ning, then, Mr. President. for an idle abstrac tion or a vain delusion ? I have no pleasure, sir, in this kind of talk. As God is my judge, my heart is not in it at all. lamin no spirit of crimination. I stand between the extremes here of the North and the South, getting but little countenance or sympathy from either side. But 1 stand for my country, for the Union of these States, for the cause of justice and humanity, for the right, for duty and fidelity on ad hands, and Against a fratricidal war at all times and in every contingency. I have already said that I do not hold south ern men blameless on this subject. They have indulged a spirit of recrimination and retalia tion toward the North neither wise nor philo sophical; and it cannot be denied that a vexa tious system of espionage has been kept np in some southern States as to northern men visit ing that region, and in some instances cruel and condign punishment inflicted upon them is a manner disgraceful to the age, and well calculated to provoke aggression and hostility. They have, in addition, been unnecessarily sensitive and exacting on unimportant points, and at times have left the impression that nothing that the northern people could do or Bay would relieve their apprehensions or as. suage their feelings. As for secession, I am utterly against it. I deny the right, and I ab hor the conseqnenees ; but I shall indulge in no argument on that point. It is no remedy for any one of the evils lamented; and in my judgment, it will aggravate rather than remove them; and, in addition, superinduce countless others of a more distressing and destructive character. "It, were wiser to bear the ills we have than fly to others we know not of." Will dissolution arrest aggressions upon the rights of the South ? Will it extend the area of their peculiar institutions? Will it break up the machinations of those who conspire to carry off slave property ? Will it assuage the pop ular feeling in the North as to slavery ? Will it give additional security to the holders of slaves ? and will it prevent insurrection ? In my judgment, it will do none of these things. Nor can it by any possibility improve the ma terial interests of either section of the Union; and I do not intend to dwell upon the question cif material interests in considering the value Of the Union. If we could have two republics of equal size, and live in harmony and in un restrainedcommercial and political intercourse, the national growth might not be seriously af fected. But would this revolution stop with two republics ; and can peaceful relations be maintained ? Both is possible; but neither the one nor the other is probable. If once disruption becomes permanent, the history of the world would seem to teach that subdivisions would follow until the American Union would be divided into a score or more of petty, wrang ling, and demoralized republics, exciting only the pity and contempt of the world. Acknowledging the justice of the complaints of the southern States to no inconsiderable ex tent, I deprecate with all my heart the remedy they pursue, and am prepared to resist it by all proper and peaceful means in my power. Even if the right of secession were clear, Mr. President., I maintain that justice and good faith to the other States require that redress for alleged grievances to the South should first be sought at the hands of the people, the foun tain of political authority, and in the forms prescribed in the Constitution. The southern States should have petitioned Congress for a convention of States to revise the Constitution and remove the grievances of which they coin plain. In this way they could have ascertained the real sentiments and intentions of the north ern people towards them, and the great alter natives of continued Union or peaceful separa tion could have been determined upon. This Was the course of our fathers in reference to the old confederation, which was intended to be perpetual, but was changed because it did not answer the purpose for which it was crea ted. Let our southern friends follow this ex ample, even at this late day, and all may be yet saved. Better counsels will prevail in such a body than in Congress. Men will come fresh from the people, unembarrassed by party poli tics end partyplatforms. This refused by the North, and then, and not till then, could vio lent remedies with any show of justice be in voked. The Constitution was intendedto meet just such exigencies as now surround us; and hence, no provision was made for the separa tion of the States, and none for the coercion of States into obedience to the fundamental law of the Union. The men who made the Consti tution were in the practice of that peaceful remedy at the time, and doubtless intended to leave the sameremedy, and none other to pos terity. This remedy should still be embraced, unless Congress should promptly submit to the States some measure of pacification and re union. No one pretends that the right of secession is given in the Constitution; and no one can seriously pretend that, if practiced by a State, the act is not, to some extent, a violent one, and in derogation of the rights and interests of the other States. The right or wrong of it in the estimation of the world, like the right or wrong of revolution, must depend in no incon siderable degree upon the