~~The Tloga'CPiaty ■ Agitator:
BY MiJSc. 0088,
, PabUshed morniog Bad muled to
■ 0110 E "!
v Xho county subscribers,
though' they inftyrwjtiwttelr mail »t post-offices lo
cated in counties bsw«#Wiy Coy oonven
tOUCß* * ‘§B • .
Tsb AswitOß istho’iuffleiul paper of .Tioga Co.,
and circulates in every wighbornood therein. Sub.
acriptionff being on the,advance-pay sysUm,£l circu
lates among aolass most to. the interest of advertisers
to reach. Terms toadvertisers as liberal as those of
ferodby any paper of ; eqial circulation in Northern
Pennsylvania.
jeay-A cross on,,the:,margin of a paper, denotes
thattbe subscription ia about to expire. , -
jßff* Papers will be sSoppod when tbe subscription
time expires, unless the agent order* their continu
ance, ; : ' o - - - :
JAS. ; tOWBEFftS. F. WIISOS,
A TTORNEYS at LAW,
Ja L will-attend the,q'onrts of Tioga, Potter and
McKean counties. [ffellsboro, dan. 1, 1863.]
JOHN S. MANN, «*.
A TTORNEY & COUNSELLOR AT LAW,
ft*. Pat, orjU-attlnjf tbe several Courts,
tn Potter and Mollven counties; -All business en.
trusted te his care will rs&ve.prompt attention. He
has the agency-of large'tracts of good settling- land
nnd wlll attend to the payiment of taxes on any landg
In said counties. ~ T " Jon; 28,1883.*
DICKINSON HOUSE,
corning, n.'.*.
JVlaj. A. F1ELD,...,. .V.. .Proprietor.
GUESTS. taken & and from- the Depot free
of charge., [Jan. 1,1863.3
PENNSYLVANIA HOUSE,
COMBE OJ MAIN STEEfeI AND THE AVENUE,
WellafcMa.Fa/
J, TV. 1 BI6ONY, ..Proprietor.
THfS popular Hotel,: taring been re-fitted
and re-furnished throughout, ia now open to the
public as & first-class housed {Jon. 1, 1863.].
IZVAK WApOS HOUSE,
- Gaines, Tiotla County, Pa.
H. C. VERM1LYEA;,(......^........ -Proprietor.
THIS is a net# hotil'located witbin easy ac
cess of the best fishing and hunting grjrands in
Northern Pennsylvania.; No pains,will be spared for
the accommodation of .pleasure seekers tfnd the trav
elling public. ! ■’' ■' • . 1 [J»n. 1~. 1863.]
A WATCHES, CLOCKS AND
]pV , JEWELRY I
jwired at BELLA! D’-S A CO’S..STORE, by the
subscriber, in the bestjntiiftr. and at as low prices as
the same woVk can be done let, by any first rate prac
tfcal workman in tHo SLito
WclUboWr July. 15, Jss3.
WELL.SBQRO HOTEL.
B. B. HOLIDAY, Proprietor.
TUB Proprietor haviSg again taken possession of
the abore Hotels Will spire no pains to insure
tthe comfort of .guests-tiro traveling public* At
tentive waiters always jotuiy. Terms reasonable.
• Wellsboro, Jan.
a. ropir,
Watches, Clocks ‘jawelnr, &c., &c.,
REPAIREd'-AT old prices.
POST OFFICE BUILDING,
NO. 5, [UyiON. BLOCK.
WeUaboro, May. 20, 1863. * , -
- E. BLACK,
BARBER & HAIR-DRESSER,
SHOP OVER jc. l.VricOX'S STORE,
NO. 4, iMION BLOCK.
■WeUaboro, June 2.4, *563.. / - ,
£££!> STOKE.
WRIGHT' & BAILEY .
HATE .had their Vill thoroughly repaired
and are receiving fresh* ground floor, feed,
meal, 4c., every day af theft* store in town.
Cash paid foralj hinds of grain., ■
!. WEIGHT 4 BAILEY. ,
Wellsboro,’April'2,9, 1863. '
Wool Caiding and Cloth Dressing.
subscriber informs his old customers
" J- and the pahlie that he is prepared to
pard-VooJ and dress at the old stand, the coming
season, having secured Ihe tferyiees qf Mr. J. PBET,
a competent and ezpecrsaqgd workman, and also in
tending to give his perSfrnsl attention to the business,
he will warrant all wOrlt done at bis shop.
. Wool corded at per fioand, and Cloth
tffessed at from tea. jtoitwenty cents por yard as per
-color and finish. J. I. JACKSON.
