideration. Tho unusual pains recently taken, however, to persuade tho people that the Governor is really a fi nancial genius, must be my excuse for the consumption of time in tho remarks already made. THE ABOLITION QUESTION. At the session of the Legislature in 1850, ( owing iu part lo the discussions in Congress I on the subject of slavery, attention was j strongly directed to our act of 1817, on tho subject of kidnapping, &c. That act was , introduced, avowedly, to conform our State legislation to) tho decisionoorf r tho Supreme Court of the U. S. in.the case of Frlgg vs. the Comtttonweahh, and it was passed without discussion, or particular examination. When it came to be examined, however, it was found to be highly objectionable, and its repeat was promptly proposed and pressed. The repealing act, was pushed through the House at the session of 1850, but feel in the Senate. At the session of 1851, it was intro duced into the Senato amended so as to re peal only the 6th section of the act ol 1817, and in that shape passed the Senate and House, and was sent to the Governor. He has, thus far, t mothered it by a pocket veto, and will, probably be ready, after obtaining the Abolition vote at the coming election, to return it to the Legislature next winter with his objections. Now, gentlemen, what is the character of this act of 1817, and how do parties stand toward it, at this moment, in the state ? Leading provisions of the act aro copied from a law of Massachusetts, which tho present Whig National adminis tration, about tho time of the distur bances, flatly pronounced to bo unconstitu tional. You will recollect, that at the time of the Boston outrages, the President and Mr. Webster wero in tribulation upon the subject; and wrote proclamations and let ters of a very patriotic character, imploring and enjoining their former Abolition allies, to pay some regard to appearances and the laws of the Union. In these patriotic effu sions, or some of them, with a great deal of truth and justice' tho Massachusetts act, creating obstructions to tbe reclamation of fugitive slaves was declared to be unconsti tutional ; which stinging condemnation would, of course, apply to our act of 1847, derived as essential parts of it were, from the act of Massachusetts. Almost all our political heresies iii Pennsylvania, aro some how derived from Old England, or New England; but among them all, Abolitionism j is the most destructive and deadly. It is an - Upas tree, within the poisonous shadow of; which nothing green can flourish, and un-J less we extirpate it before it take deep root j in our soil, and spread wide its branches, il will blight the whole land as with a curse ! I Already, we have the spectacle of a struggle in Pennsylvania,, between thoso..who are loyal to tho constitution of the Union, and ' those who disregard and contemn its in- j junctions. An act has been adroitly slipped in among oar statutes, which is both uncon stitutional, and insulting to other states of the Union; and the struggle has gone on for two years, in regard to its repeal. And it stands yet among the laws of tho state, un touched; for no reason in tho world, except that the Governor pf the stale has been op posed to its repeal His position has given him power to check for a time the will of the people; and he has thus -far used that p'6wer to prevent the repeal of the act. The repeal bill, which passed the House in 1850, was smothered in the Senate, where the Executive oould control results. At the session of 1851, the repeal bill was intro duced in the senate early in the session, by Mr. McCaslin of Greene county; but a mo ' tion to proceed to its consideration was voteiS down by the friends of the Executive. Af terwards, wliqor public opinion compelleJ action on tho stibjecttße bill was taken up in the Senate, nnijfKrc' up and emasculated until there was nothing left of il but a pro vision repealing the Glh section of the act of 1847. In this shape, it passed by a strong vote, and went to the House. It was obvious that executive influence was used in the House on tho subject, and as a conss qucnce, when the bill came up there for action every political friend of the Executive, except two, voted against it. One of these two inde pendent voters was Alexander E. Brown of Northampton, a man immensely superior to Johnston in ability and everything else that goes to ir.ake up public churacter, and who did not choose lo turn Abolitionist at the beck of the Executive. But the bill, razeed d.pwn as it had been by the Senate, passed the House and went lo Johnston, and went into his breeches pocket, and remains there to this time, nn. signed and inoperative. That is tho plain history of the transaction ; commencing with the session of 1850, and onJing with tho pocketing of the bill by John-ton in 1851. You will recollect, gentlemen, that Free Soil was the toast in 1818, and that by the rule of contraries, it elected a slaveholder President. What is more lo the present purpose, Johnston conceives it elected hint. Ilis speeches, in fact, ip