~~The Tloga'CPiaty ■ Agitator: BY MiJSc. 0088, , PabUshed morniog Bad muled to ■ 0110 E "! v Xho county subscribers, though' they inftyrwjtiwttelr mail »t post-offices lo cated in counties bsw«#Wiy Coy oonven tOUCß* * ‘§B • . Tsb AswitOß istho’iuffleiul paper of .Tioga Co., and circulates in every wighbornood therein. Sub. acriptionff being on the,advance-pay sysUm,£l circu lates among aolass most to. the interest of advertisers to reach. Terms toadvertisers as liberal as those of ferodby any paper of ; eqial circulation in Northern Pennsylvania. jeay-A cross on,,the:,margin of a paper, denotes thattbe subscription ia about to expire. , - jßff* Papers will be sSoppod when tbe subscription time expires, unless the agent order* their continu ance, ; : ' o - - - : JAS. ; tOWBEFftS. F. WIISOS, A TTORNEYS at LAW, Ja L will-attend the,q'onrts of Tioga, Potter and McKean counties. [ffellsboro, dan. 1, 1863.] JOHN S. MANN, «*. A TTORNEY & COUNSELLOR AT LAW, ft*. Pat, orjU-attlnjf tbe several Courts, tn Potter and Mollven counties; -All business en. trusted te his care will rs&ve.prompt attention. He has the agency-of large'tracts of good settling- land nnd wlll attend to the payiment of taxes on any landg In said counties. ~ T " Jon; 28,1883.* DICKINSON HOUSE, corning, n.'.*. JVlaj. A. F1ELD,...,. .V.. .Proprietor. GUESTS. taken & and from- the Depot free of charge., [Jan. 1,1863.3 PENNSYLVANIA HOUSE, COMBE OJ MAIN STEEfeI AND THE AVENUE, WellafcMa.Fa/ J, TV. 1 BI6ONY, ..Proprietor. THfS popular Hotel,: taring been re-fitted and re-furnished throughout, ia now open to the public as & first-class housed {Jon. 1, 1863.]. IZVAK WApOS HOUSE, - Gaines, Tiotla County, Pa. H. C. VERM1LYEA;,(......^........ -Proprietor. THIS is a net# hotil'located witbin easy ac cess of the best fishing and hunting grjrands in Northern Pennsylvania.; No pains,will be spared for the accommodation of .pleasure seekers tfnd the trav elling public. ! ■’' ■' • . 1 [J»n. 1~. 1863.] A WATCHES, CLOCKS AND ]pV , JEWELRY I jwired at BELLA! D’-S A CO’S..STORE, by the subscriber, in the bestjntiiftr. and at as low prices as the same woVk can be done let, by any first rate prac tfcal workman in tHo SLito WclUboWr July. 15, Jss3. WELL.SBQRO HOTEL. B. B. HOLIDAY, Proprietor. TUB Proprietor haviSg again taken possession of the abore Hotels Will spire no pains to insure tthe comfort of .guests-tiro traveling public* At tentive waiters always jotuiy. Terms reasonable. • Wellsboro, Jan. a. ropir, Watches, Clocks ‘jawelnr, &c., &c., REPAIREd'-AT old prices. POST OFFICE BUILDING, NO. 5, [UyiON. BLOCK. WeUaboro, May. 20, 1863. * , - - E. BLACK, BARBER & HAIR-DRESSER, SHOP OVER jc. l.VricOX'S STORE, NO. 4, iMION BLOCK. ■WeUaboro, June 2.4, *563.. / - , £££!> STOKE. WRIGHT' & BAILEY . HATE .had their Vill thoroughly repaired and are receiving fresh* ground floor, feed, meal, 4c., every day af theft* store in town. Cash paid foralj hinds of grain., ■ !. WEIGHT 4 BAILEY. , Wellsboro,’April'2,9, 1863. ' Wool Caiding and Cloth Dressing. subscriber informs his old customers " J- and the pahlie that he is prepared to pard-VooJ and dress at the old stand, the coming season, having secured Ihe tferyiees qf Mr. J. PBET, a competent and ezpecrsaqgd workman, and also in tending to give his perSfrnsl attention to the business, he will warrant all wOrlt done at bis shop. . Wool corded at per fioand, and Cloth tffessed at from tea. jtoitwenty cents por yard as per -color and finish. J. I. JACKSON. Wellsboro, .May -6,*1 MABtf' jtE SHOP. lAM flow recelvidj; a (STOCK of ITALIAN and RUTLAND (HARBLE, (bought with, cash) And am prepared all kinds of TOMBSTONES and MONMMENTS'atihe lowest prices. HARVEY 'ADAMgfis my authorised agent and TfiU. sell Stone at tbe'tftoe prices as at the shop. WE BAVjSVntT ONE PRICE. ‘ Tioga, May 2.0,1881j-ly. A. D. COLE. JOH3M A. ROY, BEAXER IN DpJGS. AND, MEDICINES, Chemicals, Paints, Lyes, Soaps, Per -iomery, Brushes,Puttfo Toys, Fancy Goods, Par© Wines, Brandi 4?rGinSf and mhef Liquors for medical use. Agent Tor the sal© of all the best Pat* ent Medicines of (he Wellsboro, June 24iU863-ly. of which will" bo sold at the lowest flgare.for. iash or ready pay. Job work of all Hnds attended to on nail’. Tioga; Jan. If, 1563. GUERNSEY * SMEAti. i EXECUTOR’S NOTICE. V ETTERS Testamentary having been grain £ w to-the subsetf jer on the estate of Thomas J. *®fry, late of those indebted to the said estate are requested to make immediate payment, and uose haying claims against, the • suae, vrtll. present tWts’dQlj.aatheaticated.to'the undersigned for set- Osment ■ B . C. WICKHAM, Jtega, Jsly 29; 1813, *t JC&UXKBS, - f Exrs ' >•B,. Vi V. -a-* mj*- 1 U'-"w - - —M. i *~ m , v i 1 THE AGITATOR VOI. X. NORTH CAROLINA AND TBS RD> HELLION. 