Wellsboro, .May -6,*1
MABtf'
jtE SHOP.
lAM flow recelvidj; a (STOCK of ITALIAN
and RUTLAND (HARBLE, (bought with, cash)
And am prepared all kinds of
TOMBSTONES
and MONMMENTS'atihe lowest prices.
HARVEY 'ADAMgfis my authorised agent and
TfiU. sell Stone at tbe'tftoe prices as at the shop.
WE BAVjSVntT ONE PRICE.
‘ Tioga, May 2.0,1881j-ly. A. D. COLE.
JOH3M A. ROY,
BEAXER IN DpJGS. AND, MEDICINES,
Chemicals, Paints, Lyes, Soaps, Per
-iomery, Brushes,Puttfo Toys, Fancy Goods,
Par© Wines, Brandi 4?rGinSf and mhef Liquors for
medical use. Agent Tor the sal© of all the best Pat*
ent Medicines of (he <d?iy. Medicines warranted gen
uine and of the ,! !■.; . , *
, BESTtQUALITY.
Physician's Prescriptions accurately compounded.
Tbe.best Petroleum-CU which is superior to any other
for burning in ICcfosH* 6 Lamps* Also, all other kinds
of Oils usually jjeptin a firs{class Drug Store.
FATjTCY Diß COLORS in packages all ready
•compounded, for the use of.private families. Also,
Pure Loaf Sugar for-medical compounds. ’ >
Wellsboro, June 24iU863-ly.
<l. W. WELLINGTON & GO’S. BANE,
COBMNG, N. Y.,
(LOCATED 15 THE D}CKISBOH HOUSE.)
American Gold .and Silver Coin bought and sold.
New York. Exchange, do.
Uacorrent Money, *. do.
United States Demand looter il old issue’*.. bought.
Collections made in all parts of the Union at Cur
rent rates of Exchange. *
Particular pains wili be.taksn-to accommodate our
patrons from the Tio£* Valley* Our Office will be
•open at? A, M M and:plose at I? P. M.,. giving parties
passing over the Tioga Rail Road ample time to
transact their basinet V before the departure of the
trail" ia the morning and after its arrival in the
ravening. -Q, RK WELLINGTON, President.
Y., Nti r. 12, 1862. »
HOMESTEAD.
A frEW STOYii AND TIN SHOP, HAS
been open3d in Tioga, Penna., where may
»e fouod a, good assortment of Cooking, Parlor and
Box Stoves, of the most approved patterns, and from
the best manufacturers. The HOMESTEAD is ad
mitted to-ho-the'bejJr Elevated: Oven Stove in the
market. The- ■ i
"GOLDEN- A&E” <6 GOOD HOPE,”
square, fiat top ait 1 tight staves, with large ovens,
■with many advantages. any other stove before
ttAde. Parlor "Staves. XheSlgnat and Caspian are
» Ve «v nea^ superior stoves.
Also Tin, Copper, A 1 ad Sheet Iron wars, kept*con
stantly on.hand end ‘nede to order of the best mate*
nal and worktnanabij.t,aU>of which will" bo sold at
the lowest flgare.for. iash or ready pay.
Job work of all Hnds attended to on nail’.
Tioga; Jan. If, 1563. GUERNSEY * SMEAti.
i EXECUTOR’S NOTICE.
V ETTERS Testamentary having been grain
£ w to-the subsetf jer on the estate of Thomas J.
*®fry, late of those indebted to the said
estate are requested to make immediate payment, and
uose haying claims against, the • suae, vrtll. present
tWts’dQlj.aatheaticated.to'the undersigned for set-
Osment ■ B . C. WICKHAM,
Jtega, Jsly 29; 1813, *t JC&UXKBS, - f Exrs '
>•B,. Vi V. -a-* mj*- 1 U'-"w - - —M. i *~ m , v i 1
THE AGITATOR
VOI. X.
NORTH CAROLINA AND TBS RD>
HELLION.
4 Remarkable Article from a Journal in the
Rebel States—Review of ike History of the
Secession Movement.
The following is the remarkable article which
appeared in the Raleigh (N. C.) Standard on
July 31. It ie reported to have been written
bj Hen. R. S. Donnell, speaker of tbe House
of Commons of North Carolina, aided by F. B,
Satiertbwaite.presldtht of tbe Governor’* Coun
cil, and to have been published with the appro*'
val of Governor Tahfce. We publish the article,
and italicize; Ac., as it was printed in tbe
Standard: , ' ’ '
THE SECESSIONISTS —THEIR PROMISES - AMD PER-.
