i , f i r : 1 1 1 . I Jion of remedial jdstice among the people, has been demolished and it would be difficult, fif nut impoksible* to replace it, 'j ' The only acts of Congress on the statute book, bearing upon this subject, are those -of the 28ttj February ,c 1795, and 3d Marcb, 1807. These 1 authorize President, alter be shall, hare-ascertained that the marshal with hisporsc. comiiatus is unable! to execute civil or criminal process in any particular case, to call forth the militia and and navy to aid him in performingSbis service, having flrst by Proclamation cominaded the insurgents “|to . disperse and to their respec tive abodes, within :a limited time.’’ This ditty cannot by possibility be performed in a Suite where no judicial authority exists tb issue pi|o ne»o, and where there is no marshal to execute it,, and where evetr tf therewere such an officer, the entire population would constitute one sofid combination to resist him. ■■ | Tlte bare enumeration of these provisions proves bow inadequate they arc without further legislation to,overcame a united opposition irt a single State, ho; to jlpieak of other States who may place theraselwaf in a sMailer attitnde.i— Congress alone power to decide whether the present or cannot be amended Iso a*to yarry put nfjrjt effectually, the objects lof the Constitution ’ | . . { The same insuperable obstacles do not ,lie in •the way of executiiSg the laws for the collect! m of the customs. '.Tpe revenue still continues to -be collected, as hferitofore, at the custom-hoijss in Cbarlestbn ; iijm| should the collector unfor tunately resign, (\ Successor may be appointed to perform this dhilk ■ Then in regard S> the propertyof the Umted -States in South Ctl'bHna. This has been piir-, phased for a fair r equivalent; “by the content of the Legislature [pf the State,” “for the erec tion 'of forts, ntagazineSj arsenals, over theSe the authority '* to exercise exclusive legislation” has bran expressly granted by the Constitution'to Congress. It is not believe,! that any Sticjhpt will b| tuade to'expel the - United S ates from this property by force; bub ifj in Ibis I should pruv| to be mioU’ken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the idefonsive. In such a cpn lihgency,,t!io rcsfjbnsibility fur consequenbes would rightfully rtist upon the heads of the las ssilonts. ! I j r Apart from the execution of the lajvs, so-far ‘a* this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to dofide what shall be the r4la . tinns between the federal government and Suiith Carolina. He hn»been invested with no sdeh discretion, if* pqssessesno power to change the relations -jieret|)fore existing between them, much less to Acknowledge the independence of (hat State. This would be to invest a mere Ex 'scutiTS officer witjh the power of recognising the dissolution of |the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States'. It bears nojre •emblqnce ''to -the precognition of a foreign! de faelo governmcntpShvolving no such responsi bility. Any attempt to do this would on his port, be p nakclfSact of usurpation. It, is, therefore,-’my duty, to submit to Congress Jthe whole question in fall its bearings. The course of events is so rapidly hastening forward, that the'emergency may- soon arise, when you may be called upon to the momentous ques tion whether you possess tbe power, by force of arms, to compel afiState to remain in the Cuim. 1 should feel myslif recreant to my duly were I not lb express am opinion on this i.uportmt subject. | ■The question fairly stated is ; Has the Con stitution delegates to Congress the power to i coerce aSiate which is attempt ing to withdraw W has actually yritbdrniwn from the Confedefccy ? If anstvere(i.in the| af firmative, it mdstlibo on the principle thatjthe power has; beenjeonferred upon Congress) to declare ami to ma| e war against a State. After much serious refection I have arrived at the conclusion that ii|) such power has been dele gated to-Congress or to any-other department of the Federal'Sruijcrnmpnt'l It is manifest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, tjhat this is not amonjjj nmv-enumerated powers granted |o Congress ; aud it is equally apparent that its exercise is not “necessary and propir for tarrying into execution” any one of tbeje pow|rs. So far from this power baring been dele&ated to Congress, it was ex pressly refused bf the convention which framed the Constitution.? - It appears, from; the proceedings of that body, that on the 3lst flay, 1787, the clause “ audio riling in exerliM i of the force of the wr.ole against a delinquent Slate” came up fur enh tideration. Mr. pladison opposed it in a brief but powerful spejcii, from which I shall extract but a single sentence, lie observed: use of force agaijist a 1 State would look mare Ilka a declaration bf war than an inflictior of punishment; nn§ jwould probably be. consid ered by the party attacked as a'dissolution of all previous oon|pacta by which it might! be bound." Upon tbe clause was unani mously: postponed! and-was never I believe again presented.