4 Remarkable Article from a Journal in the Rebel States—Review of ike History of the Secession Movement. The following is the remarkable article which appeared in the Raleigh (N. C.) Standard on July 31. It ie reported to have been written bj Hen. R. S. Donnell, speaker of tbe House of Commons of North Carolina, aided by F. B, Satiertbwaite.presldtht of tbe Governor’* Coun cil, and to have been published with the appro*' val of Governor Tahfce. We publish the article, and italicize; Ac., as it was printed in tbe Standard: , ' ’ ' THE SECESSIONISTS —THEIR PROMISES - AMD PER-. FORMANCES— THE CONDITION INTO WHICH THEY HATE BROUGHT THE COUNTRY—THE REM- EDY, ETC, Mr. Editor : There is, so far as I remember, no .war to be met with iu history entirely anal ogous to the one now raging, between the North and the Sooth. That produced on the part of three of the Swiss Cantons to separate them selves from the Confederation, a few years since, in some respects, resembles it most near ly. That attempt, it will be remembered, was arrested, and tbe rebellious Cantons speedily reduced, to submission by tbe arms of the Con federacy. It is frequently compared to oor'old Revolutionary struggle with the mother coun try,* but there ie scarcely an analogy between the two cases. The thirteen Colonies were not like the Southern States, equal in political rights with, the other States of tbe British Em pire. They possessed no sovereign power what ever. ■ They were not, as we were, entitled to representation in the common Parliament of tbe British Union, but were mere colonies— mere dependencies upon tbe mother country. In an evil hour the administration of George Grenville, and afterwards that of Lord North, attempted to impose a tax upon the colonies. This oppression was resisted, and the resistance was made the pretext for other oppressions,' more unjust still. The colonies continued their resistance in a constitutional way for -nearly ten years,-by representations, remonstrances, and petitions for the redress of grievances; but all in vain. At length they took up arms, with the avowed object of enforcing such re dress. They solemnly disclaimed all intention of separation from the parent State, for they were as loyal in their feelings of attachment to A.- B, HASCY. the British Constitution as were the inhabi tants of Surrey or Cornwall. This resolute step they confidently expected would procure the desired redress ; bnt thel advice of an the ablest statesmen of that ago—of Chatham, of Camden, of Bnrfee, 'Of Fox, of Kockingham, and other* —was thrown away upon the narrow minded pi on arch and the bigoted ministry which then swayed the destinies of the British Empire. Still in hope, they continued the straggle for one whole year.- At length the 'British Parliament declared the colonies out of the protection of the parent State. And then, at last, no other course was left them but to proclaim'their independence and defend it, if need be, with their life’s blood. The battle of Lexington was,/ought on the 19th of April, 1775,’and on the 12th of April, 1776, tbs Pro vincial of North Carolina “ empow ered,their delegates in Congress to concur with the delegates of the other colonies in declaring independence and forming foreign alliances;” and on the 16th of the following month Vir ginia, through her’ Convention, instructed her delegates in the Continental Congress ‘" to pro pose to that body to declare the United Colo nies free and independent States, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence on, the Crown or Parliament iof Great Britain,” and on the 4th of July following the ever-memora ble Declaration was made. But how different has been the course of .the Secessionists I They seem to have resolved years agoVtbat the Union should be destroyed, and then to have set themselves to work to forge -such grievances as would seem to give them a decent pretext for the accomplishment of their premeditated schemes. The first effort Was made in the days of nullification by the Secessionists of South Carolina. The griev ance then complained of was the tariff, al though the State of South Carolina, herself, TiSd .lad been from the foundation of the Govern* meat nearly up to that period, os strong an ad vocate of a high tariff as any State in New England. That question was compromised— South,Carolina obtained all that she ostensibly demanded. A revenue tariff, with incidental protection, became the settled policy, of the Government, and, except for a short period un der the tariff of 1842, was never