FORMANCES— THE CONDITION INTO WHICH
THEY HATE BROUGHT THE COUNTRY—THE REM-
EDY, ETC,
Mr. Editor : There is, so far as I remember,
no .war to be met with iu history entirely anal
ogous to the one now raging, between the North
and the Sooth. That produced on the part of
three of the Swiss Cantons to separate them
selves from the Confederation, a few years
since, in some respects, resembles it most near
ly. That attempt, it will be remembered, was
arrested, and tbe rebellious Cantons speedily
reduced, to submission by tbe arms of the Con
federacy. It is frequently compared to oor'old
Revolutionary struggle with the mother coun
try,* but there ie scarcely an analogy between
the two cases. The thirteen Colonies were not
like the Southern States, equal in political
rights with, the other States of tbe British Em
pire. They possessed no sovereign power what
ever. ■ They were not, as we were, entitled to
representation in the common Parliament of
tbe British Union, but were mere colonies—
mere dependencies upon tbe mother country.
In an evil hour the administration of George
Grenville, and afterwards that of Lord North,
attempted to impose a tax upon the colonies.
This oppression was resisted, and the resistance
was made the pretext for other oppressions,'
more unjust still. The colonies continued their
resistance in a constitutional way for -nearly
ten years,-by representations, remonstrances,
and petitions for the redress of grievances;
but all in vain. At length they took up arms,
with the avowed object of enforcing such re
dress. They solemnly disclaimed all intention
of separation from the parent State, for they
were as loyal in their feelings of attachment to
A.- B, HASCY.
the British Constitution as were the inhabi
tants of Surrey or Cornwall. This resolute
step they confidently expected would procure
the desired redress ; bnt thel advice of an the
ablest statesmen of that ago—of Chatham, of
Camden, of Bnrfee, 'Of Fox, of Kockingham,
and other* —was thrown away upon the narrow
minded pi on arch and the bigoted ministry
which then swayed the destinies of the British
Empire. Still in hope, they continued the
straggle for one whole year.- At length the
'British Parliament declared the colonies out of
the protection of the parent State. And then,
at last, no other course was left them but to
proclaim'their independence and defend it, if
need be, with their life’s blood. The battle of
Lexington was,/ought on the 19th of April,
1775,’and on the 12th of April, 1776, tbs Pro
vincial of North Carolina “ empow
ered,their delegates in Congress to concur with
the delegates of the other colonies in declaring
independence and forming foreign alliances;”
and on the 16th of the following month Vir
ginia, through her’ Convention, instructed her
delegates in the Continental Congress ‘" to pro
pose to that body to declare the United Colo
nies free and independent States, absolved
from all allegiance to, or dependence on, the
Crown or Parliament iof Great Britain,” and
on the 4th of July following the ever-memora
ble Declaration was made.
But how different has been the course of .the
Secessionists I They seem to have resolved
years agoVtbat the Union should be destroyed,
and then to have set themselves to work to
forge -such grievances as would seem to give
them a decent pretext for the accomplishment
of their premeditated schemes. The first effort
Was made in the days of nullification by the
Secessionists of South Carolina. The griev
ance then complained of was the tariff, al
though the State of South Carolina, herself,
TiSd
.lad been from the foundation of the Govern*
meat nearly up to that period, os strong an ad
vocate of a high tariff as any State in New
England. That question was compromised—
South,Carolina obtained all that she ostensibly
demanded. A revenue tariff, with incidental
protection, became the settled policy, of the
Government, and, except for a short period un
der the tariff of 1842, was never departed from.
But still.tbey were not satisfied.. Immediately
after the passage of Mr. Clay’s Compromise
bill, the newspaper organ of the Secessionists
at Washington declared', “ that the South could
never be united on the tariff question, and that
the slavery question was the only one that could
unite them." And Mr. Calhoun, if I mistake
not, said the same thing in a speech at Abbe
ville, in South Carolina, about the same time;
and, of course, was followed by all the lesser
lights among his adherents. Then commenced
that violent agitation of the slavery question
which had nearly culminated upon the admis
sion of California, in 1850. * Again, by the l
efforts of those immortal statesmen of the last
age, Messrs. Webster, Clay, and others, was
the matter compromised. TheS whole country
at first appeared to be satisfied jwith the settle
ment, hut it soon appeared that there were a
number of restless spirits among the extremists
of the Sooth, that would be satisfied with noth
ing short of a dissolution of the Union. Of
this class of politicians W. L. Tancey may he
fitly selected as representative man. He imme
diately began to' agitate the question again.—
'He went to the Democratic National Conven
tion at Baltimore, in 1852, as a delegate from
the State of Alabama, and there proposed as
the ultimatum on which he could continue to
act with the Democratic party, and upon which, ;
in his opinion, the slave States could consent
to remain In the Union, that the doctrine of
non-intervention • by Congress in regard to sla
very in the Territories should ha incorporated
Befcotcß to of Vbt Uttu of jFmOom ana tfje SjmaO of f&ralt&g Reform,
While there shall be a wrong unriqhted, and until "man’s inhumanity to man" shall: cease, agitation must continue,
WILLSBOEOj TIOGA COUNTS, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 2, 1863.