* : Soon afterwards, on the j?th June, 1787, when incidentally adverting to the subject, he said I “ Any'government, fur the United States, ftl'med on the” supposed practi cability of ueinguiirce against the unconstitu tional proceedings of the-States, would prove as visionary and (fallacious,as tbe government of Congress,” evidently, meaning the then ex isting CohgresS qf the old Confederation. 1 , Without descending to particulars, it mayjbe -rafely asserted,Shat the power to make viar against a State if at variance with the whole spirit and intent uf the Constitution. Suppose such a war should result in the conquest of a State, how fire; wie ito govern it afterwards ? Shall we hold it Ife ’ a province, and govern it by despotic powSr?' In the nature of things|we couldfnli, by physical force, control the vrilllof tbe people, them to elect senators and to Congress, and to perform all th/other,duties depending upon their own Volition, and required from the free citizens of a free State | as|v constituent member of the Confederacy! * ; But, if we possessed this power, would it be wisq to exerciseunder existing circumstan ces? The object would he to pre serve the Dniqnil; War should not only present the most effectu»; means of destroying it; sut - would banißh' alf jm|>e of its peaceable recon struction. Basics, j in the fraternal conflict a Vast amount ofiljilujd and treasure would [be expended, reodeiing future reconciliation be tween the- States, impossible. In the m4an time, who can fOJetell what would be the suffer ings and privations of the'people during its ex istence ? ; * % j - Tie fact is, that oat* Union rests upon puljlic opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood' of irx shed' in civil war. Iff it cannot live in tie affections' of the peoplej it mast'one day perish. iCongresa possesses many meanycf preserving it by conciliation ; bat ihe s word was' not placed ip their bond to presaive it by force. . I I i \ } mis***' I f But may-1-be permitted solemnly to iuTOke ray countrymen to pause and deliberate, they determine-to destroy this, the grandest temple'which has ever *heen dedicated to-pn man freedom since the world : hegan 1 1 ,h as been consecrated ty tEe blood of our fatnprs, by the glories of the past, and- by the of the future.' The Union has already made us thejnost ptosperous, and erelong, will, if jpre serred, render us the most powerful cation on the face’of the earth. In every foreign region of the globe' the title of American citizen is held in the highest respect, and when {pro nounced in a foreign land it causes the hearts of our countrymen io swell with honest pride. Surely when-we [reach the- brink of the yrwn ing abyss, we shall recoil with horror from [ the last fatal plunge.: By such a dread catastn the hopes of the friends of freedom troug! the'world would be destroyed, and a long n of leaden despotism would enshroud-the tions. Our- example for more than ei; years would nod only be lost; but it woul quoted as a'conclusive proof that man is i fur self-government. It is not every wrong—nay, it is not e grievous wrqng—which can justify a reso such a fearful alternative. This ought I the last desperate remedy of, a despairing p!e, after every other constitutional meai conciliation' had [ been exhausted. We sh reflect that under this free Government the an incessant ebb and flow of public opii The slavery question, like everything ho will have its day. I firmly believe that it already reached and passed [the cujmim point. But if, in the roid;.t of the existin citement, the Onion shall perish, the evil then become irreparable. Congress 'can' tribute much, to avert it by proposing anc ommend’.ng to the' legislatures of the se States the remedy for existing evils, wide! Constitution has! itself provided for its own servation. This has been tried at difierer rieds of our history, and always with em success. It is th be found in the sth a providing for its! own amendnfend. Unde: article amendments have been,proposed by thirds of both houses of Codgress, and been- “ ratified by the legislatures of t fourths of the several States,’' and have c quently become [parts of the .Constitution, this process the! country is indebted foi clause-prohibiting Congress from pissing law respecting ajn establishment of religio abridging the'freedom of speech or of the { or of the right of petition. To this we ar so, indebted for the Bill of Rights, whiel cures the people against any abuse of pow the Federal Government, Such were th prehensions justly entertained by the frier State righfg,nt that period as to have ren it extremely doubtful whether the Constil could have long survived without these ai ments Again, the Constitution was amended hi same process after the election of Preal Jefferson hr the House of Representative February, 1803. This .amendment was! dered necessary to prevent a recurrence off dingers which had seriously threatened existence of the Government the J dcncy of that election. The tirticle for its} amendment was intended to .Secure the | able adjustment of conflicting cinstitnti questions like the present, wflich might I between the governments cjf the States} that of the United States. This appears J contemporaneous history. Ift this conned I shall merely call attention to a few sente in Hr. Madison’s justly-celeirated repotl 1799, to the legislature of Virginia. In t» ably and conclusively defended the rcsolul of the preceding legislature against the 1 tures of several other State legislatun These were mainly founded iipon the pi of the Virginia legislature against the “J and Sedition Acts,” as “ palpable and a| ing infractions of the Constitution.” In j ting out the peaceful and cortstituliuhal > dies, and he referred to non® other, to v| the States were authorized toif resort, on occasions, bo concludes by -ftaying, “tha legislatures or the States mij|ht have ma direct representation to Congress with a to obtain a rescinding of tl e tvljo offensive at they might have represented |o their irespe senators in Congress their wish that bvo-t thereof would nropose an explanatory an ment to the Constitution, or tjivorthirds of I selves, if such had been theirSpplion,!migh an application to Congress, 'ihavo qbtain convent : oa for the same object.” I This is the very course wfidch I' earn recommend,in order to obtaiiijan ‘‘explan: amendment” of the Constitution on the su ■ojfslavery. This might originate with Congi theSralsJegislatures, as may be deemed advisable to attain to the object. The explanatory amendment might be ti final settlement of the true construction o Constitution on three special points : 1. An express recqgnitiorf of rigl property in slates in the States where it exists or may hereafter exists 2. The duty of protcciing.’this right ii the common Territories throughout their I torial existence, and until th£y shall be at ted as States into jtho Uiiioo,'with or wil slavery, as their constitutions may 5 ipresc 3. A like recognition of tin? right of the ter to have his slave, who Ifias escaped one State to another, restored and d delii up” to him, and of the validity of the fug; slave law enacted for this purpose, tog< with a declaration that nil State laws impa or defeating this right are violations Of the stitution, and are consequently null and to It may be objected that this constructio the Constitution has already, been settler the Supreme Court of tha United States, what more ought to ho required ? The an is, that a very large proportion of the pi of the United States still'cojStesi Hid - car ness of this decision, and nevOr, will cease agitation and admit its* bidding force ojeariy established by the peifple of tSa sc States in their sovereign, character. Sue’ explanatory amendment wouTd, it is' belli forever terminate the existing - ' dissensions restore peace and harmony among the Stat It ought not - to be doubted-that sucih an peal to the arbitrament established by the stitution itself wotild be received with favo all the States of theConfedoraOy. In any e it ought to be tried in a spirit of odncilii before any of these States shall separate t selves from the Union. 1 When I entered upon the d&tics of the p denthil office, the aspect neither of our for tier domestic affairs was at asl satiefactor We were involved iri dangertius complicai with several nations, and two of our Territi were in a state of'revolution Sgainst the ; crnment. A restoration of the. African ( trade had numerous and powerful advocate Unlawful military expeditions were oour anced by many of : oor citizens, and. were et| -T THE TIO(xA COUNTY AGITATOR. j ed, in, defiance of the efforts of the Government, ' to escape from our shores, for the purpose of making war upon thei unoffending people of -neighboring-republics with wham we were-at peneel In addition to these and other difScul ties, we experienced a revulsion in monetary a flairs,,soon after,my advent.to power, of unex ampled severity and of ruinous consequences to alljtho great interests of the country. When we take a retrospect of what was then our con dition and contrast this with its material pros perity at the lime of this late presidential elec tion, we have abundant reason to return our greateful thanks to that merciful Providence which has never forsaken us os a nation in all our past trials. I , THE AO IT AT OR. |phe lout ight HUGH YOUNG, EDITOR 4 PROPRIETOR. no th ty i be PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, DEC- 12. 1860. Dissoiltmoir. Thera is not the shadow of a donht that in less than two weeks from this time. South Caro lina will have declared herself an independent and sovereign State outside of the Union, It is also quite probable that Florida, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi! will follow her ex ample as soon thereafter as- it may he found practicable. 1 D be pco s of mid re is i fin, has ting What the result of-this secSessipn may ha upon the States seceding, or upon the States remaining, time'alone can determine. It is quite useless t(j talk of compromises, concessions,-or.conciliations, as all offers of these by Northern men are treated with scorn and eren contempt. We yield to none in our love for the’Union of all the States ; neverthe less we are opposed to all compromises, believ ing as we do, that our principles are just, and that by offering to compromise them, we virtually acknowledge them to be unjust. If this Union and the functions of its Government can only be administered by slave holders and those who sympathize with them; then ho pa triot should regret its peaceful dissolution. The Union was formed to perpetuate liberty, and when it fails to! do this, when it.is subverted to perpetuate slavery and restrain liberty, it is no longer worthy of preservation. - may con- rec ierai the pre- t po nent tide This two- rree- mse- To the any i, or ress, sr by f aP ns of ered Btion lend- We offer these remarks because one of the concessiotrirproposed by the tools of the oligar chy is to,abandon the organization and princi ples of the Republican party. These princi ples are dear to all of us. They are' the prin ciples upon which the Union 1 was founded. They are as eternal as [Truth. Why therefore, should they he abandoned ? Is the price of the Union to be eternal exactions on the one side, and never-ending concessions on the other? If so, how long would it be before we had conce ded all our inalienable [rights and become mere vassals Of the South ? • i the dent [ren | the I t ' ,e [pen fown Im ic ional arise - and from The Committee of one from each State (a list of which is published l i'n our summary of Washington news) may yet effect some recon ciliation between the two sections of the coun try. But it is extremely doubtful. First, be cause the Siatis named in the beginning of this article are determined to secede at all hazards. Second, because, as Buchanan ignores coercion, they know that now is, their time or never; and third, because if the leaders allow Reason to take the place of Paission in their own peo ple;, they will not wishjto go ont. hleantime whateverj may happen the people of the North ought to.jand we have no doubt will stand fjrm and united icr their just rights, either in the Union or out of it. ition, mere is he tiuns itric- otest Llien arm- >oin- [eme thicb such ; the le a view ts,or THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. ctive lirds iend ;iem- We believe that a large majority of the peo ple of this Union embracing all the parties and all sections in the country, judging him by his public acts of the pasjt four years, had little hopes of Mr. Buchanan’s ability to meet the great events which are now threatening the life of the nation, with energy, firmness and decision. Ilis course on the Lecomptoh ques tion gave no encouragement to hope that be would or could do anything to avert disunion. He still continues bis truculent and shuffling coarse, facing both North and South, and tries to gather strength- from each by lecturing the other. He does not Idjok the crisis square in the face as Jackson djd, but tries to shift the responsibility of disruption from himself to Congress by bad promises, and worse logic. Stripping that part of |the Message of its ver : biage which relates to secession, he says, Ist. South Carolina and thg Southern States gener ally have just reason to secede because of the aggressions of the North upon their rights. He] denies, however, (land we must give the devil his due} that the jelection of Mr. Lincoln is a just cause for secession, he having been elected in accordance with all the forms of the Constitution.. 