departed from. But still.tbey were not satisfied.. Immediately after the passage of Mr. Clay’s Compromise bill, the newspaper organ of the Secessionists at Washington declared', “ that the South could never be united on the tariff question, and that the slavery question was the only one that could unite them." And Mr. Calhoun, if I mistake not, said the same thing in a speech at Abbe ville, in South Carolina, about the same time; and, of course, was followed by all the lesser lights among his adherents. Then commenced that violent agitation of the slavery question which had nearly culminated upon the admis sion of California, in 1850. * Again, by the l efforts of those immortal statesmen of the last age, Messrs. Webster, Clay, and others, was the matter compromised. TheS whole country at first appeared to be satisfied jwith the settle ment, hut it soon appeared that there were a number of restless spirits among the extremists of the Sooth, that would be satisfied with noth ing short of a dissolution of the Union. Of this class of politicians W. L. Tancey may he fitly selected as representative man. He imme diately began to' agitate the question again.— 'He went to the Democratic National Conven tion at Baltimore, in 1852, as a delegate from the State of Alabama, and there proposed as the ultimatum on which he could continue to act with the Democratic party, and upon which, ; in his opinion, the slave States could consent to remain In the Union, that the doctrine of non-intervention • by Congress in regard to sla very in the Territories should ha incorporated Befcotcß to of Vbt Uttu of jFmOom ana tfje SjmaO of f&ralt&g Reform, While there shall be a wrong unriqhted, and until "man’s inhumanity to man" shall: cease, agitation must continue, WILLSBOEOj TIOGA COUNTS, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 2, 1863. sOUtlt»l, in the Democratic platform. In this he failed, and therefore did not support the nominee of the Convention, Ur. Pierce. He could not, however, at that time, succeed in creating a great schism in the Democratic party,' so great had been the calm which the Compromise measures of 1850 had produced. In 1856 be again went as a delegate from the State of Ala bama to the Cincinnati Convention, with his old uUmaftm in bis pocket. Contrary to his wishes and expectations, it was incorporated into the Cincinnati platform, and being thus left withont an excuse, be supported" Mr. Bu chanan for the. Presidency in the fall of that year. In the meantime, however, that fatal measure, the repeal of the Missouri Compro mise, had been consummated. It was brought about by. the extremists of the Sooth, aided by a few partisan Democrats at the North. The avowed object of its author was to open to slavery the Territories north of the Missouri Compromise line, notwithstanding the agree ment of 1820, that said line should forever di vide the Territories between the slave and free State's. It is said, however, that the Compro mise of 1820 was unconstitutional, hot what is that to the purpose ? It was a most solemn compact between the two sections of the coun try, made for the settlement of a most perplex ing question, and without any reference to its constitutionality, should have been regarded as an organic law, and observed as sacredly as the Constitution itself. The effect of this measure was great end rapid, and there can be bnt little donbt that it was such as a majority of its authors contem plated. The result was the formation of a great party at the North opposed to the further ex tension of slavery, and which party very nearly succeeded in electing their candidate for the Presidency, Mr. Fremont, in 1856. After the election, this party seemed to be on the wane, until the anti-slavery spirit of the whole North was atoused to madness by an attempt bn the part of Mr.' Buchanan's Administration to force the Leoompton Constitution, with Slavery, upon the people of Kansas, in opposition to the known and expressed wishes of three-fourths of them. Bnt for this most unjustifiable measure, the Republican party would undoubtedly have dwindled down to moderate proportions; and even after this, it is doubtful if they could have succeeded in the Presidential election of 1860, if the Secessionists, with Yancey at their head, had pot determined that they should succeed. AftOrMr. Yancey and hia party had, against their wishes, succeeded in getting their ultima tum of non intervention incorporated into the Cincinnati platform, they went to work to con jure up another to present to the Charleston Convention. Abandoning their doctine of non intervention, they went to the oppooite extreme