sOUtlt»l,
in the Democratic platform. In this he failed,
and therefore did not support the nominee of
the Convention, Ur. Pierce. He could not,
however, at that time, succeed in creating a
great schism in the Democratic party,' so great
had been the calm which the Compromise
measures of 1850 had produced. In 1856 be
again went as a delegate from the State of Ala
bama to the Cincinnati Convention, with his
old uUmaftm in bis pocket. Contrary to his
wishes and expectations, it was incorporated
into the Cincinnati platform, and being thus
left withont an excuse, be supported" Mr. Bu
chanan for the. Presidency in the fall of that
year. In the meantime, however, that fatal
measure, the repeal of the Missouri Compro
mise, had been consummated. It was brought
about by. the extremists of the Sooth, aided by
a few partisan Democrats at the North. The
avowed object of its author was to open to
slavery the Territories north of the Missouri
Compromise line, notwithstanding the agree
ment of 1820, that said line should forever di
vide the Territories between the slave and free
State's. It is said, however, that the Compro
mise of 1820 was unconstitutional, hot what is
that to the purpose ? It was a most solemn
compact between the two sections of the coun
try, made for the settlement of a most perplex
ing question, and without any reference to its
constitutionality, should have been regarded as
an organic law, and observed as sacredly as
the Constitution itself.
The effect of this measure was great end
rapid, and there can be bnt little donbt that it
was such as a majority of its authors contem
plated. The result was the formation of a great
party at the North opposed to the further ex
tension of slavery, and which party very nearly
succeeded in electing their candidate for the
Presidency, Mr. Fremont, in 1856. After the
election, this party seemed to be on the wane,
until the anti-slavery spirit of the whole North
was atoused to madness by an attempt bn the
part of Mr.' Buchanan's Administration to
force the Leoompton Constitution, with Slavery,
upon the people of Kansas, in opposition to the
known and expressed wishes of three-fourths of
them. Bnt for this most unjustifiable measure,
the Republican party would undoubtedly have
dwindled down to moderate proportions; and
even after this, it is doubtful if they could have
succeeded in the Presidential election of 1860,
if the Secessionists, with Yancey at their head,
had pot determined that they should succeed.
AftOrMr. Yancey and hia party had, against
their wishes, succeeded in getting their ultima
tum of non intervention incorporated into the
Cincinnati platform, they went to work to con
jure up another to present to the Charleston
Convention. Abandoning their doctine of non
intervention, they went to the oppooite extreme
and 1 .demanded that the intervention of Con
gress for the protection of slavery in the. Terr
itories should -constitute a part of the Charles
ton platform. This demand they well knew
would not be complied with, nor did they desire
that it should be. Their object was to procure
the secession of the delegates of the cotton
States from the Convention, and thus by de
feating -the nomination of Mr. Douglas, and
rending asunder the Democratic party, to in
sure the election of Mr. Lincoln, and thereby
forge for'themselves a grievance which would
seem to justify then! in the execution of the
long-meditated designs of destroying the Union.
All of this they accomplished, and the election
of Mr. Lincoln was perhaps bailed with greater
joy at Charleston than atNew York. I will do
them the justice to state that they also claimed
to have some other grievances; among them,
that some of the Northern States by their stat
utes obstructed the execution of the fugitive
slave law, but the only States that conld com;
plain much on that score were willing to re
main in the Union, while Sooth Carolina, the
State which set the ball in motion, perhaps
never lost a slave. But it must be borne in
mind that no act of the National Government
constituted any part of their grievances. They
did not pretend that any act of Congress in
fringed on their rights, and the decisions of
the Supreme Court were mainly such as they
would themselves have made. Nay, even at
the very time of Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration, if
the Cotton States bad allowed their senators
and representatives to remain, they would have
had a decided majority in both Houses of Con
gress in favor of-the extension of slavery, and
in opposition to the policy of the party which
elected him.