sufficiency or insuffi ciency of the reasons that induced it, and the consequences resulting therefrom. I think the reasons insufficient, and the remedy not only futile, but unjust to others. I deplore it., I deprecate the movement with all my heart; and I would be willing to wield any proper power in the Government, any peaceful means, to arrest the movement, so that men might be induced to look before they leap. But it is said, on the other side, that the authority of the Government of the United States must be vindicated; that rebellion, sedition, and insur rection must be put down, the Union saved, and the laws executed at all hazards. On these points, and as to the duty and powers of the Government I concur mainly in what was said by the Senator from Illinois. No man denies that the laws should be executed; but if the people of a sovereign State, by a common - voice, and in authoritative form, threw off their allegi ance to the Federal Government, and acknowl edged another, how are you to execute the laws within such a State, or carry out any one of the functions of the Federal Government? To execute the laws, suppress insurrection, and put down rebellion, is a nice theory, and plea sant talk; but will gentlemen tell us how it can be done against the united voice of a sovereign State ? When the people have thrown off their allegience to the General Government, and ac knowledge only that. of the State, the Federal Government may command the citizen to do one thing, but his allegiance to the State would require him to do another; and so he is bound hand and foot. You cannot carry mails, hold courts, nor collect revennee with the army, even if yon had a large one; but with all the army this Government has at present, such a work would be idle. What then? Shall we recognize the States now claiming to be out of the Union as de facto Governments, and wage war against them, to regain the jurisdiction of the United States within iheirrespective limits? Before we do this. let us look at the fearful alternatives. Such a war would not involve a contest with five States only, but with twelve or fifteen. He is a madman who closes his eyes to this fact. However much the border States may deprecate the action of the cotton States, and however bitterly they may lament that action and denounce it, if you please, they have, with scarce an exception, declared se cession -to be the right of any State, and that no war shall be made on a sister State for the exercise of that right, however unwise that ex ercise may seem. Thee, sir, it would be a war with fifteen States on one side and eighteen on the other. Let Senators who talk of war study the picture! Nothing in all the sad conse quences of dissolution can be so blasting and horrible, as tmeh a war, even though it pre sented the hope of re-establishing the Union. But how fallacious -and delusive must be the ides of . union through such .means! It in• Taves ttbs practice of disuniosi.of the most fe tal type. Let war once commence, and the Union is gone forever. What would be the purpose of the war? It must either be to chastise the offending States, to gratify feelings of hostility against them, to vindicate the hon or and dignity of the Government:, or recon struct the Union; but it would fail to accom— plish the one or 'the other. What good end then will it - stibserve to shed the blood Of oni race and kindred, who separate from us politi callybecause they hive believed they were not treated as equals? States cannot be biought back into the Union, or kept in the Union, by the sword. It is impossible. Ours is a Gov ernment of consent, and must be sustained by good will and fraternal affection. By what earthly means can you compel a sovereign State to perform the functions of a member of this Confederacy against her will? Can you make her citizens hold office? Can you make them regard your laws ? Can you compel them to elect members of Congress, and can members of Congress be forced to serve ? Can you collect revenues or taxes where no man , will perform the office of tax-gatherer? It j 8 idle. I say, therefore, that coercion is a mere phrase, a sheer delusion. Toe idea of thirty three States, that failed to live in fraternal union, being reunited by a long and bloody war, is startling. No, sir, this never can be. And in saying this, I do not mean to say that I would not force all the States to remain, if I believed it possible ; for no greater service could be rendered them. In my opinion, secession is the worst possible remedy for the evils complained of by the south ern States, and coercion the maddest of all the remedies suggested for secession. The States ought to live in fraternal bonds ; but if they will not, shall one-half put the other to the sword ? Such a war would be one of extermi nation. Neither side could ever conquer ; and if the northern States could conquer, what would they do with the southern States as pro vinces ? The Senator from Virginia met that point the other day so completely that I need not discuss it. But God forbid that war should ever begin ! lam against it lam for peace; and I am ready to grant anything in reason to reconcile the discontented States and the of fended people. lam ready to implore them to remain in the Union ; lam ready to fight for their constitutional rights to the last hour; but to shed a brother's blood in a fratricidal war, I shall be ready—never ! never I But still I have au abiding faith that the nation tan be saved ; not by mere hosannas to the Union, though I like them exceedingly.