and 1 .demanded that the intervention of Con gress for the protection of slavery in the. Terr itories should -constitute a part of the Charles ton platform. This demand they well knew would not be complied with, nor did they desire that it should be. Their object was to procure the secession of the delegates of the cotton States from the Convention, and thus by de feating -the nomination of Mr. Douglas, and rending asunder the Democratic party, to in sure the election of Mr. Lincoln, and thereby forge for'themselves a grievance which would seem to justify then! in the execution of the long-meditated designs of destroying the Union. All of this they accomplished, and the election of Mr. Lincoln was perhaps bailed with greater joy at Charleston than atNew York. I will do them the justice to state that they also claimed to have some other grievances; among them, that some of the Northern States by their stat utes obstructed the execution of the fugitive slave law, but the only States that conld com; plain much on that score were willing to re main in the Union, while Sooth Carolina, the State which set the ball in motion, perhaps never lost a slave. But it must be borne in mind that no act of the National Government constituted any part of their grievances. They did not pretend that any act of Congress in fringed on their rights, and the decisions of the Supreme Court were mainly such as they would themselves have made. Nay, even at the very time of Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration, if the Cotton States bad allowed their senators and representatives to remain, they would have had a decided majority in both Houses of Con gress in favor of-the extension of slavery, and in opposition to the policy of the party which elected him. The great cause of complaint was, that a man opposed to the extension of slavery in the Territories had been elected President of the United States, according to the forma of tbe Constitution which he wae eworn to defend and protect, and who disclaimed any other than constitutional means in the accomplishment rf his objects. Under such circumstances it seems that if they bad labored underany real grievance, their course was plain. They should have taken the course of our Revolutionary fa thers. When the States assembled in Conven tion, instead of proceeding at once to declare their independence—for the idea of secession, peaceable of right, seems, as Publius says, to have exploded aad given up the ghost—they should clearly and concisely have stated what their grievances were, and demanded redress in respectful, yet firm and decided terms. They should have exhausted every constitutional means of obtaining guarantees—if any were needed—by representation, by remonstrance, by petition ; and, failing in all these, they should have] done as our Revolutionary sires did, f. e. fight in the Union for their rights nntil they were driven out of it. Saob a coarse would have procured for ns, as it did for our fathers, the respect, the Sympathy, and tbs assistance of other nations. Instead of that, we have not a friend in Europe. But such was not the course which these—in their own esti mation—wise statesmen- chose to pursue.- When each a course was suggested or recom menced to them, they evaded it by.a long list of magnificent promises, which looked so splen did as almost to dazzle the mind' with their brilliancy. _-r First and foremost, they promised that secej eion should be peaceable. Secondly- They, promised that If perchance; war should ensue,'lt Would be a very short war; that it would not last six months—that the Yankees would not fight—that one Southerner could whip,frour fen to one hundred of them— that England and France would speedily rec ognise us, and render ns every assistance we might desire—that whatever might be their ab stract opinions of the'snbjeot of slavery,.their interests would impel them to promote its per petuity. in the Southern States; that if after all, they should not he disposed to assist ns, Cotton teas Kiny K and would soon bring all the crowned heads of Europe on their knees in supplications us ; Would compel them to raise the blockade—should one he established—in thirty days, in sixty days, in ninety days, in one hundred and twenty days, in six months, in nine months, in one year at furthest, f Thirdly. They promised us that all the slave States, except Delaware, would join" the South ern Confederacy ; that slavery should not only be perpetuated in the States, but that it should be extended into all the Territories in which the negro could live; that all the grievances occasioned by the non-execution of the