The great cause of complaint was, that a
man opposed to the extension of slavery in the
Territories had been elected President of the
United States, according to the forma of tbe
Constitution which he wae eworn to defend
and protect, and who disclaimed any other than
constitutional means in the accomplishment rf
his objects. Under such circumstances it
seems that if they bad labored underany real
grievance, their course was plain. They should
have taken the course of our Revolutionary fa
thers. When the States assembled in Conven
tion, instead of proceeding at once to declare
their independence—for the idea of secession,
peaceable of right, seems, as Publius says, to
have exploded aad given up the ghost—they
should clearly and concisely have stated what
their grievances were, and demanded redress
in respectful, yet firm and decided terms. They
should have exhausted every constitutional
means of obtaining guarantees—if any were
needed—by representation, by remonstrance,
by petition ; and, failing in all these, they
should have] done as our Revolutionary sires
did, f. e. fight in the Union for their rights
nntil they were driven out of it. Saob a
coarse would have procured for ns, as it did for
our fathers, the respect, the Sympathy, and tbs
assistance of other nations. Instead of that,
we have not a friend in Europe. But such was
not the course which these—in their own esti
mation—wise statesmen- chose to pursue.-
When each a course was suggested or recom
menced to them, they evaded it by.a long list
of magnificent promises, which looked so splen
did as almost to dazzle the mind' with their
brilliancy. _-r
First and foremost, they promised that secej
eion should be peaceable.
Secondly- They, promised that If perchance;
war should ensue,'lt Would be a very short war;
that it would not last six months—that the
Yankees would not fight—that one Southerner
could whip,frour fen to one hundred of them—
that England and France would speedily rec
ognise us, and render ns every assistance we
might desire—that whatever might be their ab
stract opinions of the'snbjeot of slavery,.their
interests would impel them to promote its per
petuity. in the Southern States; that if after
all, they should not he disposed to assist ns,
Cotton teas Kiny K and would soon bring all the
crowned heads of Europe on their knees in
supplications us ; Would compel them to raise
the blockade—should one he established—in
thirty days, in sixty days, in ninety days, in
one hundred and twenty days, in six months,
in nine months, in one year at furthest, f
Thirdly. They promised us that all the slave
States, except Delaware, would join" the South
ern Confederacy ; that slavery should not
only be perpetuated in the States, but that
it should be extended into all the Territories
in which the negro could live; that all the
grievances occasioned by the non-execution of
the fugitive-slave law should he speedily re
dressed ; that slave property should be estab
lished npon a basis as safe as that of lauded
property.
Fourthly. They promised us that the new
Government should be a mere Confederacy of
States, of absolute sovereignty, and equal
rights; that the States should be tyrannized
over.by no such “ central despotism” as the old
Government at Washington; that the glorious
doctrine of State rights and nullification, as
taught by Mr. Jeffersoti and Mr. Calhoun,
should prevail in the new Confederacy; that
the sovereignty of the States and their judicial
decisions should be sacredly respected.
Fifthly. They promised us the early and
permanent establishment of the wealthiest and
best Government on the earth, whose credit
should be better than that of any other nation;
whose prosperity and happiness should be the
envy of the civilized world.
And, lastly, they promised ns that if war
should ensue, they would go to the battle-field
and spill, if necessary, the last drop of their
blood in the cause of their beloved South.
While such have been their promises, what
have been their performances ? Instead of se
cession being peaceable, as they promised that
it would, it has given rise to such a war as has
never before desolated any country since the
barbarians of the North overran the Roman
Empire.
So for from the war’s ending in six months,
as they said it would, should it ensue, it has
already lasted more than two years; and if
their policy is to be pursued, it will last more,
than two years longer; and, notwithstanding
their predictions, the Yankees have fought on
tbsvaf occasions, with a spirit and determin
ation worthy of their ancestors of the Revolu
tion—worthy of the descendants of those aus
tere old Puritans, whose heroic spirit and re
ligious zeal made Oliver Cromwell’s army the
terror of the civilized world—or of those French
Huguenots, “ who, thrice in the sixteenth cen
tury contended with heroic spirit and'various
fortunes against all the genius of the house of
Loraine, and all the power of the bouse of
Valois.” England and France have not recog
nized us—have not raised the blockade—have
not shown us any sympathy, nor is there any
probability that they ever will, and that cotton
is not king is- now universally acknowledged,
and Maryland has not joined the Confederacy,
nor has Kentucky nor Missouri ever really
been with ns. Slavery has not only been per
petuated in the States, nor extended into the
Territories, bnt Missouri has passed an act of
emancipation, and Maryland is ready to do so
rather than give up her place in the Union, and
the last hope of obtaining one foot of the Ter
ritories for the purpose of extending slavery
has departed from the Confederacy forever.