1 2d. Although the South has bad just cause to secede, she has, in J.'B’s opinion, no right to secede ; and 3d, the Federal Gov ernment haa.no power tjojtrevent secession. In these conclusions the country North and South sees at once the imbecility of the Executive. Ilejis against coercion], and of course this fact has made the South mire rampant than before. The whole drift of the thing points to submis sion to every dictation jof the South by the peo ple of the North, or ejse civil war and blood shed. According to tlje logic of the Message, • either we, the Republican 1 party of the North, must aba'ndoh,the principles upon which we have ju|t wdn a great! victory, or else we roust takp the responsibility of having caused the disintegration of the States. This is the way we [read and understand the Message. There is one other contemptible position in dicated by Buchanan which shows- his inability to meet the occasion as a great statesman might be expected to meet it. He is seeking for a truce ojn the part of the South until after the Fourthj of March in order to give to Lincoln pnd.his Administration, the historical.-fact of the:l)i|Joiution. In this,'however, his hopes ; by id a 1 >Btlj i tory i iject i es or Most t of now i all erri- mit- and iwer ople rect- rom mtil eral i an ved, and ap- Jon by lent lem- ines ifen ffsr- will fail. The Cotton States will not wait for tbeddes of. March, knowing, Iwell that if they could not .secede so easily as under the present regime. j , The other parts of the Message are qnite re spectable. A- tariff of specific duties .is recom mended, hut nebody believes in his sincerity even in regard to this question. He was for a tariff last year, and in 1858,; but he retained in his Cabinet a man whose Free Trade notions have brought the country upon the verge'of Fi nancial. destruction. As a | whole J. B.’a last Message is bis worst. i FBOM WASHINGTON. Summary of the News| qf the Week. [Specially prepared for The Agitator.] During the recess of Congjress, the new sofas have been taken out of the House of Represen tatives and the old desks piit in. The latter seem to give more satisfaction to the members than the former. The Supreme Court has been removed from h dark and,incommodious room in the basement to the old Senate Chamber, •and the old room affords.exe silent space for the law library which lias been arranged there in neat walnut cases. Visitors to the Capitol have now a fine opportunity to oh ;nin an idea of the architectural beauty of the new dome. The first section having been completed, the roof has been raised to an altitude of over one hun dred arid thirty-five feet. The new roof is very nearly and the workmen are now engaged in putting in the finishing strokes. On Friday night an accident occurred during' the progress of this work by Vrhich one of the large paintings was slightly injured by the [ falling of a plank. It can be remedied with !, but little trouble by a good artist. Other chan ges areiobservnble, of less note than those men- One more will suffice. A year ago it was considered dangerous to a man’s health to avow himself a Republican in this city—par ticularly if he happened to be alone. At that time a man was hardly safe from being insulted or mobbed who made such an avowal. Now it is quite different. Almost every one of Old ! Buck’s office, holders here are Republicans. But it will not do. They will be “ cleaned out” as they 1 , ought to be. Monday, Dec. 3.—Long before noon the gal leries and floors of the House and Senate were literally crammed. Members from all sections who have not seen each other since July, greet ed each other with the greatest cordiality. Ou all sides the best of good humor prevailed. About [fifty Senators and one hundred and ninety-seven Members—a quorum of both Houses —answered to the-call of the roll. In the House, Mr. Grow moved promptly for a re-consideration of the vote by which the Home stead bill was reported from the Committee on Agriculture and referred to the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union at the last session. But, members, being anxious to draw for their scale, Mr. G. withdrew his mo tion. No business was donei by either House. The President’s Message was not introduced and at an early hour both Houses adjourned. Tuesday, Dec. 4.