fugitive-slave law should he speedily re dressed ; that slave property should be estab lished npon a basis as safe as that of lauded property. Fourthly. They promised us that the new Government should be a mere Confederacy of States, of absolute sovereignty, and equal rights; that the States should be tyrannized over.by no such “ central despotism” as the old Government at Washington; that the glorious doctrine of State rights and nullification, as taught by Mr. Jeffersoti and Mr. Calhoun, should prevail in the new Confederacy; that the sovereignty of the States and their judicial decisions should be sacredly respected. Fifthly. They promised us the early and permanent establishment of the wealthiest and best Government on the earth, whose credit should be better than that of any other nation; whose prosperity and happiness should be the envy of the civilized world. And, lastly, they promised ns that if war should ensue, they would go to the battle-field and spill, if necessary, the last drop of their blood in the cause of their beloved South. While such have been their promises, what have been their performances ? Instead of se cession being peaceable, as they promised that it would, it has given rise to such a war as has never before desolated any country since the barbarians of the North overran the Roman Empire. So for from the war’s ending in six months, as they said it would, should it ensue, it has already lasted more than two years; and if their policy is to be pursued, it will last more, than two years longer; and, notwithstanding their predictions, the Yankees have fought on tbsvaf occasions, with a spirit and determin ation worthy of their ancestors of the Revolu tion—worthy of the descendants of those aus tere old Puritans, whose heroic spirit and re ligious zeal made Oliver Cromwell’s army the terror of the civilized world—or of those French Huguenots, “ who, thrice in the sixteenth cen tury contended with heroic spirit and'various fortunes against all the genius of the house of Loraine, and all the power of the bouse of Valois.” England and France have not recog nized us—have not raised the blockade—have not shown us any sympathy, nor is there any probability that they ever will, and that cotton is not king is- now universally acknowledged, and Maryland has not joined the Confederacy, nor has Kentucky nor Missouri ever really been with ns. Slavery has not only been per petuated in the States, nor extended into the Territories, bnt Missouri has passed an act of emancipation, and Maryland is ready to do so rather than give up her place in the Union, and the last hope of obtaining one foot of the Ter ritories for the purpose of extending slavery has departed from the Confederacy forever. The grievances caused by the failure of some of the Northern States to execute the fugitive slave law have not only not been remedied, but more slaves have been lost to the South forever since secession was inaugurated than would escaped from their mhsters in the Union in five centuries. And how have they kept their promises that they would respect the sovereignty and rights of the States? What ever the government may be in theory, in fact we have a grand military consolidation, which almost entirely ignores the existence of the States, and disregards the decisions of their highest judicial tribunals. The great central despotism at Washington, as they were pleased to call it, was at any time previous to the com mencement of the Secession movement, and even to some time after it had commenced, a most mild and beneficent Government com pared with the central despotism at Richmond, under which we are now living. Instead of an early and permanent estab lishment of the “ wealthiest and best Govern ment in the, world, with unbounded credit," what have we got? In spite of the victories which they profess to have obtained over the Yankees, they have lost the States of Missouri, Kentucky,'Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Miss issippi, and Tennessee and in my humble opin ion have lost‘them forever; and, in nil prob ability, Alabama will. soon be added to the number. This will leave to the Confederacy but five States out of the original thirteen, and of these five [the 1 , Yankees have possession of many of the rriost important points, and one third of their territory. So far, the Yankees have never failed to hold every place of impor tance which'they have taken, and present in dications are that Charleston will ebon be ad ded to the number. The campaign of Gen. Lea into Pennsylvania has undoubtedly proved a failure, and with it the last hope of conquer ing a peace by a