The grievances caused by the failure of some
of the Northern States to execute the fugitive
slave law have not only not been remedied, but
more slaves have been lost to the South forever
since secession was inaugurated than would
escaped from their mhsters in the Union
in five centuries. And how have they kept
their promises that they would respect the
sovereignty and rights of the States? What
ever the government may be in theory, in fact
we have a grand military consolidation, which
almost entirely ignores the existence of the
States, and disregards the decisions of their
highest judicial tribunals. The great central
despotism at Washington, as they were pleased
to call it, was at any time previous to the com
mencement of the Secession movement, and
even to some time after it had commenced, a
most mild and beneficent Government com
pared with the central despotism at Richmond,
under which we are now living.
Instead of an early and permanent estab
lishment of the “ wealthiest and best Govern
ment in the, world, with unbounded credit,"
what have we got? In spite of the victories
which they profess to have obtained over the
Yankees, they have lost the States of Missouri,
Kentucky,'Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Miss
issippi, and Tennessee and in my humble opin
ion have lost‘them forever; and, in nil prob
ability, Alabama will. soon be added to the
number. This will leave to the Confederacy
but five States out of the original thirteen, and
of these five [the 1 , Yankees have possession of
many of the rriost important points, and one
third of their territory. So far, the Yankees
have never failed to hold every place of impor
tance which'they have taken, and present in
dications are that Charleston will ebon be ad
ded to the number. The campaign of Gen.
Lea into Pennsylvania has undoubtedly proved
a failure, and with it the last hope of conquer
ing a peace by a successful invasion of the
enemy’s country. Our army has certainly
been very much weakened and dispirited by
this failure and the fell of Vicksburg, and how
long even Richmond will be safe no one can
tell. As the Richmond Enquirer said some time
age; “ They are slowly but surely gaining upon
us, acre by acre, mile by mile, and. unless
Providences interposes in our behalf—of which
I see no indication—wa will, at no great dis
tance of time, be a. subjugated people.
As to our unbounded credit based npon the
security of King Cotton, it is unnecessary to
speak. When we .see one of the most influ
ential States in the Confederacy,.and the Con-
federate Government itself repudiating, to some
extent, its most solemn obligations, we cannot
but suppose that the confidence of other na
tions in the good faith and credit of this Gov
ernment is small indeedl' As regards .their
promise "to go to the war and spill the lost
drop of their blood in thecanse of their be
loved South," I will say nothing. Everybody
knows bow the Secessionist* of North Carolina
have-kept that promise. Everybody knows
that the leaders, with a few honorable excep
tions, will .neither .fight nornegotiate.
What a'deplorable spectacle does the forego
ing history present to onr view I To what a
desperate pan they have brought ns,-ans for
what! They Rsythat they-did.itbecause the
North would give ns no guarantee on the sla
very question. I have before stated that not
one of the Conventions of of the seven Cotton
States ever demanded any guarantee whatever.
|Nay, they even refused to accept of any, if
itbeir friends of the Border States would pro
cure it for them.
Tba Legislature of North Carolina, at its
regular session in January, 1861, adopted res
olutions appointing Commissioners to the Peace
Congress at Washington City, and also to the
Convention which assembled at Montgomery,
Alabama, in February, 1861, for the purpose
of adapting s' Constftutiop, and establishing a
Provisional Government for the Confederate
States of America. Gn the motion of the wri
ter of this, the resolution appointing Commis
sioners to Montgomery was amended so as to
instruct them to act only as mediators, and
use every effort possible to restore the Union
upon the basis- of the Crittenden propositions
as modified by the legislaiure’of Virginia.”
The Commissioners, under these instructions,
were the Hon. D: L. Swan, Gen. M. W. Ran
som, and John L. Bridgets,. Esq., who, upon
their return, submitted a report to bis Excel
enoy Gov. Ellis, which was, by him, laid be
fore tbe Legislature, and was printed among
the legislative documents of that' year, where
it may be consulted. In this report they say
that they bad tbe most ample opportunities of
ascertaining puplic opinion in the Cotton States,
and then add,: “ We regret to be constrained to
state, as the-nagjilt of our inquires, made un
der such cirSbmstances,- that only a very de
cided minority of the community in these
States are disposed, at present, to entertain fa
vorably any proposition of adjustment which
looks toward a reconstruction of our national
Union. In this state of 'things we have not
deemed it our duty to attend any of the secret
sessions of tbe Congress. Tbe resolutions, of
the General Assembly are upon tbe table of
Congress, and having submitted them as a
peace offering, we would poorly perform the
duties assigned tows by entering into discuss
ions which would serve only to enkindle strife.”
Bat it will be sard that these guarantees
could not have been obtained from tbe North.
This 1 admit to be true, and only produce this
piece of history to prove that whatever might
have been obtained, nothing wonld have been
accepted. But the Congress of the United
States did pass, by the constitutional majority
of two-thirds, the proposition reported by Mr,
Corwin, from the committy of twenty-six, to so
amend the Constitution as to perpetuate slavery
in the States. What stronger guarantees could
be given, so far as the States were concerned,
it would bo difficult to conceive. What then
would have been left to quarrel about ? The
Territories. During tbe session of Congress
which closed on tbe 3d of March, 1861, acta
were passed to provide temporary Governments
for the three remaining new Territories to wit;
Colorado, Nevada, and Dakota. These acts
contain no trace or indication of the Wilmot
Proviso, nor any other prohibition against the
introduction Of slavery; but,' on the other
band, expressly declare, among other things,
that “no law shall he passed' impairing
the rights of private property : nor shall
any discrimination be made in taxing different
kinds of property, but all property subject to
taxation shall be in proportion to the value of
the property taxed.”
Now, when it is considered that all three of
these Territories are - north of 36° 30'. and that
in the new Territory now owned by the Uni
ted States south of that line, Slavery actually
exists, and is recognized by the Territorial law,
the question may well be asked, "What was
there worth quarrelling, much less fighting
about?" Here was a. settlement of the ques
tion in the Territories, made by a Republican
Congress, which gave the South all that, up to
the time of the Charleston Convention, she bad
ever asked, and far more than she could hope
to gain, in any event, by secession. Indeed, I
think it moat now be apparent that secession,
even if it could have beemeffected peacably,
would have been no remedy? for the grievances
of which they complained. Nay, so far as
any grievances arising from a failure'to obtain
a return of our fugitive 1 slaves was concerned,
I chink it must now be sppaiejt that it would
have been an aggravation instead of a remedy
for the evil. 1 think all calm and dispassion
ate men everywhere, are now ready to admit
tbat .it would have been far better for us to
have accepted the termq.oSered to us and pre
served peace and the Union, that to have
plunged this once happy country info the hor
rors of this desolating war, which has spread
spall over the whole land—has brought mourn
ing into every family—has rendered hundreds
of thousands of hearthstones desolate—has
filled the land with maimed and disabled, with
widows and orphans, and squalid poverty *ghas
crowded our.poorbouses and almshouses—has
sported away many, hundreds of thousandsqf
lives and many hundreds of millions of treas
ure, only to find the institution for which they
profess to have gone to war, in a thousand
times greater jeopardy than ever before.-
Such being the condition into which they
have brought the oquntry, the question pre
sents itself, “Is there any remedy 7" A full,
complete, and adequate, remedy there is not;
for what can restore the loved ones lost—repair
at desolation, or remove immediately
the mourning from our lend 7 Vet thereis a I
remedy, whloh with the helping hand of tine,
will accomplish much, very much indeed, and
which, with the energy that usually-followa
desolating wan, will; perhaps, remove moet df
ita’traces in a half century. This remedy u
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NO. t
peace, speedt peace I 'But theysaywo are go,
situated that no proposition for peace can bs
made by da; that haring proclaimed onr inde
pendence, we must fight until it It voluntarily
acknowledged.by the United States,.or nntilwe
st* completely subjugated, On the meeting of
the British Parliament, which took .plate on
the 13th of December, 1792, theßing in hit
speech to the two Houses, intimated bis inten
tion.of gjnngto war wi thtba french BepnbJte
< On moving {headdress in answertathnspescb,
i n memorable, debates' arose. On this.
Chas. Jas. Fox delivered one-of (tetspowerfal
speeches which have made his name Immortal,
which have forever stamped him as tkeabtelt
of British debaters,; and . tim first oTßritliJi
statesman. ■Hi the soptac of tb»t«p«c6h»
said: “But we now disdain to negotiate.
Why ? Because we have no minister at Paris.
Why have we no minister there 1 Because'
France is a Republic I And so we are to pay
in blood and treasure of the people for • punc
tilio l * * * * The road to common sense is
simple, plain, and direct; That of pride and
punctilio is as tangled as it is serpentine." In
the impassioned language of Mr. Fox, I would
ask, are we to pay in blood and treasure of the
people for a punctilio ? Shall, we pnrenc the
path of pride and punctilio, which is as tan
gled as it is serpentine, or shall we take the
simple, plain, and direct road of common'sense,
which may lead to the happiest remits? foot
fifths of the people of that portion of North
Carolina bordering for many miles on the F ad*
kin river, and I believe of the whole State, are
in favor of the latter coarse.
