ning, then, Mr. President. for an idle abstrac
tion or a vain delusion ?
I have no pleasure, sir, in this kind of talk.
As God is my judge, my heart is not in it at
all. lamin no spirit of crimination. I stand
between the extremes here of the North and
the South, getting but little countenance or
sympathy from either side. But 1 stand for
my country, for the Union of these States, for
the cause of justice and humanity, for the
right, for duty and fidelity on ad hands, and
Against a fratricidal war at all times and in
every contingency.
I have already said that I do not hold south
ern men blameless on this subject. They have
indulged a spirit of recrimination and retalia
tion toward the North neither wise nor philo
sophical; and it cannot be denied that a vexa
tious system of espionage has been kept np in
some southern States as to northern men visit
ing that region, and in some instances cruel
and condign punishment inflicted upon them
is a manner disgraceful to the age, and well
calculated to provoke aggression and hostility.
They have, in addition, been unnecessarily
sensitive and exacting on unimportant points,
and at times have left the impression that
nothing that the northern people could do or
Bay would relieve their apprehensions or as.
suage their feelings. As for secession, I am
utterly against it. I deny the right, and I ab
hor the conseqnenees ; but I shall indulge in
no argument on that point. It is no remedy
for any one of the evils lamented; and in my
judgment, it will aggravate rather than remove
them; and, in addition, superinduce countless
others of a more distressing and destructive
character. "It, were wiser to bear the ills we
have than fly to others we know not of." Will
dissolution arrest aggressions upon the rights
of the South ? Will it extend the area of their
peculiar institutions? Will it break up the
machinations of those who conspire to carry
off slave property ? Will it assuage the pop
ular feeling in the North as to slavery ? Will
it give additional security to the holders of
slaves ? and will it prevent insurrection ? In
my judgment, it will do none of these things.
Nor can it by any possibility improve the ma
terial interests of either section of the Union;
and I do not intend to dwell upon the question
cif material interests in considering the value
Of the Union. If we could have two republics
of equal size, and live in harmony and in un
restrainedcommercial and political intercourse,
the national growth might not be seriously af
fected. But would this revolution stop with
two republics ; and can peaceful relations be
maintained ? Both is possible; but neither
the one nor the other is probable. If once
disruption becomes permanent, the history of
the world would seem to teach that subdivisions
would follow until the American Union would
be divided into a score or more of petty, wrang
ling, and demoralized republics, exciting only
the pity and contempt of the world.
Acknowledging the justice of the complaints
of the southern States to no inconsiderable ex
tent, I deprecate with all my heart the remedy
they pursue, and am prepared to resist it by
all proper and peaceful means in my power.
Even if the right of secession were clear, Mr.
President., I maintain that justice and good
faith to the other States require that redress
for alleged grievances to the South should first
be sought at the hands of the people, the foun
tain of political authority, and in the forms
prescribed in the Constitution. The southern
States should have petitioned Congress for a
convention of States to revise the Constitution
and remove the grievances of which they coin
plain. In this way they could have ascertained
the real sentiments and intentions of the north
ern people towards them, and the great alter
natives of continued Union or peaceful separa
tion could have been determined upon. This
Was the course of our fathers in reference to
the old confederation, which was intended to
be perpetual, but was changed because it did
not answer the purpose for which it was crea
ted. Let our southern friends follow this ex
ample, even at this late day, and all may be
yet saved. Better counsels will prevail in such
a body than in Congress. Men will come fresh
from the people, unembarrassed by party poli
tics end partyplatforms. This refused by the
North, and then, and not till then, could vio
lent remedies with any show of justice be in
voked. The Constitution was intendedto meet
just such exigencies as now surround us; and
hence, no provision was made for the separa
tion of the States, and none for the coercion of
States into obedience to the fundamental law
of the Union. The men who made the Consti
tution were in the practice of that peaceful
remedy at the time, and doubtless intended to
leave the sameremedy, and none other to pos
terity. This remedy should still be embraced,
unless Congress should promptly submit to the
States some measure of pacification and re
union.
No one pretends that the right of secession
is given in the Constitution; and no one can
seriously pretend that, if practiced by a State,
the act is not, to some extent, a violent one,
and in derogation of the rights and interests of
the other States. The right or wrong of it in
the estimation of the world, like the right or
wrong of revolution, must depend in no incon
siderable degree upon the sufficiency or insuffi
ciency of the reasons that induced it, and the
consequences resulting therefrom. I think the
reasons insufficient, and the remedy not only
futile, but unjust to others. I deplore it., I
deprecate the movement with all my heart;
and I would be willing to wield any proper
power in the Government, any peaceful means,
to arrest the movement, so that men might be
induced to look before they leap. But it is
said, on the other side, that the authority of
the Government of the United States must be
vindicated; that rebellion, sedition, and insur
rection must be put down, the Union saved,
and the laws executed at all hazards. On these
points, and as to the duty and powers of the
Government I concur mainly in what was said
by the Senator from Illinois. No man denies
that the laws should be executed; but if the
people of a sovereign State, by a common - voice,
and in authoritative form, threw off their allegi
ance to the Federal Government, and acknowl
edged another, how are you to execute the laws
within such a State, or carry out any one of
the functions of the Federal Government? To
execute the laws, suppress insurrection, and
put down rebellion, is a nice theory, and plea
sant talk; but will gentlemen tell us how it can
be done against the united voice of a sovereign
State ? When the people have thrown off their
allegience to the General Government, and ac
knowledge only that. of the State, the Federal
Government may command the citizen to do
one thing, but his allegiance to the State would
require him to do another; and so he is bound
hand and foot. You cannot carry mails, hold
courts, nor collect revennee with the army,
even if yon had a large one; but with all the
army this Government has at present, such a
work would be idle. What then? Shall we
recognize the States now claiming to be out of
the Union as de facto Governments, and wage
war against them, to regain the jurisdiction of
the United States within iheirrespective limits?
Before we do this. let us look at the fearful
alternatives. Such a war would not involve a
contest with five States only, but with twelve
or fifteen. He is a madman who closes his
eyes to this fact. However much the border
States may deprecate the action of the cotton
States, and however bitterly they may lament
that action and denounce it, if you please, they
have, with scarce an exception, declared se
cession -to be the right of any State, and that
no war shall be made on a sister State for the
exercise of that right, however unwise that ex
ercise may seem. Thee, sir, it would be a war
with fifteen States on one side and eighteen on
the other. Let Senators who talk of war study
the picture! Nothing in all the sad conse
quences of dissolution can be so blasting and
horrible, as tmeh a war, even though it pre
sented the hope of re-establishing the Union.
But how fallacious -and delusive must be the
ides of . union through such .means! It in•
Taves ttbs practice of disuniosi.of the most fe
tal type. Let war once commence, and the
Union is gone forever. What would be the
purpose of the war? It must either be to
chastise the offending States, to gratify feelings
of hostility against them, to vindicate the hon
or and dignity of the Government:, or recon
struct the Union; but it would fail to accom—
plish the one or 'the other. What good end
then will it - stibserve to shed the blood Of oni
race and kindred, who separate from us politi
callybecause they hive believed they were
not treated as equals? States cannot be biought
back into the Union, or kept in the Union, by
the sword. It is impossible. Ours is a Gov
ernment of consent, and must be sustained by
good will and fraternal affection. By what
earthly means can you compel a sovereign
State to perform the functions of a member of
this Confederacy against her will? Can you
make her citizens hold office? Can you make
them regard your laws ? Can you compel
them to elect members of Congress, and can
members of Congress be forced to serve ? Can
you collect revenues or taxes where no man ,
will perform the office of tax-gatherer? It j 8
idle. I say, therefore, that coercion is a mere
phrase, a sheer delusion. Toe idea of thirty
three States, that failed to live in fraternal
union, being reunited by a long and bloody
war, is startling. No, sir, this never can be.
And in saying this, I do not mean to say that
I would not force all the States to remain, if I
believed it possible ; for no greater service
could be rendered them.
In my opinion, secession is the worst possible
remedy for the evils complained of by the south
ern States, and coercion the maddest of all the
remedies suggested for secession. The States
ought to live in fraternal bonds ; but if they
will not, shall one-half put the other to the
sword ? Such a war would be one of extermi
nation. Neither side could ever conquer ; and
if the northern States could conquer, what
would they do with the southern States as pro
vinces ? The Senator from Virginia met that
point the other day so completely that I need
not discuss it. But God forbid that war should
ever begin ! lam against it lam for peace;
and I am ready to grant anything in reason to
reconcile the discontented States and the of
fended people. lam ready to implore them to
remain in the Union ; lam ready to fight for
their constitutional rights to the last hour;
but to shed a brother's blood in a fratricidal
war, I shall be ready—never ! never I
But still I have au abiding faith that the
nation tan be saved ; not by mere hosannas to
the Union, though I like them exceedingly.—
It will require works as well as faith. When
Rome was in the full tide of her decline, it was
the boast of the Romans that, while the Colli
seum stands, Rome will stand. The boast was
vain; for "time's effacing finger" ever points to
the fallacy of the expectation. The humbled
pride and departed grandeur of the One Mis
r tress of the world are a fitting commentary
upon worldly ambition. Still, the American
boast, that while the Union stands, America
will stand, is far more wise and rational. But
means must be used. Then, boasts may be
indulged. The adoption of the resolutions of
the Senator from Kentucky, by the vote of all
parties in Congress, would at once give assu
rance of re-union and continued union, and
would be the voice of peace and good will
throughout the land. What a blessed message
it would be to go trembling over the wires from
State to State, from city to city, from town to
town, hill to valley, and from house to house,
throughout this broad land ; and how many
hearts would impulsively thank God for his
mercies! Our Government is too young to
end now. Comparatively speaking, it is in its
infancy. It has only seen the years of a very
old man; and some there are still alive who
lived before independence. Can it be that its
existence is to be so limited, so fleeting ? a sky
rocket among the nations, to rise and shine for
a brief period, and then sink to rise no more ?
I do not believe this. God has more in store
for America than this. It required the Roman
empire about five hundred years to reach the
climax of its greatness, and about an equal
period to decline and fall. Babylon had existed
sixteen centuries when the mysterious charac
ters on the wall gave the affrighted king notice
that the time of its downfall was at hand. The
Athenian Government existed more than twelve
times the period which ours has been in exist
ence. The English Government has seen over
six centuries since the days or Magna Charts;
the American Union has not seen one. Could
it be now saved and reconstructed, as far as
broken, might we not hope that its foundations
were to be deeper and firmer than ever; that
the ordeal through which it is now passing
would root its foundations more effectively and
completely in the affections of the people?
But Senators talk of war ; and it disturbs no
man's nerves that widely separated States and
communities should do so. The men of the
arctic regions of the United States, away up in
Maine and Vermont and Massachusetts, can
shake their gory locks at those inhabiting a
neck of hind in the tropics of America, known
as Florida; and the Floridians, in turn, may
manifest a belligerent design. Such a fight
will be bloodless; but it will be far otherwise
with the free and slave States, bordering on
each other, should that be the line of division.
They will be within striking distance, and to
them this war will be no idle bravado. It will
be a matter of life and death. Look at the po
sition of my own glorious old State. No broad
river, or high mountain, or deep chasm, or high
wall, divides her from the slaveholding States.
From the waters of the Ohio to those of the
Delaware, her broad side lies nestling close up
against the sides of her slaveholding sisters.—
First, on the west, comes Virginia, then Mary
land, and then, full up in her generous bosom,
rests her little sister Delaware, with the heads
of both reclining on the banks of the river
where, at the same moment, the rays of the
morning sun may kiss the brow of both, For
four hundred miles, from the Ohio to the Dela-
ware, her south side reclines against the north
aide of slaveholding States ; mountain to moun
tain, hill to hill, valley to valley, farm to farm,
neighborhood to neighborhood, brother to bro
ther, sister to sister,
hand to hand, and heart
to heart. The line has been, to fraternal cit
izens on either side, imaginary; they have
passed froth the North to the South, and from
the South to the North, without even a thought
that it marked the beginning of a people
strangers to each other, much less aliens and
enemies. All along this line there has been
marrying and giving in marriage. The sons of
Virginia have married the daughters of Penn
sylvania, and the sons of Pennsylvania have
married the daughters of Virginia, and so has
it been with Maryland and Delaware. That
line is sanctified by all the ties that can endear
men to each other—political and commercial
ties; ties of interest and custom; ties of con-
sanguinity and affection.
Great God ! Are all these to be severed ? Is
this line to mark the boundaries of enemies?
Impossible! Humanity and justice forbid it.
Pennsylvania will never become the enemy of
Virginia. Pennsylvania will never draw the
sword on Virginia ; ' and she is no lees affection
ate to her other eieters. In good faith she has
performed her part in peace and in war. For
many long years she has endeavored to stay
the tide of disaffection and alienation between
the to o sections. She luxe been truly the key
stone of the Federal arch, and the bulwark of
the rights of her sisters. Like some mighty
peninsula between two heaving seas, she has
resisted and rolled back the waves of discord
and strife ; but alas I the waves have risen
higher and higher, and she is quite submerged,
unt'l her counsels of peace are powerless.
For myself, I have but a few days longer to
serve here, when I shall return to share her
fate. She is my mother, and I love her with
filial affection. She has made me what little I
am; and though at times she has cherished and
caressed, and then frowned—whether smiling
or frowning—l love her still. Frowning though
last she-has been, she is just, and generous ;
and come 'what May—oeaoe or war, weal or
woe—her cause will be my cause: 1 say to her
in this . presence, in the-Am:foiling language, of;
ineffable love " Whither thou goest I will
go ; where thou lodgest I will lodge; thy people
shall be my people; and thy god my God.'
CIF 'l.l atrint & Union.
FRIDAY MORNING, JAN. 25, 1861
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DEMOCRATIC STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE,
A meeting of • the Democratic State Executive Com
mittee will be held at the lIIIRLILER HOUSE, Harris
burg, on Wednesday, January 90,1861, at 3 &dock. p. m.
Democratic papers in the State wil please copy.
WILLIAM H. WELSH, Chairman.
Interesting Correspondence.
The subjoined correspondence, between a
number of prominent and influential Democrats
of Philadelphia and the lion, Wit. 11, WELsist,
Chairman of the Democratic State Executive
Committee, shows the general desire pervading
the party that a State Convention should be
summoned at an early day, to take into con
sideration the distracted state of the country,
and devise, if possible, some means whereby
the Union may be perpetuated. It will be ob
served that it is proposed to hold a general
Mass Convention. We regard this suggestion
as eminently proper. Whatever is done should
be done quickly. There is not time to go
through the usual machinery of electing dele
gates by County Conventions; and, under the
circumstances, it would probably be better for
the State Committee, in accordance with the
desire here expressed, to call a Mass Conven
tion at the earliest day possible.
This plan would bring together leading men
from all sections of the State anxious for the
welfare of the Union, and insure a free expres
sion of opinion. In this connection we take the
liberty of suggesting that the call issued by the
State Committee should be so framed as to em
brace all conservative citizens of the State who
are desirous that these unhappy difficulties
should be settled by compromise, without re
gard to their previous political associations.—
We have no doubt that there are many men who
voted for LINCOLN who abhor the unyielding
course of the nitra•Republieans, and who would
eagerly embrace an opportunity of taking a po
sition in the Union ranks.
In ease the State Committee yield to these
suggestiomi,we shall urge the best men through
out the State to impart character and influence
to the Convention by attending it in person.
PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 21, 1861
To William H. Welsh, Esq., Chairman of the
Democratic State Committee :—Sin : In the exist
ing terrible crisis of the affairs of the country.
five States having already left the Union, and
the danger being imminent of the entire South
following them, the constitutional organization
of the great State of Penneylania is most un
happily in the temporary possession of a mi
nority, who abuse their power to misrepresent
the inclinations and earnest wishes of our peo
ple, which are, beyond all doubt, to restore
peace and harmony by conciliating our South
ern brethren by those concessions so justly due,
which are obstinately denied them by their and
our political adversaries.
Under these circumstances it is the belief of
the undersigned, and in this they think they
reflect the opinions of the Democratic citizens
generally of their part of the State, that the
only means by which Pennsylvania can be
placed in a position to utter the patriotic senti
ments of her heart, so necessary to be made
known at this juncture, is through a general
State Convention, and that the proper way of
reaching a call upon the people to assemble in
Convention is through the Central Committee.
The undersigned, therefore, representing to
you, as the Chairman of that Committee, that a
rally of the Democratic party, and a very early
one, for there is no time to be lost, seems to be
essential I o the safety of the country, and moot
especially with a view of operating upon the
movements of the Border Southern States, now
immediately about to meet in their several Con
ventions, respectfully request of you to call
together the Central Committee at a day not
later than nest Saturday, the 26th inst., to take
into consideration the question of inviting the
people forthwith to elect delegates to a Con
vention of the Democratic party, at once to be
assembled, to adopt such measures and course
of action as they may deem wise and necessary
in the present alarming and unprecedented
condition of the political offairs of the Union.
We are your fellow-citizens,
Ellis Lewis, James Campbell,
J. Randall, William B. Reed ,
D. Salomon,
Horn R. Kneass, Charles J. Biddle,
Robert P. Kane, William Weandless,
C. J. Ingersoll, Harry Ingersoll ,
James Page,
W. L. Hirst,
C. Macslasts;
William E. Lehman, Samuel J. Randall,
Robert Tyler, James C. Van Dyke,
John B. Chapron, C. Ingersoll,
Owen Jones, William Ernst,
George Williams, W. 0. Kline,
Williim Morgan, Joseph Lippincott,
C. M'Kibbin, J. Hamilton, Jr„
S. D. Anderson, Vincent L. Bradford,
A. V. Parsons, Samuel Hepburn,
Benjamin H. Brewster, Benjamin Patton,
Hugh Clark, J. B. Baker,
B. E. Monaghan, Jobn Campbell, -
J. F. Johnston,
SENATE CHAMBER,
•HAIMEIBURG, 48,11. 24,1861, f
GIINTLEMEN :—Your communication dated ,
January 21st, 1861, reached me last evening.
Before I received it I had already determined
to convene the " Democratic State Executive
Committee," in , accordance with the wishes of
a- large 'llumbei of 'our :Democratic brethren,
exprmed to me personally and by letter
The present crisis in our national affairs de
George H. Martin,
Henry M. Phillips,
Stephen Benton,
John C. Bnllitt,
mends decided action on the part of the Democ
patsy of Pennsylvania. If the voice of the
people be heard in reference to the perils sur
rounding our Confederacy, I believe that it will
give a powerful and overwhelming expression
in favor of conciliation and compromise.; That
voice can now be heard only through the Demo
cratic organization. All hope of relief from
the Republican majority in our Legislature has
passed away ; and the olive branch must now be
borne by the conservative and patriotic citizens
of this Commonwealth, who are willing "to
restore'peace and harmony by conciliating our
Southern brethren by those concessions so
justly due, which are so obstinately denied
them by their and our political adversaries."
Very respectfully your obedient servant,
WILLIAM H. WELSH,
Chairman of Dem. State Executive Com
To Hon. ELLis Lams and others.
Senator Bigler.
We publish this morning, to the exclusion of
almost everything else, the masterly speech of
Senator Bigler, delivered in the Senate of the
United States on the 21st inst., to which we
earnestly call the attention of our readers.
This speech is worthy the occasion that called
it forth, and commends itself to every man who
is desirous of correct information on the all-ab
sorbing subject of the impending national cri
sis. We bespeak for it a careful perusal; be
cause it is one of the very best efforts that has
been made during the session.
During the entire session Senator Bigler has
borne himself in gallant style in favor of the
Union, and in his late effort has given ample
proof of his devotion to his country, as well as
of his ability to fill the high trust which he
has occupied in the qpited States Senate for
the past six years, a trust which he will lay
down on the 4th of March next with the plau
dit from a grateful people—" Well done, good
and faithful servant."
PENN'A LEGISLATURE.
SENATE
THURSDAY, Jan. 24, 1861.
The Senate was called to order at 11 o'clock by
the SPEAKER. Prayer by the Rev. Mr. Col
der.
The SPEAKER laid befor the Senate a com
munication from the Auditor General, in rela
tion to the liability of certain canal companies
to taxation. Ordered to be printed in the
Record.
BILLS IN PLACE
Mr. KETCHAM, a supplement to the not
incorporating the Milford and Owego turnpike
company.
Mr. FULLER, an act to repeal so much of an
act to consolidate and revise the Penal Code as
relates to the arrest of fugitive slaves.
Mr. PARKER, an act to incorporate the
Central market company, of Philadelphia.
Also, an act to change the boundaries of the
Fourth and Fifth wards, in Philadelphia.
Also, an act to repeal an act in relation to
fees of the District Attorney.
Mr. FENDT,Ei, an act to incorporate the Lu
cesco oil company.
Mr. IRISH, a supplement to an act for the
better preservation of game.
Mr. BOUGHTER, an act requiring the State
Treasurer to refund certain moneys to U. R.
Tracy, superintendent of the Dauphin and
Susquehanna coal company.
Mr. HAMILTON, an act relative to the pay
ment of costs in criminal cases, in Lancaster
county.
ORIGINAL RESOLUTION
Mr. SMITH'S resolution, appointing the
'isters and folders assisrant-doorkeepers, came
up on second reading, and passed.
BILLS CONSIDERED.
Mr. IMBRIE . called up the House bill to
change the time stud place of holding the elec
tion for borough and district-school officers in
the borough of Orwigsburg ; which was passed
finally.
The act incorporating the Penn gas coal
company came up on the orders of the day.
Mr. FULLER moved to postpone indefinitely;
which motion he subsequently withdrew, and
on motion of Mr. NICHOLS, the bill was post
poned for-the present.
Mr. IMBRIE called up House bill No. 18,
entitled "An Act relative to treasurers' sales in
the county of Beaver;" which was passed
finally.
Mr. SMITE moved that when the Senate ad
journ to-day, it adjourn to meet on Monday
neat, at 8 o'clock; which was not agreed to—
yeas 12, nays 16.
Mr. HALL called up House bill No. 54, "A
supplement to the act incorporating the Clear
field and Tyrone railroad company ;" which
was passed finally.
Mr. PARKER called up House bill, entilited
"An Act to incorporate the Eagle library.cem
pany;" which was passed finally.
Mr. WELSH called up the House bill, enti
tled "An Act to incorporate the Weaver skating
club;" which was passed finally.
Mr. BLOOD called up a bill in relation to a
road commissioner in Forrest county; which
passed finally.
_ _
Mr. LAWRENCE moved to re-consider the
resolution relative to adjourning until Monday;
which was agreed to. The resolution was again
read and passed—yeas 17, nays 9.
The SPEAKER laid before the Senate a com
munisation from the Secretary of the Common
wealth, in relation to the number of copies of
Rogers' Geological Survey remaining in his
office.
Mr. IRISH moved that 2,000 additional copies
of the School Report, in pamphlet form, be
printed for the use of the Senate ; which was
agreed to.
On motion of Mr. IRISH, adjourned.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, Jan. 24, 1861
The House was called to order at 11 o'clock
a. m., by the SPEAKER, and prayer was de
livered by Rev. Mr. Carson.
Leave of absence was granted to sundry mem
bers, otter which the MAKER announced
the special order.
SPECIAL ORDER.
The special order was the consideration of
the following resolutions of Mr. ARMSTRONG,
of Lycoming :
Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre
sentative., of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
in General Assembly met, That we recoguize
the Constitution of the United States as the
supreme law of the land, and that all laws en
acted either by Congress or the Legislatures of
the several States which are contrary to its
provisions are null and void.
Resolved 2. That the laws of the United
States are of paramount authority in every
State of the Union upon all matters within the .
exclusive jurisdiction of Congress, and that
any attempt on the part of a State, by State
laws, to annul or hinder their due execution, is
in violation of both the letter•and spirit of the
obligations due from the people of each State
to the General Government and to each other.
Resolved 3. That the citizens of this State,.
i n common with the citizens of other of the
free States, have just cause to complain that
their constitutional rights have been denied to ,
them in some of the slave States; that , the
freedom of the press and of speech have been'
abridged ; the rights of personal' Security have,
been violated;; they have been on 'frequent oc
casions arrested, imprisoned and punished
without trial, - even to the taking of life, by.
lawless violence, and 'without , interference 'on
their -behalf bg the, constituted authorities o ft ;
the State; iyetore.._believeAhet,the Othedy Dirt,
these, and all other grievances between the
citizens of the several States, is in the Union
and under the laws of the land.
Resolved 4. That we recognize the right of
every slave State to regulate and control sla
very within her limits, each in its own' way,
subject only to the Constitution of the United
States ; and that we deny the right of Con
,gressicn• any of the other States to interfere
with it, either to limit, modify, abolish or con
trol it within such State ; but, on the contrary,
it is the duty of Conoress, liken required, to
suppress insurrections and domestic violence
by military force if necessary.
Resolved 6. That it is contrary to the first ar
ticle of amendment to the Constitution of the
United States and to the seventh section of the
ninth article of the Constitution of Pennsylva
nia to abridge the freedom of speech or of the
press, and contrary, not only to both these
constitutions but to the genius of free govern
ment, to submit either to any other control
than the responsibility for its abuse; and whilst
we deprecate every abuse of such freedom, we
cannot, in the interests of any section or peo
ple, offer so great :a sacrifice even upon the
altar of peace as their subjection to any other
restraint.
Resolved 6. That the Territories of the Uni
ted States previous to their recognition as
States are under the exclusive control of Con
gress, which has the right to make all needful
rules and regulations respecting them; that
whilst we do not recognize the doctrine, that
the Constitution of the United States carries
slavery into the Territories, we are in favor of
an adjustment of the whole question of slavery
in the Territories in such manner as shall
settle it forever; and to this end we recom
mend a line, not further north than the Mis
souri Compromise line, to be established
and sanctioned by an amendment to the Consti
tution, whereby in all territory North of such
line slavery shall be forever prohibited, and
South of which neither Congress nor the Ter
ritorial Legislature shall have power to pro
hibit it; and the Territorial Legislature shall
have the exclusive power to regulate and con
trol it in like manner as a State might do, ex
cept only that it shall not during the Territo
rial condition prohibit or abolish it; and the
people of any Territory containing sufficient
population for one Member of Congress in an
area of not less than sixty thousand nor more
than eighty thousand square miles, shall have
the right, preparatory to their admission to
the Union, to adopt a Constitution either ad
mitting or prohibiting slavery, and shall, on
their application to Congress, be admitted, with
or without slavery, as such Constitution may
determine.
Resolved 7. That Pennsylvania is loyal to the
Union and faithful in the observance of the
Constitution and the laws, and in manifesta
tion thereof the Judiciary Committees of both
the Senate and the House are hereby instructed
to inquire whether there is any law jn force in
Pennsylvania which conflicts with her consti
tutional obligations to the Government of the
United States, or which prevents or obstructs
the due execution within her jurisdiction of
any law of the United States; and if there be
any such law to report by bill or otherwise.
Resolved 8. That we cherish for our brethren
of the slaveholding States the most cordial and
fraternal regard, and whilst we claim and in:
sist upon the recognition and protection of all
our constitutional rights, we cheerfully admit
in them an equal and inviolable right to the
same constitutional privileges, and to the equal
and impartial protection of the Government;
that we hold the Union to be the only sure ba
sis of out Continued prosperity and happiness
and the enforcement of the laws an imperative
and unavoidable duty of the General Govern
ment., essential to its preservation and to be
accomplished, if necessary, by its entire civil
and military power ; that secession is revolu
tion, and inevitably leads to war; and that,
in such an emergency, Pennsylvania tenders
to the President of the United States the whole
resources of the State for its suppression.
Mr.. AUSTIN, being entitled to the floor,
proceeded to sustain the resolutions. He re
viewed the Missouri Compromise, and stated
the grounds upon which, in his opinion, mea
sures of concession should he based.
Mr. HOFIUS offered an amendment to the
6th resolution, the substance of which was as
follows :
That when a fugitive slave is rescued, the
Government shall pay for him, collecting the
same from the State and county in which the
rescue takes place.
That all unoccupied territory be divided into
two States, to be admitted into the Union at
once.
That the Government shall pay to each im
pressed mulatto the sum of $lO per day during
the term of his impressed service.
That the Government shall pay certian sums,
ranging from $l,OOO to $20,000, to free white
people who may be maltreated in the - South.
That Southern States shall repeal their illegal
search laws, and the Northern States their un
constutional enactments.
The amendment was lost.
Mr. ARMSTRONG moved that the resolu
tions be postponed until neat Wednesday.
Mr. ROBINSON hoped not. He desired to
get these National questions out of the way, in
order. to.admit State legislation.
Mr. ABBOTT took - the same view. Mr.
BARTHOLOMEW favored the postponement.
Further debate ensued ; and finally it was
agreed to postpone until Wednesday evening
nazi.; at 7 o'clock. •
PETITIONS
Sundry petitions were presented. Among
them was one by Mr. SMITH, of Berks,
pray
ing for relief to a soldier of the war of 1812 ;
also, one by Mr. HECK, from citizens of Dau
phin county, praying for the re-enactment of
the provisions of the law of 1780; also, by
Mr. AUSTIN, one of 100 citizens of Franklin
county, praying that the Tonnage tax may not
be repealed ; and that no further aid, in any
manner, be given to the Sunbury and Erie
railroad.
ORIGINAL RESOLUTIONS
Mr. RANDALL offered a resolution approving
of a National Convention, as suggested by Vir
ginia, and calling a joint convention of the two
Houses to elect five citizens as delegates to that
Convention.
Mr. BALL opposed the present passage of the
resolution.
Mr. RANDALL moved that the further con
sideration be postponed for the present.—
Agreed to.
Mr. HUHN offered the following :
Rdso/tred, That our Senators and Representa
tives be requested to urge the immediate pas
sage of the Morrill or any other safe tariff bill.
Agreed to unanimously, by a vote of 90 ayes.
Mr. SHAFER offered the following ;
Resolved,. That a committee of three be ap
pointed to invite President Lincoln to visit
Harrisburg on his way to Washington. Agreed
to.
Several bills in place were read ; after which
he House adjourned.
LETTER FROM ER-PRESIDENT FILLMORIL—The
Hon. Millard Fillmore was, a few weeks ago,
suggested by a Union meeting in New York,
as a suitable person to go to South Carolina
to tender the people of that State the assuran
ces of the citizens of New York that the North
would respect and uphold the constitutional
rights of the South. This mission Mr. Fillmore
declined, and in his letter remarked
What they. want and what I want, is some
assurance from the Republican party, now
dominant at the North, that they, or at least
the conservative 'poation .of , them; are ready
and willing. to come forward. and • repeal all
, unconstitutional State .laws; live • up to the
ComproMise's of the Constitution, execute the;
laws ..of Congress honestly and faithfully, and.
treat our. Sett thern brethren- ea Mende. , <When
I-can lave•tiny.4uch reliable assurinfee. as. •this.
,th live, ;I willfigo! most( diieerfully and nrge our ,
Southern' ibrathren: to folio* our+ assittplo,nand
restore harmony and fraternal affection between
the North and the South. At present, our la,
hors should be here. Let us put ourßeheß
a nd
right
justice, and tappea l hen we
to cathem.n with more confideneo
A NOVEL BREACH OF PROMISE Cass,,A . ert,
is assigned for trial in the Superior Court, 1 4
week, which• has some peculiar features
Henry L. W. Thacker, a colored man of e n „ 4e
note, sues• Miss Ellen L. M. S. Thoropeenol
white girl, for breach of promise of marriage.
Miss Thompson was for several years a n „.
vent or housekeeper for Thacker, and while i n
that capacity, as she claims, lent him i none ,,
and trusted him for wages. After leavi ng nt a
employ she sued him for the money, wh en be
retaliated by bringing this suit against her, anti
her suit is awaiting the decision of this. Able
and zealous counsel have been employed en
either side, and the trial will probably o ccupy
two or three days. as many witnesses will be
called to show the relations which these p ar .
ties have held to each other. Should a verdict
be given for the Sable suitor, it will be a novel
precedent.—Boston Traveler.
ANOTHER SEIZURE OF UNITED STATES ARMS.
—The New Orleans Delta, of the 13th inst.,
contains the following: "We are informed,
on excellent authority, that at 12 o'clock last
night the entire armament and military stores
of the United States revenue -cutter Lewis Cass
were seized and taken possession of by Capt.
Thomas Rees's independent company of Al
giers Riflemen. This cutter was laid up on th e
opposite side of the river undergoing repairs,
and her armament, consisting of one long
twenty-four pounder and six eight -pound er
carronades, with a large quantity of cannon
halls, powder and other military stores. were
stored in the Belleville Iron Works, an exten
sive brick building that has been unoccupied
for some time."
THE BATTERIES ON THE MISSISSIPPI.—Th e
Louisville Journal is informed by a respectable
Kentuckian direct from Vicksburg, that the
object of the batteries erected at that point by
the State authorities of Mississippi Is to obtain
possession of the steamer ,4 Silver Wave," from
Pittsburg, upon which it was said that United
States ordnance was to be transported to the
South ; and probably to prevent the passage of
federal troops. The same informant says that
three of the military companies of Mississippi
were in charge of the battery, and they with
drew it from the shore on Tuesday last and
seized the United States Hospital, which they
are now occupying.
ANOTHER JOHN BROWN'S MAN.—For the last
three or four weeks there has been a strange
white man prowling about in this county, dis
guised in women's clothes. He visited a number
of houses and begged his meals. No one knows
where he slept, probably among the negroes,
In Caroline county suspicion fell upon him, and
being arrested, he proved to be a man. His
bundle contained both male and female cloth
ing. He was turned loose and ordered to tra
vel.—Easton (Md.) Star.
DARING ATTEMPT TO POISON.—A negro lad,
slave of Sandford Taylor, has been committed
to jail at Fairfax Court House, Va., charged
with attempting to kill the family of James Ro
bey, by mixing pounded glass with their food,
of which Mr. Robey, being an old gentleman,
without teeth, eat largely before discovering
the glass. His condition is dangerous.
GARIBALDL—The Turin journals publish a
letter from Garibaldi, in which be denounces
any intention of offering himself as a candi
date for the post of deputy to the Italian Par
liament, and advises concord, in order to ar
rive at the deliverance of Venice.
BumEss.—A coffin, containing the dead
body of a young girl, was sent from New York
city to a town in the western part of the State,
a day or two since, With the usual instructions,
"C. 0. D."—collect on delivery, or return the
goods." Business is business.
LATEST BY TELEGRAPH
Mllth CONGIMSS-SECOND SESSION.
Housz.—The House resumed the considera
tion of the . Post Rate bill. The Senate's amend
ment, fixing the postage on letters to and from
San Francisco, at the uniform rate of ten cents,
whether carried by steamer or overland, wag
adopted.
The House considered the Senate amend
ment, as modified by Mr. Colfax, authorizing
proposals to be received until the first Monday
in April for the daily transportation of the en
tire overland mail service, to commence on the
let of July, for four . years.
• From WashinOon.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 24.
Mr. Holt to-day 'formally took leave of the
gentlemen connected with the Post Office de
partment. First Assistant King, introduced
Major Trait, who, he said, had been selected
by them to give expression to the friendly
feelings they entertained for him both as a pri.
vate citizen and a public functionary. Mr.
Holt eloquently responded to the address of
Major Iratt.
The gentlemen present, as well as Mr. Holt,
were solemnly impressed with ihese proceed
ings.
The Boston Committee, Mr. Everett and
others, bearing the mammoth Union petition,
have arrived.
Ex-President Tyler, on a peace mission to
the President, from Virginia, has reached
Washington.
Anti-Slavery Meeting in Boston.
BOSTON, Jan. 24•
The anti-Slavery Society met this morning
at Tremont Temple, Francis Jack eon presiding.
The Hall was filled with friends of the cause,
including many females, and the passages and
doorways were crowded with the disorderlies.
The remarks of the President and James Free
man Clark, were respectfully received, but
Phillips was received with a storm of hisses,
but nothing serious resulted. Phillips appeared
cool amid the constant interruptions, till the
close of his speech, when the meeting adjourned
till the afternoon.
South Carolina Legislature.
Cnsniassron, Jan. 24.
The Senate has passed the tax bill. The
rates of taxes are increased 20 per cent. over
those of the year 1859, in order to meet the
demand of a million and a half dollars neces
sary for all of South Carolina's purposes.—
Treasury notes are ordered to be re-issued for
$700,000, and bills receivable of the State of
$350,000 for military contingencies.
The Western Excursionists.
PHILADELPHIA, JUL 24.
The Chicago and Milwaukie Board of Trade
arrived here this morning, and are being hos•
pitably entertained at the Continental. They
visit Independence Hall and other objects of
interest to-day, and this evening attend an
operatic performance at the Academy of Music,
by invitation of the Philadelphia Board of
Trade.
Fugitive Slave Case.
C4EVELAND, jail. 24.
In the case of the fugitive slave girl Ludy
the defence was withdrawn to-day, and she
will be returned to Virginia to-morrow morn
ing.
Election• of a United States Senator.
M A DISON, Wis., Jan. 23,
TiinOtiu 0. Howe,
the Republican caucus
noitinee, was elected,United States Senator by
Pasture to -day.
DIED.
.
Iri thla pity , on Thin/AU' the 24th tint, EPlrAlto
Baozota, eon. of Eliester and Elizabeth , Clymer, aged 1
yea;,lo months exid,6 days. . , •
Oa Tbirsday morning, the *hind., *ie. Kan Hot
thelOth'yeez of her age: ' •
Thei friehdi of the deceaned are iieOniddd to attend the
to 1 - 'AVE 'Weida , . on getirdsy afterrbeii, the Mk
inst., without further notice.
3
WASHINGTON. Jan. 24.