successful invasion of the enemy’s country. Our army has certainly been very much weakened and dispirited by this failure and the fell of Vicksburg, and how long even Richmond will be safe no one can tell. As the Richmond Enquirer said some time age; “ They are slowly but surely gaining upon us, acre by acre, mile by mile, and. unless Providences interposes in our behalf—of which I see no indication—wa will, at no great dis tance of time, be a. subjugated people. As to our unbounded credit based npon the security of King Cotton, it is unnecessary to speak. When we .see one of the most influ ential States in the Confederacy,.and the Con- federate Government itself repudiating, to some extent, its most solemn obligations, we cannot but suppose that the confidence of other na tions in the good faith and credit of this Gov ernment is small indeedl' As regards .their promise "to go to the war and spill the lost drop of their blood in thecanse of their be loved South," I will say nothing. Everybody knows bow the Secessionist* of North Carolina have-kept that promise. Everybody knows that the leaders, with a few honorable excep tions, will .neither .fight nornegotiate. What a'deplorable spectacle does the forego ing history present to onr view I To what a desperate pan they have brought ns,-ans for what! They Rsythat they-did.itbecause the North would give ns no guarantee on the sla very question. I have before stated that not one of the Conventions of of the seven Cotton States ever demanded any guarantee whatever. |Nay, they even refused to accept of any, if itbeir friends of the Border States would pro cure it for them. Tba Legislature of North Carolina, at its regular session in January, 1861, adopted res olutions appointing Commissioners to the Peace Congress at Washington City, and also to the Convention which assembled at Montgomery, Alabama, in February, 1861, for the purpose of adapting s' Constftutiop, and establishing a Provisional Government for the Confederate States of America. Gn the motion of the wri ter of this, the resolution appointing Commis sioners to Montgomery was amended so as to instruct them to act only as mediators, and use every effort possible to restore the Union upon the basis- of the Crittenden propositions as modified by the legislaiure’of Virginia.” The Commissioners, under these instructions, were the Hon. D: L. Swan, Gen. M. W. Ran som, and John L. Bridgets,. Esq., who, upon their return, submitted a report to bis Excel enoy Gov. Ellis, which was, by him, laid be fore tbe Legislature, and was printed among the legislative documents of that' year, where it may be consulted. In this report they say that they bad tbe most ample opportunities of ascertaining puplic opinion in the Cotton States, and then add,: “ We regret to be constrained to state, as the-nagjilt of our inquires, made un der such cirSbmstances,- that only a very de cided minority of the community in these States are disposed, at present, to entertain fa vorably any proposition of adjustment which looks toward a reconstruction of our national Union. In this state of 'things we have not deemed it our duty to attend any of the secret sessions of tbe Congress. Tbe resolutions, of the General Assembly are upon tbe table of Congress, and having submitted them as a peace offering, we would poorly perform the duties assigned tows by entering into discuss ions which would serve only to enkindle strife.” Bat it will be sard that these guarantees could not have been obtained from tbe North. This 1 admit to be true, and only produce this piece of history to prove that whatever might have been obtained, nothing wonld have been accepted. But the Congress of the United States did pass, by the constitutional majority of two-thirds, the proposition reported by Mr, Corwin, from the committy of twenty-six, to so amend the Constitution as to perpetuate slavery in the States. What stronger guarantees could be given, so far as the States were concerned, it would bo difficult to conceive. What then would have been left to quarrel about ? The Territories. During tbe session of Congress which closed on tbe 3d of March, 1861, acta were passed to provide temporary Governments for the three remaining new Territories to wit; Colorado, Nevada, and Dakota. These acts contain no trace or indication of the Wilmot Proviso, nor any other prohibition against the introduction Of slavery; but,' on the other band, expressly declare, among other things, that “no law shall he passed' impairing the rights of private property : nor shall any discrimination be made in taxing different kinds of property, but all property subject