that campaign were specimens in their way and constructed upon the principle of Taper and Tadpole in D'lsraeli's Coningshy. Thoso worthies were politicians, as the story represents them, and upon one occasion wero in tabu lation for ait election cry. Now, iu the judgment of tho Tapers, Tadpoles, and Johnston's of politics, an election requires a watchword or cry, as much as a sermon re quires a text, or a newspaper a motto; and upon the occasion referred to, the story be ing of English location, the cfy got up after much cogitation was, "our young Queen and our old Institutions!" Johnston's election cry ' in 1818, was, ' The Tariff and Free Soil;" with a special emphasis upon Tariff in the iron and coal counties of the Stato, and a special emphasis upon Free Soil in Bradl'oul, Mercer, and other localities, where an anti slavery sentiment was supposed to prevail. For the first time, iu the history of the state, a candidate for Governor was seen upon tho Stump, traversing the stale in all directions, and appealing to every popular impulse ac cording to locality and interest. The Gov ernor conceives, that if was to this system of tactics, that he owed his election, and that of all the sttings to his bow in that campaign, it wsas that of free soil in particu lar, that bore for him the arrow cf power upon its tremblings. Basing his calculations upon that result, he has deliberately chosen to ally himself more closely with tho Abolitionists, in the expectation that they will assist |o carry him successfully through the present campaign. He lias stood, and he now stands, with them against the regpal of the scandalous and unconstitutional act of (847. He has open-' ly proclaimed his hostility to the Compto- I miso measures of Congress. He has in the most emphatic manner suggested further agitation of the slavery question, in full ! view of the evils an J mischiefs which such agliailUU WCrti* ... - , ■— , 1 and advocates the amendment of tho Fugi- j live Slave act, when the purpose and result j of such amendment, can be nothing else, I than to destroy its vitality and defeat its operation! It tho people of Pennsylvania desire to ; abolilionizo tho Slate, so far as the election ' of an Executive can effect such result they have now tbe g< 1 ten opportunity. But they will not endorse a candidate who has been tried and fou.id wanting, and whose success wouldplace our noble stato In a position both humiliating and dangerous. . Il is high lime that the peoplo of Penn sylvania awake to the results depending upon their action. The hypocrisy, fanati cism and selfishness, whieh enter into the abolition agitations, render them disgusting to the attentive observes, brrt do not deprive j them ol tliair capacity for mischief. An 1 unscrupulous man, uniting himself with j impure elements of commotion, may inflict j lasting injury upon society. Regarding only i his personal and temporary interests, and i caroiess of the rights and interests of others he looks not to the ultimate consequences of his conduct, however destructive und direful. It by pandering to the dark and j i deadly spirit of discord, he can accomplish J a temporary purpose, lie regards not what i may follow. A man like Johnston, Gover-1 ' nor of the second stale of the Union in rc- | j gard lo population and power, and from his j i position necessarily at the head of a large : I political party, has a temporary capacity for\ mischief of fearful magnitude. An intrigue j or combination by him with tho Abolition- | ists commits his party for tho time being, aud ( if ho is still supported, and especially if be I is successful the union iv consolidated which he had planned for selfish purposes. ' Connections thus formed, sanctioned by j common effort, and common peril, are not! to be shaken off after lite occasion has ' passed that produced them. To go back- \ ward to an indepepdent position, is imprac- \ ticable; and the result is, that the connec tion planned by selfishness, and which lends to evil, bcoomes knit and cemented by time. There is a plain and infulliblo remedy in this case—and it is comprised in the word —defeat. Nothing extinguishes a dema gogue, or dangerous politician like beating [Two Dollars per AUBBB* NUMBER 30- him. Tt not oMy deprives'frim personally of the power to do mischief, but it crushes his niltßpls and combinations, and deters othersjwom attempting the same career. It is well said, Gentlemen, by William Cobbelt, that "the experience of the world has proved, that commotion, wheu once 011 foot, is seldom limited to the accomplish ment of its original object." Observe tbo progress of agitation as it goes on, step by step, in its mission of evil! Who would have slated it fivo years ago, as a matter of dispute in Pennsylvania, that the provision of the constitution tor the rendition of fugi tive slaves, should be enforced in good faith—that it should not bo cavilled at. nulli fied or. evaded i Observe, the agitation of 1848 was solely against tho extension of clavery into the territories , anil was accom panied with the strongest disavowals of any attempt to tamper with the institutions in the Stales. These were empty professions; J how unfounded and false the result hus | shown. For the adjustment of nit tho ter ritorial questions has not disposed of agita- I tion and clamor. They rage as liealea ar.d | vindictive as ever, and will never he satis- I fied until the constitution is trampled in the dust, and the union broken in fragments j For, abolitionism is the cmbodtetf jji'n't of j destruction, and its cravings arc remorseless ' and insatiate ns the grave. No concessions j will conciliate it tr modify the bitterness of its spirit. It is a blind and uucalculatjog antago | nisi of our system of confederate go.'omment; i and regardless of results,sceks in the work of 1 destruction the gratification of its deadly j and insensate p ssious. I Let no one assert that thero are no solid | grounds for apprehension upon this subject i Behold the Methodist Episcopal Church—a religious bo.ly among tho most prosperous J and powerful— rent in twain by nn abolition j agitation! A few years since it was an j united body, embracing all die slates in its action. It is now divided, audits divisions are waging a lawsuit with each other in re lation to the property of die church. Tnko j tli.s case; the/u.t of this rupture, with j out going over the merits of die dispute; and j weighty instruction and. warning may be { drawn from it. Ils.oisa groat eccbsia'ti | cal organization, threading the whole co :n --i try with its circuits and missions, and em •b c iig the win la. coantry in its action, i Tliore who foundeJ it in this coun ry, and ' labored to build it up, and perpetuate its ! ttselulncss and power;—the men who car ! ried it into rcmoto settlements, and gave it footing in cities and towns—were actuated • as were those who founded our political rn. 1 etitulions, by a common spirit of unity,.con j cord and zeul. But disputes about slavery produced disunion, and the southern and northern conferences have gone off from I each oilier, to revolve in orb of narrower circle than those in which they formerly moved. ■ 1 1 Now, Gentlemen, what shall hinder tho aame result in our political system, from the same causu ? Nothing whatever can pre vent it, but a prompt, stern, steady and vig orous crushing down of abolitionism among ns, by all lawful and legitimate means. To Umper whh it is to surrender to its power. To unite with it for election purposes, and achieve success in its company, is to give it control of our aftor action. For, by a law of association, its passions will become ours j union of mcfo it.- T.ook al Massachusetts", "Hew ~ Ohio. Politicians in those stales, looking to Abolitionism as. an. element ol.success, have knelt to it and nursed it, until it has become powerful and insolent. It has gathered to itself, and uses fot its own purposes, those who formerly stooped for its aid. Are we destined to such humiliation in Pennsylvania? No! the elect on.of Col. Bigler will amionuce to nil, that in thestalc of Franklin and I'e in, the victory is to him who does not "sloop to ccpirjuer" but spurning all intrigues, stands .forth an open and manly advocate of good faith and good feeling among the Sia'es of the; Union. The defeat of sncli a demagogue as John ston would be salutary al any time, but un der existing circumstances it deserves to be ranked in llio highest class of public blsss ings. _ j If I speak with warmth on this subject it ij because I have viewed it with attention and have formed convictions in relation to it, of a decided character. Head the conclusion of Johnston's message of 18 til ; and his spe cial message of 1850, which the House re fused to print hy reason of the rankness of its abolitionism—and then tell me, whether bis defeat is not meiited and indispensable. And it is coming ! —a defeat as crushing as it will bo just—and standing out, to future time, as a beacon of warping to all politi cians of easy virtue and tliircnipiiiOua ca reer. • An editor's Wrddiig. Mr. Francis W. Itice, a native of Saco, for several years associate editor of the Olive Branch, and recently one of the editors of llie California Courier, was not long since married in Panama, to one of the ladies of that oily A correspondent of the New York Herald thus describes the wedding, of whieit he was a witness. Mr. llice was last week visiting Ids friends ill Suco, with Ids tropi*, cal bride, and they are, we believe, about to make a tour through Europe. "A week since one of llio most elegant weddings took place which has ever been witnessed in Panama. The parties wero Mr. Francis W. llicp,. one of the editors of the California Courier, ard Senorila Donna Jo* sefa Dolores Arosemeua. The Senorita Jo seta is about niuoleen years of nge, petite, but extremely elegant and brilliant, and has broken the hearts of at least a dozen Panamanos. But somehow or other, editors are great favorites with wo-! men, and it is all folly for outsiders to expect to compete with them before the shriue of Venus.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers