}V Later from Europe. ARRIVAL OF THE CITY OP WASHINGTON. IMPORTANT FROM THE SEAT OF WAR. A Battle in Italy. DEFEAT OF THE AUSTRIAN HEAVY" LOSSES IN KILLED AND WOUNDED. THE FIBST BATTLE. The fint battle has been, fought at Monte bello. The battle at Montebello took place on the 21st ult. ..The French accounts say that the Austrians, 15,000 strong, under Gen. Stndion, Attacked the advanced posts of Marshal Bara gnay d’Hilliers, and were driven back by Gen. Forey’s division after a fierce combat of four hours’ duration. The Allies, including some Piedmontese cavalry, carried Montebello, but did not pursue the Austrians. The loss of the latter is stated by the French nt 1,500 to 2,000, and that of the French at 600 to 700, of whom many acre officers! Tito hundred Austrians, including a Colonel, were taken prisoners. The Austrian account simply states that Gen. Stadion pushed forward a reconnoisauce by a forced march toward Liglis and Montebello, but after a hot fight with a French force of superior strength, retreated behind the Po in perfect order. The actual strength of the French is not sta ted. Reports say they numbered from 0,000 , to 7,000 beside a regiment of Sardinian cavalry. ANOTHER WITH THE AUSTRIANS— THE SARDINIANS VICTORIOUS. A Sardinian bulletin also announces that the extreme left of the Sardinian army, under Gen. Chialdini, farced a passage over the Sesia, put ting the Austrians to flight. Other trifling engagements are reported. Gen. Garibaldi had entered Gravellona, on the Piedmontese side of Late Maggiore, with 6,000 men, his object being revolutionary. His purpose is to push into Lombardy. Prince Napoleon and a small French force had arrived at Leghorn, for the purpose, proba.- bly, of supporting the Sardinian authority in Tuscany, It was rumored that six English men-of-war had entered the Adriatic. THE LATEST DISPACHES. Turin, May, 24, 1859. —Gen. Gyulai has re moved his headquarters to Garlasco, and has everywhere ordered the people to give up their arms, under pain of being shot for disobedi ence. Gan. Garibaldi has made 47 prisoners. The wounded at Montebello have been taken to Alessandria. Marseilles, May 25, 1859. Some Austrian prisoners have arrived here, • - Berne, May 25, 1859. Revolutionary movements are reported in Lombardy. From the Alton (DU) Courier, May 3S. Ireland taken by rise Dutch. To be sure the Calaboose is a basement room, is not particularly pleasant—nay, is decidedly •n unpleasant place, even declared by the Grand Jury an unfit place, for the confinement of hu man beings ; yet so strange are the workings of the human heart, so little does Cupid regard bars, bolts, damp floors and dingy walls, that oven the Calaboose has been made the scene of a lore affair—a courtship, a proposal, an accep tance, pleadings, with lawful guardians, tears, scheming, watching, encouragement, working, and finally an elopement. Three weeks ago this morning it was noted in this paper that a German named John Roth was, the day before, arrested and committed to the Calaboose on the charge of stealing a watch from the baker at the Waverley House; and one week ago this morning it was chronicled that on the preceding day a lady of Hibernian extraction, Mrs. Kate Lamb, was, by the offi cers of the law, not only prevented from taking a proposed trip to St. Louis, but consigned to the Calaboose on the charge of appropriating to her own use a $2O gold-piece belonging, to one of her neighbors. Mrs. Kate was put into the cell adjoining that occupied by John. Misery loves com pan v, it is said; and John who had mourned in si lence through all the days of two weeks that his little scheme for becojning possessed of-a watch had failed, was not long in introducing himself to the notice of Mrs. Kate, sorrowing that the anticipated pleasure of a visit to St. Louis was denied her. The wall between them could not prevent conversation and the exercise of sympathy and pity. These mourning par ties soon found a balm for their wounds. John had never been married, and Mrs. Kate was a widow. John had probably never heard, at least did not heed, Sam Weller’s words; “My boy, beware of bidders and therefore it hap pened that in a short time he found himself longing to call Mrs. Kate “wife.” But what could these lovers in the Calaboose doT They laid their case before Officer Filley —they told him in such language as Love em ploys that they found their separate cells cheer less; that life bad for them no charms; that each was all to the other. They pleaded with him that they might marry; that they might occupy the same cell, and. by mutual endear ments lighten the hours till such time as the City Judge should pronounce upon their for tunes. Officer Filley is himself a married man, and so, how could he refuse this oft-repeated and tearfully urged entreaty? He told Mrs. Kate and John that if they would only get a license they should be made man and wife. They seem, however, to have found some difficulty—who shall say what ? Perhaps the law does not permit marriages in the Calaboose ; perhaps they argued that freedom and wedded life would be better than confinement and wed ded life; perhaps they looked into the future and descried a possible separation by Judge Billings. Certain it is, that when the officers went to the Calaboose yesterday morning John and Mrs. Kate had departed. Luring the night he bad dug out of his cell and broken the lock from the door of hers. Thus love triumphs ora law and locksmiths. The Napoleon (Ark.) Planter publishes the following card from a deserted husband ; ’‘Whereas, matilda pinkbam, my whife, has left my bed and board, and who so ever will bring her bock shall be satybel rewarded, let it b. snore or less. She has chestnut oullered hare, lite bin ies, lite skin, abuse of a small size, find her du or her muthor will be distracted, nge 28, rlohard plnkham of niadbury. If you can find out anything about her,'send a lettur to dareau ppstosesg of new bampsbire, she went away the 9 of nowerober 1842, before she was married her name was matildn bill the darter ft etn bill and banner bill of alton, THE AGITATOR. BVOB TOOMfih Editor & Proprietor. PA. Thursday Morning, June O, 'SO, Shall We Unite 1 Whatever may be said, and however etrong the reasons which may be urged against a union of the Opposition in the great contest of 1860, one thing is certain that this same anion is what the demoralized Democratic party of the country most fears. Although in that contest the Republican party would be able, of itself alone, to carry at least twelve of the Free States, yet it becomes more evident every day, that the other elements of opposition to the administra tion although perfectly helpless and powerless in themselves, hold in their bands the balance of power, just as they did in 1856. The ques tion for earnest Republicans, then, to consider, is, whether this balance of power, this helpless faction which grows more hopeless and helpless every year, shall be enlisted on the side of Freedom in the next great contest, instead of being on the side of Slavery as it notoriously was in the last.' Although the discussion of such a question of expediency at this time, may be open to the objection of being premature, yet we think it is by no means uncalled for. There can be no doubt of the fact, that, however much the Sham Democracy may be divided nt present by inter nal dissensions, local bickerings and private and personal quarrels among cliques, the Plat form of the Charleston Convention will smoothe away all differences, and the Democracy will be a unit then as it always has been, when the contest was between Freedom and Free Labor on the one hand, and Slavery and its extension and perpetuation on the other. It is perfectly useless for Republican journals to urge that a portion of the Democratic party -will never again support a pro-slavery platform; that if they did so, it would be giving the lie to tbeir conduct and sentiments for the past year. But those who think so have not reflected that that party is based upon Slavery, and that its inher ent strength lies in its slavery of opinion. It is just as despotic in the government of its ad herents, as either of the autocrats now at war with each other in Europe. It allows no man to think for himself. We speak of the Demo cratic party in this sense, as the aggregation of politicians by profession, party backs, buncombe speech-makers, office-holders and public land swindlers—all of whom live upon the govern ment —and not the honest ignorant masses who swallow whatever is called Democratic. We say it is this aggregation, called for the sake of convenience, the Democratic party, that rules and robs, and baa made the sacred name of Libert? a by-word among the nations. And so strong is its organization, so patent its dic tum, that none of its members dare express an opinion contrary to its creed without fear of be ing hunted down and denounced as a traitor, not only to “the party” but even to the coun try. This is why we say, as we firmly believe, that the Democratic Party will be a unit in 18- 60, no matter how pro-slavery the Charleston Platform may be, and the Democrats who can not stand upon it will be kicked out of the party. The Democrats know very well that if they can keep the opposition divided ; if they can by stirring up old animosities prevent a union against them of all who heartily despise the corruption and imbecility of their present ack nowledged leader, their triumph will be as com plete in 1860 as it was in 1856. This is why tbo question with which we started out ought to be discussed now, as upon its solution depends in a great measure the welfare and future glory of our whole country. It is a very easy matter for rival factions of the •‘anterrified,” to speak' and write of the demoralization of each other I as the rival factions in this State do ; but the i only kind of demoralization which they fear, is that kind which might possibly prevent a har monious union on an equal footing hereafter. We publish this week in another column some 1 extracts from a speech delivered at a Republi- | can Mass Meeting in Southern Kansas by Hor- j ace Greeley, which elaborates some of the ideas herein expressed. In that speech he defines his 1 position in regard to the proposed union, con- j sidering it simply as a proposed alliance in stead of a fusion, the latter being impossible. IVe regret that our limited space prevents us from laying the whole speech before our read ers this week, but as it ought to be in the hands of everybody we shall make extracts from it from time to time as occasion may demand.— Mr. Greeley does not speak for the Republican party, but simply for himself; yet his views commend themselves to the thoughtful atten tion of the Republican masses—the men who read and think—and we venture the assertion that they will meet the approval of every hon est and earnest man who desires to see our gov ernment rescued from misrule and corruption. For ourselves, we have no hesitation in saying that we favor an alliance with this end in view ; and that we shall oppose with earnestness any fusion by which even the least important of all of the great measures of the Republican Party would be sacrificed. “Let the Eagle Scream.” —We are glad to to be able to announce that the people of Tioga are about to celebrate the approaching anni versary in a style worthy of the citizens of that enterprising town. Some time, since a Commit tee of citizens wrote to Hon. E. D. Culver of Brooklyn to secure his attendance as the speaker of the day. The following is his reply: Bkooklts, N. T., June 4, 1859. Gentlemen; I have accepted your invitation to address yoa on the coming Anniversary of oar Na tional Independence. Life and health permitting, yon may positively ex pect me on that occasion. Very truly yours, • B. D. Culver, To" James Dewey, H. H. Borden, E. A. Sme&d, Ira Wells, S. M. Geer. —Committee of ArrangemcaU, It is unnecessary for us to say that the knowr eloquence of this gentleman will attract an audience to the place worthy of the occasion. The Programme came too late for insertion this week hut will be published ne*t week in full. THE TIOGA COUNTY AGITATOR. eSBBUBT IK KAKSAS. [We make the following extracts from the great speech delivered by Horace Greeley at the first Maas -Convention of the Republican. Party in Kansas, at Osawatomie May 18,1859.] Op Slavery, Bat why not oppose Slavery ahosolntely and everywhere f we are asked—in Virgina as in Kansas, in Georgia the tame as in New Mexi co T” Why not strike directly at the existence of. Slavery, instead of merely attempting to confine and restrict it 7 I answer—These questions confound what we may with what we may not do, and seek to ob literate the plain distinction between them. Sla very in Virginia is just as bad as Slavery in Kansas; but your or my power over it, our right to oppose it and seek its overthrow, is much broader and clearer in tho one case than in the other. If I lived in a Slave State, I should be there an Abolitionist; living in a Free State, I am a Slavery Restrictionist—that is, a Republican. Ido not vote as a citizen of New York to abolish Slavery in Missouri, simply because my so voting ever so resolutely, and with ever so strong a majority of New York ers at my back, would not at all promote the end contemplated, nor in any manner modify the legislation of Missouri. Whatever limits Power, limits with it responsibility ; and, hav ing no power over the laws of Missouri, I am no wise responsible for the justice or injustice. Of coarse, I know that the power of enlightened and resolute Public Opinion—the Opinion of Christendom —is very great; and I do whatso ever I can do to intensify the reprehension with which that Opinion regards Slavery. Whatev er power I possess, I must and will exercise to prevent the establishment of Slavery anywhere and to secure its overthrow everywhere. lam my brother’s keeper just so far, and only so far, as I have power to win him from wrong and shield him from harm. Wherever Ability halts, there Obligation ends. But not till then. Or Squatter Sovereignty. I object of couso to the doctrine entitled "Popular” or “Squatter Sovereignty,” even in its more plausible aspect, because it is plainly a limitation of my power and ability, with that of eighteen millions of my countrymen, citizens with me of the Free States, to act upon and in fluence the existence of slavery in the Territo ries—to labor for its exclusion therefrom. It is on our part an abdication, and in my view a cowardly one. It is in notorious antagonism to the faith and practice of the Revolutionary Fathers—the great men of our country’s heroic age. For whatever may be doubted or it cannot be disputed that Thomas Jefferson first devised and proposed to Congress the ex clusion by act of Congress of Slavery from the Territories of the confederacy—not from a part, but from all of them—from those South ns well as those North of the Ohio—and that Wash ington deliberately affixed his name in approval to the immortal Ordinaoo of ’B7, whereby Slavery was excluded forever from the territory north west of the Ohio—which was all the territory our Union then possessed. If any one under takes to tell me that Congressional Restriction of Slavery distrusts the People, fetters the People, my short answer is, The question is be tween your assertion on the one hand and the deliberate recommendation of Thomas Jeffer son, the official approval of George Washington, on the other; settle it among you! Rut I further object to the doctrine termed Squatter Sovereignty that it is a politician’s dodge—an office-seeker's contrivance to evade responsibility and elude hostility. When, in 1847, the Wilmot Proviso was first submitted to Congress, and sustained in the House by the entire North with barely three dissentients, Gen. Cass professed an anxiety to vote for it in the Senate, and blamed John Davis of Massa chusetts for having (as the General alledged,) by untimely speaking, prevented its passage. But the South generally showed teeth at the ad vocates of the Proviso, while Gen. Cass was an anxious expectant of the Democratic nomina tion, and, of course, of the Southern vote. (In the event, he gained the nomination and vote, but failed to win the election.) While thus sit ting uneasily on I the anxious seat, Gen. Cass was interrogated by Mr. A. O. P. Nicholson of Tennesse as to his position on the Wilmot Pro viso, and replied that “a groat change had been going on in his mind,” and he believed-in that of j others (candidates for the Presidency, I pre i sume)on that subject — that he was now opposed to the Wilmot Proviso and in favor of letting each Territory adopt or reject Slavery as one of its “domestic institutions,” ns it should see fit. The dodging letter is the origin and basis of the I modern doctrine pf Squatter Sovereignty. And { what it was at first it remains to this day—a j politician’s device to evade responsibility and i elude hostility while they wriggle their way up I the slippery steeps which lead to Office and . Power, i What does Squatter Sovereignty propose? I need not stop here to prove that Squatter Sov ereignty with the Dred Scot decision annexed is a simple fraud—a sheer nonenity—a witch’s j“gS le - “That keeps the word of promise to the car, But breaks it to the hope/* Even Stephen A. Douglas, the later champion of the doctrine, can make of it nothing more more than a scheme whereby the People of a Territory may evade a constitutional obligation and nullify a constitutional right. I trust no Free State man—l mean none but a “Free State Democrat”—is content to exhibit himself to the world in the petty larceny attitude implied by that sort of “Squatter Sovereignty.” But let us, for the argument’s sake, ignore the Dred Scott decision and all its tremendous consequences, and suppose itpracticabla to have such “Squatter Sovereignty” as its advocates originally contemplated and promised their dis ciples, is it worthy having? What is this "Squatter Sovereignty?” Abe Lincoln’s Analysis. The able and gallant Lincoln of Illinois, whom we had hoped to meet and hear to-day, has pithily illustrated the Squatter Sovereignty prin ciple thus: “If A wants to make B a slave, C roust not interfere to prevent him.” But the principle is really worse than this. It sets A, B and C to voting that D, E, F and G shall or shall not be slave's, and allows A and B, as a majority of the quorum, to overbear C and con sign the others to eternal bondage. Nay, more: Suppose five white men to be the first white settlers of an organized Territory, of whom three are slaveholders, bringinginfire hundred slaves. Now, the five fall to voting in or voting out Slavery, and the thee slaveholders, forming a Douglas majority, fasten Slavery on the Ter ritory, in defiance of the others. But I say No —this is not Popular Sovereignty—there has no quorum voted—- jqo decision been can there be, according to genuine Popular Sovereignty, until the negroes aball have vo ted. 1 demand that their votes he recorded be fore the result is declared. The negro is clere ly a party interested—more deeply interested than any one else—and whatever may be the malformation of bis cranium, the defects of his organization, he understands Slavery better than anybody else. He has bad that much knbwledge whaled into him, ever since be could walk.. You tell me that / don't understand this subject of Slavery, for lack of experience, and I respond. Very well; Sambo has that very knowledge in which I am deficient —has more of it than anybody else—let him give the casting vote t If he votes for Slavery, Slavery let it be, so far as he is personally concerned-rl agree to abide his decision. He has no right to im pose Slavery-on others, even though they he his own children ; for their rights are equal to his; but if he choose to vote himself into eter nal Slavery, whether in Territories or State, I withdraw all obligation and agree that his de cision shall be final. Bat until he docs vote, and vote for Slavery, I insist that there is a ma jority on the side of Freedom —his freedom any how-t—though there be ten thousand votes for Slavery and only his against it. No ~ law, no Constitution, ever did or ever can exist, by which the vote of others that he shall be a slave can be conclusive against his dissent. Any ar rangement by which *A, B r and Care to vote that D, B, P and G shall be slaves, or D only shall be, is no real Popular Sovereignty, but a transparent mockery and fraud. ■ Nor do I concede that the first hundred, first thousand, ton thousand or any other number of settlers in a territory of the United States, have either actual or rightful power to establish Sla very therein, no matter by what vote. . Such a vote would be at the least an exercise of sover eign power, and a territory is not a Sovereignty, • whatever a state may be. A Territorial organ ization or condition is a temporary expedient— a stop-gap—a half way house between nonenti ty and State sovereignty. It is a creature of the Federal Government, which has power, to suspend, to modify, or even to destroy it at any time. Its principal functionaries are warmed into official life by the breath of Federal Exec utive favor: that breath may unmake as readi ly as it has made them. Recall, if you can, the long roll of Governors of Kansas—l mean that sort of Governors who have exerted author ity and received pay —and say which one of them owed his appointment in the smallest de gree to the people whom he ruled. When the veteran Geu. St. Clair, whoip President Jefferson found and for a while kegt in office as Governor of the North-West Territory, was somehow moved to assert for the first time the doctrine of Territorial Squtter Sovereignty, the answer of Mr. Jefferson through the proper Depart ment, was prompt and decided: “Gen. St. Clair, I am instructed to inform you that you are this day removed from the office of Governor of the North-West Territory.” This was a masterly instance of what tho logicians term the argu menium ad hominem —j ust as you plight refute a juggler’s pretense that he was so attracted or fastened to the floor that be could not he moved, simply by a kick which should send him flying over a fence. I believe Gen. St, Clair promptly realized that Mr. Jefferson had the: better of the argument. The Right Kind or Populab Sovxbeigkty. The popular Sovereignty which I do believe in and maintain is the sovereign right of the American people—|-of the Thirty Millions of our countrymen, acting through their chosen Rep resentatives in Congress, to exclude human Slavery from every square inch, of their com mon domain, and pass such laws os they shall find necessary to enforce and perpetuate such exclusion; thus preserving and consecrating that magnificent domain to Free Labor and Free Men evermore. To render such exclusion per fect and enduring, I ask, I entreat, the sympa thy and cooperation of the settlers in the Terri tories, whose interest in this exclusion of this enormous evil and scourge is more immediate, but no more real, than that of their fellow-citi zens ns yet residing in the States. I trust that cooperation will not be here withheld ; but even where they falter, I still insist on the right of the Thirty Millions to stand firm. The Public Lands are the property of the Nation : I deny the right of any mere segment of that Nation to destroy their value by fastening the blight of Slavery upon them. They are the predestined home of Millions, of my children and those of my neighbors, as well as of yours: I deny your right to shut us out by fixing upon them, for your supposed personal advantage, a curse which virtually excludes us and our descendants therefrom. I would not trespass upon the rights of the thousands and tens of thousands ; I insist that they shall not encroach on the rights of the millions and tens of millions. Of those rights, the Republican party of the Union is the Providential advocate and guardian; it will not consent to abandon them. The Republican party is based on groat foun damental principles, its national Platform, framed and adopted by its Convention which was held at Philadelphia in June, 18511. That Platform embodies essentially three proposi tions, namely, I. That every innocent man has a right to himself; 2. That he has a right to the fair and just recompense of his own la bor; 3. That if he be landless, he has a right to occupy and use a modicum of the Public Do main, so long as any part of that Domain shall remain common and unappropriated, for his own sustenance land that of his wife and chil dren. The Republican Platform, moreover, condemns the proscription of any citizen be cause of his creed and birthplace, and thus commends itself to the regard of a large class who would otherwise cherish apprehensions which circumstances have shown to be not al together unfounded. Because of these princi ples, thus tersely set forth, I ask for tho Repub lican party your hearty sympathy and support. The Freedom of the Public Lands—their ap propriation in limited but adequate areas to the free occupancy and use of actual settlers and cultivators, so that both lands and settlers shall cease to bo the footballs with which mo nopolists and speculators gamble for vast and ill-gotten wealth—this is another corner-stone 6f the Republican Platform, which is now com mending itself to the favor of the generous and philanthropic throughout the land. There are men in other parties who are constrained to ap prove, or at least to support, the principle of Land for the Landless, but no other great par ty than the Republican has ever embodied that principle in its National Platform, or given it a hearty and general support in Congress and be fore the People, Ifet I notice that.the battalion of Treasury dependants and Treasury expect ants who met last week at Tecumscb to organ ise the Democracy of Kansas, put forth a string of resolves, of which X can recollect but two as having any material relation to subsisting and praotical differences, to both of which I give my hearty assent. One of these affirms in sub stance that there is no good reason that Pro- Slavery democrats and Free-State Democrats should not live and act in perfect harmony. Most certainly, there is none. No Romeo and Juliet were ever more fitted to find delight in each other’s society; no Damon: and Pithyas 1 , no David and Jonathan, were evermore formed by nature for mutual love and devotion; no two cherries on one stem, two peas in one pod, were ever more essentially alike, than that which long basked in the. sunshine of Executive fa vors, and was accustomed to visit you in your cabins and your cattle-pens, even in the still hours of the night, under the style and title of the Pro-Slavery Democracy of Kansas, and that which now, under the hard constraint of fear and necessity, professes to scout the idea of planting • Slavery among you, and approaches you with extended hand and open palm, minus the old ride and knife, commending itself to your affectiSne, and your cohddence, as the "Free-State Democracy, of Kansas." “Lovely and pleasant in their lives,” it is to be hoped that “in death they will not be divided.” FROM THE PEOPLE. F'or :ho Agitator. Gaines Coal Mine. Mb. Editor ; A few days since I paid a visit to the Coal beds in Gaines, and, through the ikindness of one of the proprietors, Mr. I. B. Reynolds, was shown many things of interest connected with the mining operations in this vi cinity. This mine of bituminous coal is In the north east corner of Gaines township, and about four miles from Pine Creek. It was known nearly forty years since that coal existed in this place, but no effort was made at that time to bring the coal into market, or even to give publicity to the fact of its existence. In 1852 aflittle coal was dug for private use; hut no effort was made to ] ascertain the extent of this bed ol’ the practica bility of making it an article of traffic until October, 1857, at which time digging was com-” menced by way of experiment and led to the opening of a “drift” in the ensuing month.— This “drift” was worked for some -time with but little success, and after extending the ex cavation back 150 feet and finding only one ton of coal it was thouget best to abandon this “drift” for the time being and open a new one. The second “drift” which was opened the last of January, 1858, has yielded up to the present time about 100 tons of coal, and will average three tons to four days labor. This “drift” ex tends about 170 feet and is supposed to be twen ty feet below the surface. This- vein of coal is twenty inches deep and yields a ton to an area of one and a half square yards. Immediately over the coal are a few inches of clay, above which are about eight inches of slate broken by seams running through it in a horizontal I and also in a perpendicular direction, and still above this broken slate is the regular rooffing slate which is found in all coal mines. Beneath this vein of coal is a layer of fire clay 5 feet deep. A shaft has been sunk about fifty feet, and six Veins of coal each averaging one foot in depth and four layers of clay averaging three feet each have been discovered. Total depth of coal found at the present time U 7 feet 8 inches—of fire clay 17 feet. This coal is known to exist on at least a thousand acres, and is sup posed to extend over more than twice that area. The fire clay found in this mine is pronounced by an experienced Welch miner to be equal to the very best fire clay of England. By an experiment on a small scale it is sup posed to he positively ascertained that this coal contains twice os much gas ns is found in the Blosaburg coal. It is also very free from sul phur. The mining operations are conducted on quite a limited scale at present; but still they meet the demand; and as workmen become ac quainted with the superior qualities of this coal and the demand thereby increases it will not be presuming too much to say that the supply will equal the demand. Everts. Gaines, June 3, 1859. The Advocates of High Postage. It may he interesting to the people, as well as convenient for reference, to place on record the names of the Senators who voted for the bill to incresse the tax on letters for the benefit of the South, and to place in the hands of the Administration more money to he squandered on personal favorites, and to advance the cor rupt schemes of Mr. Buchanan. Here they are from the Washington Globe, Yeas —Messrs. Benjamin, Bright, Brown, Chestnut, Clay, Ciingman, Crittenden, ’Davis Fitch, Fitzpatrick, Green, Gwin, Hammond, Houston, Hunter, Iverson, Johnson of Arkan sas, Johnson of Tennessee, Jones, Lane, Mason, Pearce, Polk, Reid, Sebastian, Slidell, Toombs, Ward and Yulee—29. Nats —Messrs. Allen, Bayard, Bigler, Brod erick, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolit tle, Douglas Durkce, iFessenden, Foot, Foster, Hale, Hamlin, Harlan, King, Pugh, Kice, Sew ard, Shields, Simmons, Stuart, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson, and Wright—2B. Every one of the affirmative was from the South, except Bright and Fitch, of Indiana, Gwin of California, Jones of lowa, and Lane of Oregon. And the whole 29, except Critten den, arc Democrats —the friends of the poor man, as they call themselves! Kcenj Republican voted no, of course —and with them, eight Nor thern Democrats, who felt instructed by the public opinion of their constituents, and also a Senator from a nominal Slave State, Bayard of Delaware. This record, like that on the Home stead Bill, speaks for itself Costs of ihe Government Zeal in the Xe yro Cause. —The following statement of the costs in the U. S. District Court at Cleveland, is derived from the Clerk Mr. Green; Langston, Bushndl. Clerk $42,10 ' $47,50 Marshal 30,40 107,28 Pltff’a. witnesses (>59,10 445,30 Defendants’ - - 131,10 101,20 ~ Docket 20,00 20,00 §872,80 This will probably be about the cost of the other prosecutions—about thirty. The average is $B2/,14 each. The aggregate will be about $24,000, —all for one negro. 'Who can deny that the negro governs in this country.—Co lumbus Journal. Hon-. Horace Greeley, we observe, has undertaken a trip to California, by the Overland route. We say God-speed to him on bis jour ney. Whatever difference of opinion may exist among our citizens as to Mr. Greeley's political views there is but one opinion in reference to him personally,—namely, that he is a good, a great and an honest man. When we were an apprentice in the Hartford CourarU office, from 1839 to 1844, we regarded Horace Greeley, as we have no doubt many other apprentices re garded him, as a sort of Beacon light; and it is no more than just to him to say, that to his example are we, perhaps to some extent, in debted for the measure of success that has at tended our efforts in the publishing business. He let us see what a poor boy could accomplish. —in (fa York Ledger, The Charleston (S. C.) “It is a piece of downright w. ?■* the Black Republican party W, ? II J throw Of this Union. Disunion in every point of view to Black j, They know it well, and would it, if they bad the power and -AN even at the point of the aworl strongest Union party in the coi,„ !r ,, 'i from polioy.and the dictate of but by the principles of consoJZ’’* they entertain.” lSo^ The Canada brings ns newiof a., of the venerable Baron Von great German naturalist and phiWp l Baron was born in Berlin, Sept. ■ was consequently in the 90th Tea r.. i at his death. A Card. IN consequence ot the destruction bv u. Foundry and Machine Shop in th*. p Lawrencoville on the night of the 26ti* and with them all my°books, papers aw’ other memoranda of a business nature,’^^ l to me will please call upon me as s<x,n and make some arrangements towards Through the assistance of kind friends I expect to be able to go on and re-buiVil? 3 * and if those indebted to me will come tua? 5 * at once, 1 shall feel grateful. ***** I desire also to return my sincere iW Xawrencevillc Fire Company, and to ay and friends, for their kind efforts to on the night of the fire. JAiL£> iw! 5 ® Lawrenceville; June 9, 1859, (u.~j Notice. ' THE Annual Mooting of tho Arbon Ltnir,-.. belli at Blosaburg, in the offi-.e uf J ia ! Monday the 4th of July, betwv» n the 1i.,;,-,,-/- clock A. M-, to elect a board of M:ui.\g»>r» ' ' ‘ jas. ii. adres Blowburg. Jane 9th; 1309, 3t* NOTICE. — Whereas, my Wife clxijjjrp left my bed and board without ju«:r* ocalion I hereby forbid all persons ing her on my account as I shall pay Dod*l*? contracting after this date. EKASTl’jinr-, 5 Ward, June G, 3859. oi s . i SPIRITUALISif A new and interesting bo..k— ' MYSTIC MOVES—Or iKc It. A. Redman as a SpU dual IS now in press and will soon be offered tj 'c* ing public of Tioga County. This b--j ticularly interest those who haye nevert are firm unbelievers iu Spiritual [den an unvarnished, truthful representation cf June 9, 1559, 4t. DEERFIELD WOOLETJ FACT® WOOL WANTED TO MAXUFACTURE OX ,<H\l;E< />r YARD, OR IS EXCU.LXurt uji [rrA SIIA WLS, STOCKING i'.£ W 00L Cardin S antl Cloth Droi-mg dt.tef,; T T notice and on as rood term-; as aut?s place. All kinds of produce taken in par 4 work or Goods.- J. SClK'fp*. Deerßeld, June 9th. 3559. *" u HAVE YOU TRIErTlfj ROY’S WASHING SOAP.' THE Ladies are now beginning loapprtrjjeai ue, and ifhas come to be ( extcosireijttei T> OY’S WASHING SOAP,'does not rot i~V the clothes. It is a great saving of low. IT washes without boiling the clothes, h*aj no rosin. | IT also saver much of the wearing of the da the process of washing. For sale In largo or small cjuantitics ati/ii Store. [June 9. 1559.] TO HOUSEKEEPEBS, SOMETHING NEW—B. T. BABBITTS S 5 MEDICINAL SALERATUS, Is insnafactured frurnconnu"ti saU.aii'f AQ entirely different from odnr s,der..ias All if deletereons matter extracted in -adia ra.m-rir and to produce Bread. Ui-cuit. and all kind efC*k*| without containing a jiartide ft Mkratus wL-t, the bread or cake is baked: th-rda fe-i’xjh'iS *7 A wholesome results. Kvery lurtick >.-f sa'-mas, y turned to gas ami poaaes through th-* JWt Biscuit wlnfe Baking; consult- nfly mains hot Common salt, water and fl'ur. Vsvi, readily perceive f>y the taste of this MUntuda:. it M entirely different from other solemn. I i Aft It is packed in one pound paper*, each rnft<r branded ■!}, T. Babbitt's Best Medicinal Sal-nta.”„ also T picture, twisted loaf of bread, vrithaaoHcftij effervescing: water ou the top. When r-jfeth* A^T> one paper you should preserve the wn;f-’.c; bo careful to get the next exactly like tbs ms-ij braud as above. i 70 Full directions for making Bread with twa<* ratus and Sour Milk or Cream Tartar, trill rta* paoy each package; al-o, directions fr sditii all kind* of Pastry: also, for making Seda and S:idlitz Powders. I gg MAKE YOBB OWS SOif *ITH B T. Babbitt’s Pure Coxceshuto Pwa j Warranted double the strength "f r.sR put up io caii' —1 ft.. - ft? • • ft*. '--IV. rii---- ,—with full direction' for making Soap. Consumers will find tin? the cli-'Jpo.* 3- U'h in market. llatiufactur d.m l t.c •■d' ’ I B. T. lUßfflTf. #i I Kos. 6t* mnl 70, st, V" d. 1 June 9,’50. ly. and >V. u< Indu MERCANTILE ASSESSMENT AND APPRAISEE For Tioga County for tin: Jotr I'.' BLOSS. j rt"ss. r.u-.i r - . D. S. slagee, ITerchan dize. < 12*1- 'ii/* 1 - .. I. M. Bovine, « U TOOGWsh-ffr J. “ U TiHiA^iriwi'jr- E. J. Bo«wortl» - 11 TcOMi'k'i A'U.r..^ M, Shuht, Groc»*riw, 11 UUOOKKIELD. •J.illl-- • k.T L _ Jessee IV. Dimkar, )1> tulirm »*i —Merchandize, H ” oi> T*”; Wm. Simmons, *• 11 TOO Ik l '* •£■ " 1 •' C«\RU-*TfvK. ,I» C ll'l _ , Nelson Whitney ** 14 7 Wl) .. ciutiivm. ,G 'V - v? ''“‘ ,„ x ‘, Sydnia Btach£ ** 14 TO"' __ .v«!r,V Juhn Short. Groceries 14 7 uul. K i ’ ’• James iVikcy *• 14 7 o<>, "» CLtSKU. -h.iMi.si'* >‘ J. 0. Thompson, Met- I .. . N chaudire *‘ 14 700 Port«r „ •,* Beach & Rushmore 14 7 00Johnr«'X . i- Wm, 0. Bristol “ U 7W S Sfs.d!» , , v _ : , COTINOtOX BORO. IK K ‘ *<i Howes i Ditloma •• 14- 7 flbj mi? jl ; ‘ ! . S. S. Packard " 14 7 001 Thos. <fc Sow 34 7 00-A A C'* h' * ' m Thos. Videan, Groc’rs 11 rW- . j* 'i Gw. F. Baker •• U 7wJ >l.'''"^““ *J cmxfiM.v. D'wv* ~ Joseph Hubble, Flour- UaMmo. - '« ing il 11 14 7Ool‘ S Jutt '<* . »r.iairißLi». " Pavne Joseph, Merch- Us John- •, and™ u TOO U , rV > MIMIC. *” 1 1 .,, ‘ , -■’ Gnornsev i Hastings 14 7 W - “ ,r T p-,,> •’ S. S. Packard - U 7 0011 H ~ _ John Dickinson,Flour- v ing Mill. 14 7Ou John ELKUXD COBO. ‘ . ~ J. & J. G. Farkburat, C «* .H« u ; —Morcliamilio, 13 10 00 ~>l ru y ; . J. Stoddard, “ 14 7 w Hu-aU' «■ - . Samuel Davenport, ' v A ; —Flouring Mill, 14 7 OnM L. Davenport, Or’crs, 14 I! , GAIN&S. ,K 4J'' S.X-Billings,Mchdac 14 TOOllura- JICKSO.V. J ~r 1/ - Chas. TilHnghaat, Uro- . eerie., * 14 7 ooCL''d '> ~r John Sbirors 14 7 CK> A. * , fA DatEatt A Sigil.y, nnmh , —i’luuring Mill 14 '»» -p? ' KXOXVU.LE. A ' I,:' John Goods peed, Mcr- £. u ; u r ..‘lU''.- chnndize, 14 ‘ j- A. 4J. Deal-man,.- 14 1 01 V,'', ' Henry Seeley ** 14 *W‘ * l ‘ ‘ ff£ ,r“d^- L; D. Reynolds 14 7t>o i Kiu^ r ‘ Victor Dvao “ 14 700 lUctanl A|»‘ J.I£.StuOI» •' 14 100I 00 Samuel May, Grocer’s 14 i \ 2 Henry Hopkins M 14 7 00,to«i Cl.'J - J. Morgan, Flouring iOeo.t. ]wt uie! Notice is hereby given that an jpji 1 Commissioner a Office in next, and at my office in Blosaburg _ ncia , xcy* ly next, at which time «nd alJP| , , ai -i 1 Ibregolng appraisement will be he- • mode as ore deemed proper and jusi* {urr^*. to appear at said tiroes and places 1”. lag any defence before mo M^rcaauli^i Weltehoro. May 1.1559, ' l §7f>1,53 Administrator * uc= rd LETTERS or Administration !»«”=• ciS-jij to the undersigned upon tn« B . J SKKLEY, lafe of Hcerfield dec to said estate are requested to ... the meat, and those having claims tf,;*■ present them, for aettleuienl to • *" Deerfield, May 20, ISjtf, 1
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