— It will require works as well as faith. When Rome was in the full tide of her decline, it was the boast of the Romans that, while the Colli seum stands, Rome will stand. The boast was vain; for "time's effacing finger" ever points to the fallacy of the expectation. The humbled pride and departed grandeur of the One Mis r tress of the world are a fitting commentary upon worldly ambition. Still, the American boast, that while the Union stands, America will stand, is far more wise and rational. But means must be used. Then, boasts may be indulged. The adoption of the resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky, by the vote of all parties in Congress, would at once give assu rance of re-union and continued union, and would be the voice of peace and good will throughout the land. What a blessed message it would be to go trembling over the wires from State to State, from city to city, from town to town, hill to valley, and from house to house, throughout this broad land ; and how many hearts would impulsively thank God for his mercies! Our Government is too young to end now. Comparatively speaking, it is in its infancy. It has only seen the years of a very old man; and some there are still alive who lived before independence. Can it be that its existence is to be so limited, so fleeting ? a sky rocket among the nations, to rise and shine for a brief period, and then sink to rise no more ? I do not believe this. God has more in store for America than this. It required the Roman empire about five hundred years to reach the climax of its greatness, and about an equal period to decline and fall. Babylon had existed sixteen centuries when the mysterious charac ters on the wall gave the affrighted king notice that the time of its downfall was at hand. The Athenian Government existed more than twelve times the period which ours has been in exist ence. The English Government has seen over six centuries since the days or Magna Charts; the American Union has not seen one. Could it be now saved and reconstructed, as far as broken, might we not hope that its foundations were to be deeper and firmer than ever; that the ordeal through which it is now passing would root its foundations more effectively and completely in the affections of the people? But Senators talk of war ; and it disturbs no man's nerves that widely separated States and communities should do so. The men of the arctic regions of the United States, away up in Maine and Vermont and Massachusetts, can shake their gory locks at those inhabiting a neck of hind in the tropics of America, known as Florida; and the Floridians, in turn, may manifest a belligerent design. Such a fight will be bloodless; but it will be far otherwise with the free and slave States, bordering on each other, should that be the line of division. They will be within striking distance, and to them this war will be no idle bravado. It will be a matter of life and death. Look at the po sition of my own glorious old State. No broad river, or high mountain, or deep chasm, or high wall, divides her from the slaveholding States. From the waters of the Ohio to those of the Delaware, her broad side lies nestling close up against the sides of her slaveholding sisters.— First, on the west, comes Virginia, then Mary land, and then, full up in her generous bosom, rests her little sister Delaware, with the heads of both reclining on the banks of the river where, at the same moment, the rays of the morning sun may kiss the brow of both, For four hundred miles, from the Ohio to the Dela- ware, her south side reclines against the north aide of slaveholding States ; mountain to moun tain, hill to hill, valley to valley, farm to farm, neighborhood to neighborhood, brother to bro ther, sister to sister, hand to hand, and heart to heart. The line has been, to fraternal cit izens on either side, imaginary; they have passed froth the North to the South, and from the South to the North, without even a thought that it marked the beginning of a people strangers to each other, much less aliens and enemies. All along this line there has been marrying and giving in marriage. The sons of Virginia have married the daughters of Penn sylvania, and the sons of Pennsylvania have married the daughters of Virginia, and so has it been with Maryland and Delaware. That line is sanctified by all the ties that can endear men to each other—political and commercial ties; ties of interest and custom; ties of con- sanguinity and affection. Great God ! Are all these to be severed ? Is this line to mark the boundaries of enemies? Impossible! Humanity and justice forbid it. Pennsylvania will never become the enemy of Virginia. Pennsylvania will never draw the sword on Virginia ; ' and she is no lees affection ate to her other eieters. In good faith she has performed her part in peace and in war. For many long years she has endeavored to stay the tide of disaffection and alienation between the to o sections. She luxe been truly the key stone of the Federal arch, and the bulwark of the rights of her sisters. Like some mighty peninsula between two heaving seas, she has resisted and rolled back the waves of discord and strife ; but alas I the waves have risen higher and higher, and she is quite submerged, unt'l her counsels of peace are powerless. For myself, I have but a few days longer to serve here, when I shall return to share her fate. She is my mother, and I love her with filial affection. She has made me what little I am; and though at times she has cherished and caressed, and then frowned—whether smiling or frowning—l love her still. Frowning though last she-has been, she is just, and generous ; and come 'what May—oeaoe or war, weal or woe—her cause will be my cause: 1 say to her in this . presence, in the-Am:foiling language, of; ineffable love " Whither thou goest I will go ; where thou lodgest I will lodge; thy people shall be my people; and thy god my God.' CIF 'l.l atrint & Union. FRIDAY MORNING, JAN. 25, 1861 0 4 7DIJWIILL, Pub. 0, PARRETT & THOMAS 0- Ushers and Proprietors Communications will not be published in the PATRIOT AND Union unless accompanied with the name of the author. S. M. PETTENGILL & CO., Advertising Agents, 119 Nassau street, New York, and LO State street, Boston, are the Agents for the PATRIOT AND UNioN, and the most influential and largest elm, lating newspapers in the United States and Clanadas They &reauthorized to contract for us at ourlewestrates FOR SALE. A Reannd•hand Amitita Pansa,platen 89% by 26Inahea, in good order; can be worked either by hand or steam power. Terms moderate Inquire at this office. To Members of the Legislature. THN DAILY PATBIOT AND TTNION will be furnished to Members of the Legislature during the session at the low price of ONE DOLLAR Members wishing extra copies of the DAILY PATRIOT Ana Uston, can procure them by leaving their orders at the publication office, Third street, or with our re porters in either House, the evening previous. DEMOCRATIC STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, A meeting of • the Democratic State Executive Com mittee will be held at the lIIIRLILER HOUSE, Harris burg, on Wednesday, January 90,1861, at 3 &dock. p. m. Democratic papers in the State wil please copy. WILLIAM H. WELSH, Chairman. Interesting Correspondence. The subjoined correspondence, between a number of prominent and influential Democrats of Philadelphia and the lion, Wit. 11, WELsist, Chairman of the Democratic State Executive Committee, shows the general desire pervading the party that a State Convention should be summoned at an early day, to take into con sideration the distracted state of the country, and devise, if possible, some means whereby the Union may be perpetuated. It will be ob served that it is proposed to hold a general Mass Convention. We regard this suggestion as eminently proper. Whatever is done should be done quickly. There is not time to go through the usual machinery of electing dele gates by County Conventions; and, under the circumstances, it would probably be better for the State Committee, in accordance with the desire here expressed, to call a Mass Conven tion at the earliest day possible. This plan would bring together leading men from all sections of the State anxious for the welfare of the Union, and insure a free expres sion of opinion. In this connection we take the liberty of suggesting that the call issued by the State Committee should be so framed as to em brace all conservative citizens of the State who are desirous that these unhappy difficulties should be settled by compromise, without re gard to their previous political associations.— We have no doubt that there are many men who voted for LINCOLN who abhor the unyielding course of the nitra•Republieans, and who would eagerly embrace an opportunity of taking a po sition in the Union ranks. In ease the State Committee yield to these suggestiomi,we shall urge the best men through out the State to impart character and influence to the Convention by attending it in person. PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 21, 1861 To William H. Welsh, Esq., Chairman of the Democratic State Committee :—Sin : In the exist ing terrible crisis of the affairs of the country. five States having already left the Union, and the danger being imminent of the entire South following them, the constitutional organization of the great State of Penneylania is most un happily in the temporary possession of a mi nority, who abuse their power to misrepresent the inclinations and earnest wishes of our peo ple, which are, beyond all doubt, to restore peace and harmony by conciliating our South ern brethren by those concessions so justly due, which are obstinately denied them by their and our political adversaries. Under these circumstances it is the belief of the undersigned, and in this they think they reflect the opinions of the Democratic citizens generally of their part of the State, that the only means by which Pennsylvania can be placed in a position to utter the patriotic senti ments of her heart, so necessary to be made known at this juncture, is through a general State Convention, and that the proper way of reaching a call upon the people to assemble in Convention is through the Central Committee. The undersigned, therefore, representing to you, as the Chairman of that Committee, that a rally of the Democratic party, and a very early one, for there is no time to be lost, seems to be essential I o the safety of the country, and moot especially with a view of operating upon the movements of the Border Southern States, now immediately about to meet in their several Con ventions, respectfully request of you to call together the Central Committee at a day not later than nest Saturday, the 26th inst., to take into consideration the question of inviting the people forthwith to elect delegates to a Con vention of the Democratic party, at once to be assembled, to adopt such measures and course of action as they may deem wise and necessary in the present alarming and unprecedented condition of the political offairs of the Union. We are your fellow-citizens, Ellis Lewis, James Campbell, J. Randall, William B. Reed , D. Salomon, Horn R. Kneass, Charles J. Biddle, Robert P. Kane, William Weandless, C. J. Ingersoll, Harry Ingersoll , James Page, W. L. Hirst, C. Macslasts; William E. Lehman, Samuel J. Randall, Robert Tyler, James C. Van Dyke, John B. Chapron, C. Ingersoll, Owen Jones, William Ernst, George Williams, W. 0. Kline, Williim Morgan, Joseph Lippincott, C. M'Kibbin, J. Hamilton, Jr„ S. D. Anderson, Vincent L. Bradford, A. V. Parsons, Samuel Hepburn, Benjamin H. Brewster, Benjamin Patton, Hugh Clark, J. B. Baker, B. E. Monaghan, Jobn Campbell, - J. F. Johnston, SENATE CHAMBER, •HAIMEIBURG, 48,11. 24,1861, f GIINTLEMEN :—Your communication dated , January 21st, 1861, reached me last evening. Before I received it I had already determined to convene the " Democratic State Executive Committee," in , accordance with the wishes of a- large 'llumbei of 'our :Democratic brethren, exprmed to me personally and by letter The present crisis in our national affairs de George H. Martin, Henry M. Phillips, Stephen Benton, John C. Bnllitt, mends decided action on the part of the Democ patsy of Pennsylvania. If the voice of the people be heard in reference to the perils sur rounding our Confederacy, I believe that it will give a powerful and overwhelming expression in favor of conciliation and compromise.; That voice can now be heard only through the Demo cratic organization. All hope of relief from the Republican majority in our Legislature has passed away ; and the olive branch must now be borne by the conservative and patriotic citizens of this Commonwealth, who are willing "to restore'peace and harmony by conciliating our Southern brethren by those concessions so justly due, which are so obstinately denied them by their and our political adversaries." Very respectfully your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. WELSH, Chairman of Dem. State Executive Com To Hon. ELLis Lams and others. Senator Bigler. We publish this morning, to the exclusion of almost everything else, the masterly speech of Senator Bigler, delivered in the Senate of the United States on the 21st inst., to which we earnestly call the attention of our readers. This speech is worthy the occasion that called it forth, and commends itself to every man who is desirous of correct information on the all-ab sorbing subject of the impending national cri sis. We bespeak for it a careful perusal; be cause it is one of the very best efforts that has been made during the session. During the entire session Senator Bigler has borne himself in gallant style in favor of the Union, and in his late effort has given ample proof of his devotion to his country, as well as of his ability to fill the high trust which he has occupied in the qpited States Senate for the past six years, a trust which he will lay down on the 4th of March next with the plau dit from a grateful people—" Well done, good and faithful servant." PENN'A LEGISLATURE. SENATE THURSDAY, Jan. 24, 1861. The Senate was called to order at 11 o'clock by the SPEAKER. Prayer by the Rev. Mr. Col der. The SPEAKER laid befor the Senate a com munication from the Auditor General, in rela tion to the liability of certain canal companies to taxation. Ordered to be printed in the Record. BILLS IN PLACE Mr. KETCHAM, a supplement to the not incorporating the Milford and Owego turnpike company. Mr. FULLER, an act to repeal so much of an act to consolidate and revise the Penal Code as relates to the arrest of fugitive slaves. Mr. PARKER, an act to incorporate the Central market company, of Philadelphia. Also, an act to change the boundaries of the Fourth and Fifth wards, in Philadelphia. Also, an act to repeal an act in relation to fees of the District Attorney. Mr. FENDT,Ei, an act to incorporate the Lu cesco oil company. Mr. IRISH, a supplement to an act for the better preservation of game. Mr. BOUGHTER, an act requiring the State Treasurer to refund certain moneys to U. R. Tracy, superintendent of the Dauphin and Susquehanna coal company. Mr. HAMILTON, an act relative to the pay ment of costs in criminal cases, in Lancaster county. ORIGINAL RESOLUTION Mr. SMITH'S resolution, appointing the 'isters and folders assisrant-doorkeepers, came up on second reading, and passed. BILLS CONSIDERED. Mr. IMBRIE . called up the House bill to change the time stud place of holding the elec tion for borough and district-school officers in the borough of Orwigsburg ; which was passed finally. The act incorporating the Penn gas coal company came up on the orders of the day. Mr. FULLER moved to postpone indefinitely; which motion he subsequently withdrew, and on motion of