Ths onegreat demand of the people of this
part of the State is peace; peace dp on shy.
terms that will not enslkve andffegrade os.
They may, perhaps, prefer that the-indepen
dence of the South should be acknowledged,-
but this they believe cannot now be obtained,
nor, in viewing the situation of affairs* do'fhey
see much hope of it in thcfntore. -They! nat‘'
nrallyask—if with no means ofmornitingto
any extent, we cannot hold-our own against
the armies which the. Yankees hare now in tb»
field, how can we meet them with their 300,000
new levies which will soon be in readiness,
while they can keep their army recruited to a
to a great extent,- if not up to its woximijm
number, from adventurers which are constan
tly arriving in their ports from every country
in Europe? But if independence cannot be
obtained, then they are for any terms that sre
honorable—any terms that do not degrade os.
They would be willing to compromise open the
amendment proposed by Mr. Corwin from ths
Committee of Twenty-six, perpetuating slavery
slavery in the States, to which I hare before] allu
ded. But in wfaat-preoise way overtures shall be
made, er the -movement inaugurated, I leave to
wiser men and abler statesman than myself to
propose. I would, however, suggest to ths
people to elect members to the next Congress
who we in favotof an armistice of six months,
and in the meantime, of submitting all matters -
iff dispute to a convention of delegates from all
the States North and South, the delegatee to be
elected by the people ihemsdvee, in such manner
as may be agreed upon by the two parties.
Others them are wher desire that the people of
Carolina should be consulted in their
sovereign capacity, through a conventibn—that
the Legislature should-submit the question of
“ Conventionor no Convention,” to ths people, '
as was done in February, 1861. Snob s con
vention would, undoubtedly, speak the senti
ments of'the people of the State, citizens as
well as soldiers, as all would be consulted.
But I propose nothing definite, and only make
these suggestions to bring the matter.before
the public. 1 would, however, meet earnest!*
appeal to the, friends of humanity throughout
the State, to use their utatost efforts toprocu re,
as speedily as possible, an honorable'peace. la
the name of reason, of Buffering humanity, and
of the religion which we profess, wonld I ap
peal to tfae public men and statesmen of North
Caroline, and especially to that eminent states
man who-possesses in a greater-degree than all
others the confidence of the of tint
State, and who has recently been elevated tb
a high place ’in the Confederate Qovernment,
to lend a helping, hand aadose their influence
to bring about an .honorable peace. And test-"
ly, I wonld appea! to the minis ters gnd prefers
sore of oar holy religion- constantly—
without dictation of terms—to Almighty Ood
for an honorable peace.
Hayingbut recently occupied a largespace
in year columns, I -feel that lam intruding,
and •will therefore, after expressing my obliga*
tions to you, close for the present.
Clejhwsville, N. C., July 16, 1863,
An Incident or the New Tobol Ejot--
“ Mother ! they may kill the body, but they can
not touch the soul!” was the language used by
poor Abraham Pranklin, as he was borne,from
the presence of bis mother by the barbarous
mob on the morning of the 14th nit This
young man, aged twenty-three, had been an
invalid for abput two yearn, and vfae a con
firmed consumptive. When the mob' broke
into tha bouse they, found- him in bad. They
boro him ip to the street, and there, although he
had-nbt raised a finger against them, indeed
was not able to do so.-they beat him to death,
hanged him to a lamp-post, cut his pantaloons
off at the knees, cut bits.oj' jtcsh out off his legs,
and afterwards set fire to him f All thiswds
done beneath the eye's-of his widowed’mother.
Snob an exhibition of b'oodthustinets ie with
out a parallel in' the history of crime. Pat
rick Bntler and George Glass, both Irishmen,
the latter fifty-three' years of age, have been
arrested .for the murder of yfr. Franklin.—An
glo 'African.
Is Jfashville. Tenn., the other day,» sift-*
father rescued from the clutches of her “owner’ ’
a daughter who was about to fteedrned sway
to a life and servitude. The
event dobs Wot seem to bays’shocked afiy Wvsl
oitiaen, wherefrom we infer that the
ter’e occupation in Tebnesiee is effectually
gone. '
' Taotair wo tmeltbe; world over to find tbe
' beautifol, we m net carry it with us, or we find
‘it not,.
Z SIO3THB. 6 IOKiaS. 12 HONTH6;
53,00 $4,60 $6,00-
O,OO 6,50 * B,o#
7,08 #,6#. 10,00
*.oo 9,50 12,60
....15,00 20,0# 26,00
.25,00' _ 35,00 • 40,0#
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