—Notwithstanding a severe snow-storm the galleries of both Houses were densely packed, and at noon t.he President’s Annuel Message was read from the desk by Col. Forney himself. During the reading the utmost stillnessj'revailed and;foronce, at-least, the House looked and acted'like a -deliberative body, particularly during the readingof that part of it relatingto secession. This etuied, the House relapsed into its usual bustle and noise. Mr. Sherman moved the usual reference to the Committee of the Whole. - Thereupon Mr. John Cochrane, of New York,, rose, but gave way to Mr. Bnteler, of Virginia, who moved ns an amendment that so much of the Message as relates to the perilous condition of the country be referred to a select committee of one from each State. A discussion ensued, during which seve’ral members from the Southern States free ly gave utterance to disunion sentiments. Fi nally Mr. Bofeler’s proposition was adopted by a vote of 145 to 38, there being 52 absentees and non-voters. Mr. Boteler declined the posi tion of chairman of the select committee, to which he was by courtesy entitled, as it was understood that he wished Mr. Millson. a. Vir ginia Union Democrat appointed in his place. In the Senate a debate sprung up in which Clingman of North Carolina avowed the most violent sentiments. He was replied to by the' .venerable Crittenden of Kentucky, in a short but very effective speech for the Union. Both Houses adjourned early. THE HOMESTEAD BILL. Wednesday, Dec. s.—Mr. Grow pressed his motion made last session but not then acted upon, to reconsider the vote by which the Homestead Bill .was reported from the Commit tee on Agriculture, and referred to the Com mittee of the Whole on the State ofihe Union, and called for the previous question. , After some wriggling on the part of Phelps of Mis souri arid others, a vote was had on the passage of the Bill. resulted in the success of that measure by 13” yeas, to 76 nays. Before it was put to vote Mr. Grow said he did not desire to discuss this bill; the principles therein con tained having been familiar to the country fur the last.ten years. He briefly alluded to the contents of the bill,find proceeded to show that no donation was proposed. Ten dollars were to be charged for a hundred and sixty acres. The bill obviated the objections to the Home: stead bill which was vetoed by President Bu chanan. In the Senate quite an ; exciting debate was precipitated by Green of Missouri. He was followed -by Jos. Lane,] Hale, Iverson and Wigpaxx. Iverson of Georgia was particularly rampant. Ha stated thrit five States at least would certainly secede, and a Confederacy, as he hoped and believed, be formed.. The North and the South were distinct peoples even now. In this chamber there was no reciprocity of the usual courtesies between the two sides of the Senate, [and this-was a type of the sections rep resented by these sides, j The North, hates the South, and no love is lost from the South to ward the North. [Laughter in galleries.] In every respect —politically,.geographically, and socially—the North and the. South were distinct nations, and could not, and ought not to, live under one government. > He' did not wish for war, if it must come let it come. The South will say to her enemies, “ WVII-welcome you with bloody, hands to hospitable graves." committee of ithirtt-two. Thursday, Dee. 6. —Thje Speaker-announced bis Committee of one from'each Slate, to whom will be referred that part of the President's Message relating to' the troubles of the country, nnder the Boteler resolution referred-to above. j.- yj.xa- f'p^rT'^ changes. I CONGRESS OPENS. THE MESSAGE. With one or two ’exceptions the names giro! general satisfaction. They are as follows: Mr. Corwin, of Ohio. Mr. Dunn, of Indiana. 'Mr. Millsop; of Tat ‘ "AlfTTaylorrof Em Mr. Adams,.of .Mass. Mr, Miss. - - Mr. Winslow, of N. C. Mr. Kellogg, of 111. Mr.-Hutnpbrey/ofNY. Mr;.H(inston, of Ala. Mr. Boyce; of S . C.~ Mr. Morse, of Maine. Mr. Campbell, of Pa. Mr. Phelps, of Missouri. Mr. Love, of Georgia. Mr, Rusk, of Arkansas. Mr. Ferry, of Conn. Mr. Howard, of Mich. Mr. Davia, of Md. Mr. of Fla. " Mr. Robinson, of R. I. Mr. Hamilton, of Texas, Mr; Whitely, of Del. Mr. Washburn; of Wis, Mr. Tappan, of N. H. Mr. Curtis of lowa. Mr. Stratton, of N. J. Mr. Burch t< pf Cal. .. , Mr. Bristow, of Ky. Mr. Windom, of Minn. Mr. Morrill, of Vt. Mr. Stoat, of Oregon. Mr. Nelson, of Tenn.< ■ Mr. Hawkins of Florida asked to be excused from serving on'this Committee, as Disunion had been a fixed idea with him for thirty years. This announcement caused great sensation, and pending a motion to excuse, him from serving, the House adjourned over till Mondayljthe 10th inst. The Senate, without, doing any important business, also adjourned over till Monday. Monday, Bee. 10.—The House of Represen", tatives devoted the, day to-discussing tbe c|uea' tion of excusing Mr, Hawkins of Florida from the Special Committee on the State of thd Union. The debate was carried on solely by members Of the late Deinocrrtio i party. L No conclusion was arrived at. 1 :, Daggett’s Mills, Jackson, Deo. 5,1860. 