Mr. NICHOLS, the bill was post poned for-the present. Mr. IMBRIE called up House bill No. 18, entitled "An Act relative to treasurers' sales in the county of Beaver;" which was passed finally. Mr. SMITE moved that when the Senate ad journ to-day, it adjourn to meet on Monday neat, at 8 o'clock; which was not agreed to— yeas 12, nays 16. Mr. HALL called up House bill No. 54, "A supplement to the act incorporating the Clear field and Tyrone railroad company ;" which was passed finally. Mr. PARKER called up House bill, entilited "An Act to incorporate the Eagle library.cem pany;" which was passed finally. Mr. WELSH called up the House bill, enti tled "An Act to incorporate the Weaver skating club;" which was passed finally. Mr. BLOOD called up a bill in relation to a road commissioner in Forrest county; which passed finally. _ _ Mr. LAWRENCE moved to re-consider the resolution relative to adjourning until Monday; which was agreed to. The resolution was again read and passed—yeas 17, nays 9. The SPEAKER laid before the Senate a com munisation from the Secretary of the Common wealth, in relation to the number of copies of Rogers' Geological Survey remaining in his office. Mr. IRISH moved that 2,000 additional copies of the School Report, in pamphlet form, be printed for the use of the Senate ; which was agreed to. On motion of Mr. IRISH, adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY, Jan. 24, 1861 The House was called to order at 11 o'clock a. m., by the SPEAKER, and prayer was de livered by Rev. Mr. Carson. Leave of absence was granted to sundry mem bers, otter which the MAKER announced the special order. SPECIAL ORDER. The special order was the consideration of the following resolutions of Mr. ARMSTRONG, of Lycoming : Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre sentative., of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in General Assembly met, That we recoguize the Constitution of the United States as the supreme law of the land, and that all laws en acted either by Congress or the Legislatures of the several States which are contrary to its provisions are null and void. Resolved 2. That the laws of the United States are of paramount authority in every State of the Union upon all matters within the . exclusive jurisdiction of Congress, and that any attempt on the part of a State, by State laws, to annul or hinder their due execution, is in violation of both the letter•and spirit of the obligations due from the people of each State to the General Government and to each other. Resolved 3. That the citizens of this State,. i n common with the citizens of other of the free States, have just cause to complain that their constitutional rights have been denied to , them in some of the slave States; that , the freedom of the press and of speech have been' abridged ; the rights of personal' Security have, been violated;; they have been on 'frequent oc casions arrested, imprisoned and punished without trial, - even to the taking of life, by. lawless violence, and 'without , interference 'on their -behalf bg the, constituted authorities o ft ; the State; iyetore.._believeAhet,the Othedy Dirt, these, and all other grievances between the citizens of the several States, is in the Union and under the laws of the land. Resolved 4. That we recognize the right of every slave State to regulate and control sla very within her limits, each in its own' way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States ; and that we deny the right of Con ,gressicn• any of the other States to interfere with it, either to limit, modify, abolish or con trol it within such State ; but, on the contrary, it is the duty of Conoress, liken required, to suppress insurrections and domestic violence by military force if necessary. Resolved 6. That it is contrary to the first ar ticle of amendment to the Constitution of the United States and to the seventh section of the ninth article of the Constitution of Pennsylva nia to abridge the freedom of speech or of the press, and contrary, not only to both these constitutions but to the genius of free govern ment, to submit either to any other control than the responsibility for its abuse; and whilst we deprecate every abuse of such freedom, we cannot, in the interests of any section or peo ple, offer so great :a sacrifice even upon the altar of peace as their subjection to any other restraint. Resolved 6. That the Territories of the Uni ted States previous to their recognition as States are under the exclusive control of Con gress, which has the right to make all needful rules and regulations respecting them; that whilst we do not recognize the doctrine, that the Constitution of the United States carries slavery into the Territories, we are in favor of an adjustment of the whole question of slavery in the Territories in such manner as shall settle it forever; and to this end we recom mend a line, not further north than the Mis souri Compromise line, to be established and sanctioned by an amendment to the Consti tution, whereby in all territory North of such line slavery shall be forever prohibited, and South of which neither Congress nor the Ter ritorial Legislature shall have power to pro hibit it; and the Territorial Legislature shall have the exclusive power to regulate and con trol it in like manner as a State might do, ex cept only that it shall not during the Territo rial condition prohibit or abolish it; and the people of any Territory containing sufficient population for one Member of Congress in an area of not less than sixty thousand nor more than eighty thousand square miles, shall have the right, preparatory to their admission to the Union, to adopt a Constitution either ad mitting or prohibiting slavery, and shall, on their application to Congress, be admitted, with or without slavery, as such Constitution may determine. Resolved 7. That Pennsylvania is loyal to the Union and faithful in the observance of the Constitution and the laws, and in manifesta tion thereof the Judiciary Committees of both the Senate and the House are hereby instructed to inquire whether there is any law jn force in Pennsylvania which conflicts with her consti tutional obligations to the Government of the United States, or which prevents or obstructs the due execution within her jurisdiction of any law of the United States; and if there be any such law to report by bill or otherwise. Resolved 8. That we cherish for our brethren of the slaveholding States the most cordial and fraternal regard, and whilst we claim and in: sist upon the recognition and protection of all our constitutional rights, we cheerfully admit in them an equal and inviolable right to the same constitutional privileges, and to the equal and impartial protection of the Government; that we hold the Union to be the only sure ba sis of out Continued prosperity and happiness and the enforcement of the laws an imperative and unavoidable duty of the General Govern ment., essential to its preservation and to be accomplished, if necessary, by its entire civil and military power ; that secession is revolu tion, and inevitably leads to war; and that, in such an emergency, Pennsylvania tenders to the President of the United States the whole resources of the State for its suppression. Mr.. AUSTIN, being entitled to the floor, proceeded to sustain the resolutions. He re viewed the Missouri Compromise, and stated the grounds upon which, in his opinion, mea sures of concession should he based. Mr. HOFIUS offered an amendment to the 6th resolution, the substance of which was as follows : That when a fugitive slave is rescued, the Government shall pay for him, collecting the same from the State and county in which the rescue takes place. That all unoccupied territory be divided into two States, to be admitted into the Union at once. That the Government shall pay to each im pressed mulatto the sum of $lO per day during the term of his impressed service. That the Government shall pay certian sums, ranging from $l,OOO to $20,000, to free white people who may be maltreated in the - South. That Southern States shall repeal their illegal search laws, and the Northern States their un constutional enactments. The amendment was lost. Mr. ARMSTRONG moved that the resolu tions be postponed until neat Wednesday. Mr. ROBINSON hoped not. He desired to get these National questions out of the way, in order. to.admit State legislation. Mr. ABBOTT took - the same view. Mr. BARTHOLOMEW favored the postponement. Further debate ensued ; and finally it was agreed to postpone until Wednesday evening nazi.; at 7 o'clock. • PETITIONS Sundry petitions were presented. Among them was one by Mr. SMITH, of Berks, pray ing for relief to a soldier of the war of 1812 ; also, one by Mr. HECK, from citizens of Dau phin county, praying for the re-enactment of the provisions of the law of 1780; also, by Mr. AUSTIN, one of 100 citizens of Franklin county, praying that the Tonnage tax may not be repealed ; and that no further aid, in any manner, be given to the Sunbury and Erie railroad. ORIGINAL RESOLUTIONS Mr. RANDALL offered a resolution approving of a National Convention, as suggested by Vir ginia, and calling a joint convention of the two Houses to elect five citizens as delegates to that Convention. Mr. BALL opposed the present passage of the resolution. Mr. RANDALL moved that the further con sideration be postponed for the present.— Agreed to. Mr. HUHN offered the following : Rdso/tred, That our Senators and Representa tives be requested to urge the immediate pas sage of the Morrill or any other safe tariff bill. Agreed to unanimously, by a vote of 90 ayes. Mr. SHAFER offered the following ; Resolved,. That a committee of three be ap pointed to invite President Lincoln to visit Harrisburg on his way to Washington. Agreed to. Several bills in place were read ; after which he House adjourned. LETTER FROM ER-PRESIDENT FILLMORIL—The Hon. Millard Fillmore was, a few weeks ago, suggested by a Union meeting in New York, as a suitable person to go to South Carolina to tender the people of that State the assuran ces of the citizens of New York that the North would respect and uphold the constitutional rights of the South. This mission Mr. Fillmore declined, and in his letter remarked What they. want and what I want, is some assurance from the Republican party, now dominant at the North, that they, or at least the conservative 'poation .of , them; are ready and willing. to come forward. and • repeal all , unconstitutional State .laws; live • up to the ComproMise's of the Constitution, execute the; laws ..of Congress honestly and faithfully, and. treat our. Sett thern brethren- ea Mende. ,