to taxation shall be in proportion to the value of the property taxed.” Now, when it is considered that all three of these Territories are - north of 36° 30'. and that in the new Territory now owned by the Uni ted States south of that line, Slavery actually exists, and is recognized by the Territorial law, the question may well be asked, "What was there worth quarrelling, much less fighting about?" Here was a. settlement of the ques tion in the Territories, made by a Republican Congress, which gave the South all that, up to the time of the Charleston Convention, she bad ever asked, and far more than she could hope to gain, in any event, by secession. Indeed, I think it moat now be apparent that secession, even if it could have beemeffected peacably, would have been no remedy? for the grievances of which they complained. Nay, so far as any grievances arising from a failure'to obtain a return of our fugitive 1 slaves was concerned, I chink it must now be sppaiejt that it would have been an aggravation instead of a remedy for the evil. 1 think all calm and dispassion ate men everywhere, are now ready to admit tbat .it would have been far better for us to have accepted the termq.oSered to us and pre served peace and the Union, that to have plunged this once happy country info the hor rors of this desolating war, which has spread spall over the whole land—has brought mourn ing into every family—has rendered hundreds of thousands of hearthstones desolate—has filled the land with maimed and disabled, with widows and orphans, and squalid poverty *ghas crowded our.poorbouses and almshouses—has sported away many, hundreds of thousandsqf lives and many hundreds of millions of treas ure, only to find the institution for which they profess to have gone to war, in a thousand times greater jeopardy than ever before.- Such being the condition into which they have brought the oquntry, the question pre sents itself, “Is there any remedy 7" A full, complete, and adequate, remedy there is not; for what can restore the loved ones lost—repair at desolation, or remove immediately the mourning from our lend 7 Vet thereis a I remedy, whloh with the helping hand of tine, will accomplish much, very much indeed, and which, with the energy that usually-followa desolating wan, will; perhaps, remove moet df ita’traces in a half century. This remedy u Advertisement* will boehargod $1 per Kjaafeef IB lines, on* or throe insertion?, wd : 2l witsJbr:crfff aabaeqnent insertion. AdrortDwtitentsbfleisifaen Iff Imee.ctmaiderod aaa aqn*r*i The aiyoihcd rate*' will b* charged for Qharteriy, Half-Yearly and Yearly advertisements * . 1 Square,.., 2 do. ... 3 do. ... i Column,., i do. .. 1 do. .. Advertisements not having- th« number -of inter' tiena desired marked npon them, nill be published until ordered out and charged accordingly; . Posters, Handbills, Bill-Heads, Better-Headl and all kinds of Jobbing done in country establishments’ execnted neatly and promptly. Justices’, Constable’s and other BLANKS, constantly on band. NO. t peace, speedt peace I 'But theysaywo are go, situated that no proposition for peace can bs made by da; that haring proclaimed onr inde pendence, we must fight until it It voluntarily acknowledged.by the United States,.or nntilwe st* completely subjugated, On the meeting of the British Parliament, which took .plate on the 13th of December, 1792, theßing in hit speech to the two Houses, intimated bis inten tion.of gjnngto war wi thtba french BepnbJte < On moving {headdress in answertathnspescb, i n memorable, debates' arose. On this. Chas. Jas. Fox delivered one-of (tetspowerfal speeches which have made his name Immortal, which have forever stamped him as tkeabtelt of British debaters,; and . tim first oTßritliJi statesman. ■Hi the soptac of tb»t«p«c6h» said: “But we now disdain to negotiate. Why ? Because we have no minister at Paris. Why have we no minister there 1 Because' France is a Republic I And so we are to pay in blood and treasure of the people for • punc tilio l * * * * The road to common sense is simple, plain, and direct; That of pride and punctilio is as tangled as it is serpentine." In the impassioned language of Mr. Fox, I would ask, are we to pay in blood and treasure of the people for a punctilio ? Shall, we pnrenc the path of pride and punctilio, which is as tan gled as it is serpentine, or shall we take the simple, plain, and direct road of common'sense, which may lead to the happiest remits? foot fifths of the people of that portion of North Carolina bordering for many miles on the F ad* kin river, and I believe of the whole State, are in favor of the latter coarse. Ths onegreat demand of the people of this part of the State is peace; peace dp on shy. terms that will not enslkve andffegrade os. They may, perhaps, prefer that the-indepen dence of the South should be acknowledged,- but this they believe cannot now be obtained, nor, in viewing the situation of affairs* do'fhey see much hope of it in thcfntore. -They! nat‘' nrallyask—if with no means ofmornitingto any extent, we cannot hold-our own against the armies which the. Yankees hare now in tb» field, how can we meet them with their 300,000 new levies which will soon be in readiness, while they can keep their army recruited to a to a great extent,- if not up to its woximijm number, from adventurers which are constan tly arriving in their ports from every country in Europe? But if independence cannot be obtained, then they are for any terms that sre honorable—any terms that do not degrade os. They would be willing to compromise open the amendment proposed by Mr. Corwin from ths Committee of Twenty-six, perpetuating slavery slavery in the States, to which I hare before] allu ded. But in wfaat-preoise way overtures shall be made, er the -movement inaugurated, I leave to wiser men and abler statesman than myself to propose. I would, however, suggest to ths people to elect members to the next Congress who we in favotof an armistice of six months, and in the meantime, of submitting all matters - iff dispute to a convention of delegates from all the States North and South, the delegatee to be elected by the people ihemsdvee, in such manner as may be agreed upon by the two parties. Others them are wher desire that the people of Carolina should be consulted in their sovereign capacity, through a conventibn—that the Legislature should-submit the question of “ Conventionor no Convention,” to ths people, ' as was done in February, 1861. Snob s con vention would, undoubtedly, speak the senti ments of'the people of the State, citizens as well as soldiers, as all would be consulted. But I propose nothing definite, and only make these suggestions to bring the matter.before the public. 1 would, however, meet earnest!* appeal to the, friends of humanity throughout the State, to use their utatost efforts toprocu re, as speedily as possible, an honorable'peace. la the name of reason, of Buffering humanity, and of the religion which we profess, wonld I ap peal to tfae public men and statesmen of North Caroline, and especially to that eminent states man who-possesses in a greater-degree than all others the confidence of the of tint State, and who has recently been elevated tb a high place ’in the Confederate Qovernment, to lend a helping, hand aadose their influence to bring about an .honorable peace. And test-" ly, I wonld appea! to the minis ters gnd prefers sore of oar holy religion- constantly— without dictation of terms—to Almighty Ood for an honorable peace. Hayingbut recently occupied a largespace in year columns, I -feel that lam intruding, and •will therefore, after expressing my obliga* tions to you, close for the present. Clejhwsville, N. C., July 16, 1863, An Incident or the New Tobol Ejot-- “ Mother ! they may kill the body, but they can not touch the soul!” was the language used by poor Abraham Pranklin, as he was borne,from the presence of bis mother by the barbarous mob on the morning of the 14th nit This young man, aged twenty-three, had been an invalid for abput two yearn, and vfae a con firmed consumptive. When the mob' broke into tha bouse they, found- him in bad. They boro him ip to the street, and there, although he had-nbt raised a finger against them, indeed was not able to do so.-they beat him to death, hanged him to a lamp-post, cut his pantaloons off at the knees, cut bits.oj' jtcsh out off his legs, and afterwards set fire to him f All thiswds done beneath the eye's-of his widowed’mother. Snob an exhibition of b'oodthustinets ie with out a parallel in' the history of crime. Pat rick Bntler and George Glass, both Irishmen, the latter fifty-three' years of age, have been arrested .for the murder of yfr. Franklin.—An glo 'African. Is Jfashville. Tenn., the other day,» sift-* father rescued from the clutches of her “owner’ ’ a daughter who was about to fteedrned sway to a life and servitude. The event dobs Wot seem to bays’shocked afiy Wvsl oitiaen, wherefrom we infer that the ter’e occupation in Tebnesiee is effectually gone. ' ' Taotair wo tmeltbe; world over to find tbe ' beautifol, we m net carry it with us, or we find ‘it not,. Z SIO3THB. 6 IOKiaS. 12 HONTH6; 53,00 $4,60 $6,00- O,OO 6,50 * B,o# 7,08 #,6#. 10,00 *.oo 9,50 12,60 ....15,00 20,0# 26,00 .25,00' _ 35,00 • 40,0# DaVidson - .