51b. Editor : Sir —Allow me to { announce through the medium of your paper, that we have just closed our third Musical Convention in Jackson, in the Baptist Church, at Job's Corners. It was conducted by Prof. (?. S, Ha ger of Gray’s Valley. We commenced {with about thirty scholars, but increased in number to about eighty. The singers werei i attentive and energetic and’universal harmony prevailed among they all. The books used in the con vention were “The Thanksgiving” and “The Chorus Glee Book.” The former is an old friend. The latter, though new, was‘{received with great favor. On the evening of Saturday the first inst., we gave a concert to a large and appreciative audience who gave ns unmistaka ble signs of their approbation. We take pleas ure in saying to the friends of, mus|efgenerally, that we find in Prof. Hager the thorough mu sician and gentleman, and; indeed, all those desirable traits of character, which render him an acceptable conductor. His instructions in reference to the cultivation of the voice cannot fail to be both interesting and profitable to every one connected with the school. His kindness and geniality, combined with firmnesjs and de cision won, for him the respect of all. You may judge of his popularity among us, when I inform you he conducted ‘ thb jlast three singing conventions held in Our convention was, in every respect, a successful one, and we wish Prof. Hager equal success and prosperity wherever he'may’go. ’ Yours, Charles Seaeles. "MISCEBLAKEOtrS ITEMS. ...The census shows only 250 unoccupied dwellings in the whole of Massachusetts. ...Blondin, having made a large fortune by rope walking, is about to return to France. j ...In the Slave States, 67,000 whites-have a representation in Congres ; in the Free States, it requires 00.000 whites for.tlie same. Here is another “ Northern aggression!’' ...The census of Kansas shows 109,000 per sons, counted, without going into the Pike’s Peqfc region. only asked 93.000 for admission., What excuse next for keeping her out of the Union ? ...The Republican electors of Maryland have issued an address to their fellow citizens* con gratulating them on our triumph, setting forth the distinctive views of the party and urging a faithful adherence to them and to their organ ization. ...It is noteworthy , fact that, out of [seven hundred and eighty-one South Caroliahs set down in the Blue-Book as receipting the United States pay-rolls for different services, only nine have resigned, and these hold qntil their succes sors shall bo appointed. ...It is estimated that no less than two thous and gallons of molasses was rqade this year" from Chinese Sugar Cane, in Cumberland' Co. N. J. 1 his looks as if our neighbors were be coming independent of the South so far as the supply of molasses is concerned. ...Florence, the actor, did a little “gag” ip a St. Louis theatre, the other night, which brought down the house tremendously. Mrs. Florence had sung and danced in sailors cos tume, holding the star spangled banner, which she tossed to Mr.Florenee at the other side of the stage. lie took it, spreadiifr out carefully, counted* its thirty-three stars aloud, and ex claimed with deep feeling, “Thank God, they are all therg!” Thd house rose: as one man, and the enthusiasm lasted several minutes. ...In one of the Hon. Mr. Vinton’s speeches, that gentleman said the threat of secession re minded him of the man in Buffalo who attached his old scow to-the stern of a lake steamer, to be towed up the lake. After the boat had got under headway, the wheels of the steamer threw the water into the old scow, and she was in danger of sinking. The owner cried out to the captain of the steamer, “hold on 1 there! If you don’t stop throwing water Into my craft I’ll make you”—“ Well,” says the captain, “ what will you do ?” “Do f” shouted the en raged man, “I’ll cut the rope here and let your old steamer-go to thunder.” ...The Charleston Mercury gives the following description of a bonnet worn by a South Caro lina lady: • ■ . . “ The bonnet is composed ofwhite and black Georgia cotton, covered with ' a net work of black cotton, the streamers ornamented with Palmetto trees and Lone Stars, embroidered in gold thread, while the feathers are formed of white and black worsted.” i Vr’bat, would our Lincoln ladies think of a distinctive bonnet of Connecticut corn-cobs, trimmed with pumpkin vines, and ornamented with wooden nutmegs ? Or how .would it do for the admirers of the African to- have a distinctive bonnfet trimmed with black sheep's wool, cat-fish and liver ? , ■' ...Mrf Buchanan, according,to “ Occasional” of the Philapelpbia Press, is much enamored of Garibaldi; “ lie refreshes himself with Gari baldi. He particularly admires Garibaldi’s re tirement to Capri, and looks forward, with his singl.e. blue eye, to the sweet and soothing se clusion that waits him at Wheatland, precisely _as if he wereanotberGaribaUH. But there is a difference between our retiring Executive and, i i 1 i -i Ifl*
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers