• • •, it tN L L A u jtjt A - lief S /mitt) Viper---poottli to Agrimiturt, fittraturt; Selma, Art, foreign, ihnutstic anb Irmerat juttllignal ESTABLISHED IN 1813. THE WAYNESBURG MESSENGER, PUBLISHED BY R. W. JONES & JAMES S. JENNINGS, WAYNESBURG, GREENE CO., PA IrrOPFICE NEARLY OPPOSITE THE PUBLIC ISI4UARB..(II 1Z 3 MI az ra a Smiscairrion.-112.00 in advance ; $2.25 at the ex piration of six months; $2.50 after the expiration of the year. Ativarrnssuntivs inserted at $1.25 per square for three insertions, and 25 cts. a square for each addition al insertion; (ten lines or less counted a square.). MrA liberal deduction made to yearly advertisers. ElpprJos PRINTING, of all kinds, executed in the best style, and on reasonable 'terms, at the "Messenger" •Job Office. quesburg 'fusiness Otarbs. .ATTO/UWAYS: (4110. L. WVLY. J. A. J. DUCH/Mar, D. R. P. HUBEI WYLY, BUCHANAN & HUSS, Attorneys & Counsellors at Law, WAYNESBURG, PA. W ill practice in the Courts of Greene and adjoining counties. Collections and other legal business will re seive prompt attention. Office on the South side of Main street, in the Old Ltnk•Building. Jan. 28, 1863.-13, •. •. PURMAN. J G. RITCHIE PURMAN & RITCHIE, ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELLORS AT LAW, Waynesburg, Pa. irrnit business in Greene, Washington, and Fay ette Counties, entrusted to them, wilt receive prompt attention. Sept. 11, 1861—Iy. a. W. DOWNEY, ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW 137^0ffiee in Letiwith's Building, opposite the Court House, Waynesburg, Pa. H. A. IIt'CONNELL. J. J. HUFFMAN. INVCONNELL & IttITY/KL&N, •Tron.mers AND COUNSELLORS AT LAW Waynesburg, Pa. DIC-w Office in the "Wright re," East Door. Collections, &c., will receive prompt attention. Waynesburg, April 23, ISG2-Iy. DAVID CRAWFORD, Attorney and Counsellor at LAW. Office in Sayers' Building, adjoining the Post Office. Sept. 11, 1861-Iy. Q A. BLACK BLACK & PHELAN, ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELhORS Al LAW Office in the Court)louse, Waynekburg. Sept. 11,1861-Iy. PHYSICIANS B. M. BLACHLEY, M. D. IMITIFICIAN & SURGEON, OBlea—Blachlera Building, Main St., U. SSPECTFULLY announces to the citizens of Waynesburg and vicinity that he has returned from Hospital Corps of the Army and resumed the prac tice of medicine at this place. • Waynesburg, June 11, 1362.-13. DR. A: G. CROSS WHIM/ very respectfully tender his services as a PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON, to the people of Waynesburg and vicinity. He hopes by a due appre ciation of human life and health, and strict attention to business, to merit a share of public patronage. Waynesburg. January 8, ISM DR. A. J. EDGY lutESPECTFULLY offers his services to the citizens of Waynesburg and vicinity, as a Physician and rgeon. Office opposite the Republican office. He hopes by a due appreciation of the laws of human life and health, an native medication, and strict attention to business, to merit a liberal share of public patronage. April 9, 1861. DRUGS M. A. HARVEY, Dnsggist and Apothecary, and dealer in Paints and Oils, the most celebrated Patent Medicines, and Pure Liquors for medicinal purposes. Sept. li , 1861-Iy. WM. A. PORTER, Wholesale and Retail Dealer in Foreign and Domes lir. Dry Goods, Groceries, Nations, dsc., Main street. Sept. 11, 1861-Iy, IL CLARK, Dealer in Dry Goods, Groceries, Hardware, Queens ware and notions, in the Hamilton House, opposite the Court House. Main street. Sept. 11, 1861-Iy. MINOR & CO., Dealers in Foreign and Domestic Dry Goods, Gm eerier, Queensware, Hardware and Notions, opposite the Green House. Main street. dept. 11, 1861-Iy, BOOT AND SHOE DEALERS J. D. COSGRAY, Boot.stad Shoe maker. Main street, nearly optvaite' the "Farmer's and Drover's Bank." Every style of Boots and Shoes constantly on hand or ntade to order. Sept. 11, 1861-Iy. N. H. McCLELLAN Root and Shoe maker. Blachleylp Corner, Main street. Boot! and Shoes of every variety always on hand or made to orderon short notice; Sept. 11, 1861-Iy. GROOIMIZEI & vaiinrrxEs JOSEPH YATER, Drink in Groceries ant Confectioneries. Notions, Medicines, Perfumeries, Liverpool Ware, ice., Glass of all sizes, and Gilt Moulding and Looking Glass Plates. 'Cash paid for good eating Apples. riept. 11, 1061-Iy. JOHN MTJNNELL, Dealer in Groceries and Ganftectionaries, and Variety Gonda Generally, Wilson's New Building, Main street. Sept. 11. 1861-Iy. BOOHS, &c. LEWIS DAY, OWler in Setiool and Miseett.msons Books, Station elk ink, Magazines and Papers. One door east ot Wiir's Stare, Main Street. Sept. 11. 1861 ly. SADDLES AND lIARNESS SAMUEL M'ALLISTER, nwrnen an'a Trunk Maher. old Dank Illansareet. dept. 11, 1861—h• TOBALOOONISTS. 41001 . 1-.;lt & HAGER, anmfacturera and whnleanle and ratan dealersin otugara and ginnifoilegar eases, Pipes, &a., to Building, Main avant , ow*. If, ifillti-ly. . . . .. . IMan 0W140 11 % trW P : -, 04440„ *CC gElitt From the New York Observer. A CHEERFUL SPIRIT. Cultivate a cheerful spirit, Surely earth is not so drear, Nor our destiny so cheerless, But we may be happy here. Manifest a cheerful spirit, 'Tis a tribute due His love, Who has deck'd the earth in beauty, And invites to bliss above. Mani feat a cheerful spirit, Though a weight your heart oppress; Do not burden others with it, Lest they share in your distress. Manifest a cheerful spirit, It will chase the clouds of care, Or will gild them with its brightness 'Till a brighter hue the wear. Manifest a cheerful spirit, Let its radiance appear, Pleasantly in all the future Smoothing out the lines of care Manifest a cheerful spirit, Let the language you employ, Let your very voice and manner, All conduce to others' joy. Manifest a cheerful spit it, Let its genial influence flow, With the light each day diffuses Mitigating human woe. MANTENO, ILL. G. 11. S SABBATH MEETING IN WASHING TON. SPEECIIES BY GEN. CASEY, ADMIRAL yOOTR AND I=l A correspondent gives us the facts of a movement in Washington in behalf of the Sabbath in the Army and Navy, which is like to have important results. A Sunday or two ago, the Secretary of the New York Sabbath Committee delivered a discourse on the Claims and Relations of the Civil Sabbath in Rev. Dr. Gurley's pulpit—the- President and many of the public men of the nation being present; anal a large pub lic meeting was held at night to promote this vital interest in the Army and Navy. The Rev. Mr. Cooke and Wm. E. Dodge, Esq., of New York, made addresses; and, when appealed to for his testimony tis an experienced Army officer respecting the value of the Sabbath to the soldier, Maj. Gen. Casey rose hesitatingly from hie seat, and gave utterance to these golden words: "I have been thirty-six years in the service of my country—five of them in the Florida War. I know, by experience, the value of the Sabbath to the Army.— If .I were to undertake a long march, I should expect to get my men through in better time and condition by resting one day in seven than by continuous march ing. I would appeal to the American people to save our American Sabbath. If it degenerates into a European holiday our institutions will perish. Our wealth may be lost in this terrible war; but it can be recovered. Our young men may be cut down in battle, and others will grow up. But, if we lose our American Sabbath, it can never be restored, and all is lost." The effect of these few, simple words— first public address, perhaps, of a gray haired, war-worn General—transcended all common oratory, and there were few eyes unmoistened in the assembly. Rear-Admiral Foote, on a similar ap peal being made to him, responded in a like train—citing instances in his own ex perience of the benefits of the Sabbath on vessels of war, and enforcing the obli gations of commanders to maintain stated worship in the absence of chaplains. In his earnestness, he left the pew for the aisle, forgetting his lameness, while he pleaded for Christian fidelity on the part of those who profess Christ, whether in civil or military life, and urged the funda mental importance of the Sabbath to the health, discipline and spiritual welfare of men on land or sea. Senator Willey, of Western Virgiuia, made the closing speech, which was full of patriotic and Christian sentiment, and earnest in its defence of the right of the soldier and sailor to his day of rest. He expressed the belief that the only reliable soldiers were those who were controlled by moral principle, and contended that the way to increased efficiency to the Army was to prevade it with such.influences as always accompanied a well-kept Sabbath. Our correspondent;states that cute of the immediate remits of the agitation of this subject has been the transmission to the commanders of squadrons of the den tjs, is t e444lpla 51t}b4.ath, yith in structiona from the Secretary ()We Navy to cause it to. be rea,d,on boar tt argil ship in thetreririee! soirfite who is paver asf ! iefleti v!itlfl)tft' ers may learn, it heAtha d miial,,,aliat. ody is eves satisfied, with him. I .111110:Ehouglide4Whisjskivair* face, Beata y to Rif 111111,4 1110 10 r btu . • nib jottlj - • .X 51140 ;MI.. 7... • r 01 1 4,100 d' • "J;i,srettautouos. SENATOR WILLEY WAYNESBURG, GREENE COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 18, 1863. ir 33" 3EI linir .A. pg. ! ! ELOQUENT SPEECH OP RICHARD O'GORMAN Before the Democratic Central Club of Philadelphia. THE RESULTS OF THE WAR DISCUSSED Mr. O'Gorman for Reconciliation and Peace ! Richard O'Gorman delivered an address in Philadelphia on Monday evening, under the auspices of the Democratic Central Clnb, of which the following is a full report : There is a legend among the dwellers by the Rhine that on one night in each year, when the moon is at the full, the great Emperor Charles leaves his tomb, and, clad in his royal purple, with crown on his head and scepter in his band, stately and majestic as in life, walks the earth again and revisits the scenes he loved. When the moon beams tall on the noble river and fling from bank to bank a bridge of light, across that bridge the monarch walks, and from the hill beyond, with outstretched arm, scatters ben dictions all over the German land. He blesses clrnfield and vineyard, hamlet and castle, city and fort; he blesses the flocks and herds; he blesses the sleeping people; and then, his loving mission ended, he re turns, softly as he came, to his rest ing-place in La Chapelle. Who knows whether such things may not be? I would rather trust the instincts and traditions of the people than the wisest theories of philosophers. if love indeed can exist on earth, so pure, lofty and unselfish that not even death can sever the bonds, if communion may be between the liv ing and the mighty dead, then chide it not as a wild superstition.— Bear with it at Toast as a harmless fancy, and forgive the enthusiast, if such there be, who dreams that on this, the anniversary of the day when the great founderof the North American republic first saw the light, his spirit, too, may be permitted to revisit the glimpses of the moon ; to retrace in loving pilgrimage the scenes of hig ancient renown ; to breathe into the hearts of those to whom his memory is dear some of the patriotism which fired his own heart, and to bless again, with his benign presence, all the bounteous land, in whose service every thought, bore and effort of his noble life were spent. (Loud cheers.) Along the road I have travelled to-day, all through the gallant little State that stretches between this city and my home, lie battlefields of that cheer less but persistent struggle, in which his steadfast soul, staggering under the weight of his own cares, yet bore up the fainting heart of the Ameri can people—Monmouth, Princeton, Trenton; the Delaware blocked with ice; the dreary huts at Morristown and Valley Forge, in which, amid the snows and famine of winter, courage and hope which seemed al most to freeze and die over all the scenes of his toil and his peril—still rests the glory of his great name.- (Applause.) But it is here, I think, more than any other where ; here, in this good city of Philadelphia, where the spirit of the chieftain would linger with the most tender remembrance. Here it was be saw the great work of his life completed. Here, in your State House, sat that convention of dele gates from the original States, who were charged with the solemn duty of determining whether on any and on what terms these sovereign States could become united. Over this great assembly George Washington presided : They succeeded. By their wisdom, moderation and discretion, they ob tained their object. After four months of earnest delib eration and toil was completed that great charter of American freedom— ! that noble compromise of conflicting prejudices ; jealousies and theories— i that just and rational bond of union, by which alone these sovereign States, differing in climate, produc tions, interests, habits and traditions could then have been united in•one confederation, could since then have been: kept united, or can now be re-united, if such be God's wiil. mean the Constitution of the United States. (Loud and long-continued applause.) By arms the States had won their independence from foreign rule. By mutual concession and rational Com promise they achieved a higher tri umph over themselves. By means of that, concession and compromise they became united into the confederation Which we call the" " United States;" and, though ruin may be drawn down, on this confed eracy ore yet the gPenerstion that) stood by its cradle shall have passed awry; though that great charter be reletby fanaticiers. trampled on Med- Viefated" by"-'reighti oev eratted.l , l* - ,fraud; though they per, raided -by :the f ly, reckleartims and o.llshness est,Yntrf l iitehlhtriburVialts ditertifroik ami shatissetittuntoSit as-ef valueless fragments the great dia mond which their forefathers be queathed to them, and fondly hoped they would guard it as their own souls, until age after age had gazed on its lustre with increasing pride; yet still the memory of that wise as sembly—of the men who - composed it—of the man who presided over their counsels—of the work they achieved, and the gallant Ara from which they sprung, will be dear to every heart and every home all over the earth, where still lingers the blessed faith that, in spite of failures, defeats and disappointments, ration al liberty is yet within the reach of rational men. (Cheers.) Washington was steadfast, loyal, valiant, moderate wise, and good. There appear in history many characters more brilliant and daz zling. I know of none more ster ling, well-balanced and complete. He was indeed the right mah in the right place. The true represen tative and embodiment of the best qualities of his people and hie age. For I am far from thinking that the prominent men of any country or time are the producers of its great ness or the cause of its decay. They are not the creators, but creatures. A heroic agA will seek heroism, and by a sure instinct find it and cheriqth it and set it at its head. A prudent age will find pru dent men. An honest age will find men for its guides. An age of fickle ness, recklessness, levity, selfishness, and corruption, will set in its high places men after its own image and likeness—reckless, selfish and cor rupt—use them and cast them aside, first elevate and flatter, and then de spise, insult and destroy. This is the undeviating law' of history— king or kaiser, doge or President— as the people are, so will their ruler be, for good or ill. When, therefore, you honor Washington as chief of the armies of the States; as head of that convention by whose wisdom they were united in one confedera tion; as President of the States so united, and pronounce him to have been in each capacity brave, faithful, chivalrous, wise and good, honor to to the people and the ago in which ho lived, for of their character ho was the highest type and exemplar. (Continued cheers.) On the 4th of March, 1794, only sixty-nine years ago, his career of forty-five years of public life was brought to a close; on that day in your State House his succe j asor in the office of President was inaugurated. Gon. Washington assisted at the ceremonies, and wilen they were done, leaning on the arm of James Wilson, a valued citizen of Pennsylvania, and then a Judge of the Supreme Court, he walked to his dwelling. He was silent and wrapt in thought all the way; at last, when fie turned round at his own door, he became for the first time aware that his steps had been fol lowed by a reverent and silent crowd, who stood there uncovered to pay their last obeisance to the man they had trusted and loved. This last tribute of respect was too much for him. The fountain of emo tions long controlled, overflowed at last. Tears burst from his eyes.— Every effort to speak was unavailing, and waving to the people a mute benediction and farewell, he entered his house and was seen as a public man no more. Could Washington take the same path to-day what a different sight would meet his eyes ! But sixty-nine years gone by, and yet how wofully all is changed ! Then, with the young republic all was well. Independence from for eign control had been obtained. The states had agreed to unite on terms which afforded a hopeful prospect that they could for ages live together in peace. Congress had assembled and deliberated with dignity and temper; nay, the only question from which difficulty might be apprehen ded had been discussed and dealt with as became men conscious of their duty not to a section or to a party, but to all the United States. In the first Congress of the United States, on February 12, 1790, a me morial, signed by Benjamin Frank lin, on behalf of the "Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition' of Slavery," was presented to the House of Representatives and road. It prayed that tho House "would countenance_. the restoration to lib erty of those in bondage" and "that they would step to the very verge of the power vested in them for dis couraging every species of traffic in their tellow-men. The subject of this memorial, after repeated discussion, was referred to a special .committee. Their report was submitted to a committee of the whole, and they. striking out a con siderable share of the report, eon fxed themselves at last to the sim ple deolarabion "that Congress has no authority to interfere with the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within eny of the States, it remainoi- with the soy 'eral States aioneto provide any reg lukstione therein , which humanity ,anicktrue petiey- skaY require.!! ~ ; , Axd. Ise :'4neatitin seemed(' than to :b arv i ~bseetiiviesty • and .doilnitillpietg it4i4 iii)rest hoover. Li 40, 'homoilvf tiFe pitine df4litv tUnkad I . ' r:vfC 4 4 States, North and South, peace and good will seemed to reign—now, how strangely, how woefully all is changed. America has drawn its sword against itself. By American hands American blood is shed, American cities are ruined. American fields are ravaged and laid waste. A civil war of a magnitude and destrm3tiveness scarce ever equalled in the annals of barbaric ferocity rages throughout the land. American ports are blockaded, American commerce is preyed on by American ships. American money is lavished. American lives are spent in perfecting and applying the most efficient means of spreading among Americans death, havoc, and deso lation. Christianity, shUddering, veils its .head in woo. Even the common human instincts revolt at the horrors that accumulate on this devoted people—yet, scholars and statesmen, poets, preachers, and philanthropists seem to take plea sure in the scene, and pronounce it good. The gentlest benevolists gloat over the news of battles, and have become eulogists of slaughter. Nay, even ministers of the Gospel, Bible in band, incite their congregations to war and bloodshed, and invoke on the extermination of brother by brother the benediction of the God of peace. The strangest inconsis tencies cross one another. One is be wildered in a maze of contradictions. What does it all mean ? The civi lized world stands aghast. Which of us is mad— the civilized world or we ? Was Cain but v erforming a meritorious act in slaying Abel?— Was his sacrifice rendered more ac ceptable because it was wet with his brother's blood ? is Christianity all wrong ? Must we unlearn it and ac cept the creed of Attila, and of Omar and Alva? Are we right in what we are do ing in America? May there pot be some doubt about it? I do not speak 'with the voice of this faction or that. I don't echo their watchwords or share their an tagonisms. These things are only the bubbles that float for a minute on the strong current of a nation's history. And to-day, sacred as it is to the memory of him who stood in life on an emi nence so high that the gusts and storms of faction, of jealousy and intrigue, rolled far below; of him through whose great soul beat the strong pulse of a nation's pride, of a nation's destiny and hopes—to-day for his sake, if not for our own, let us raise our hearts as near as we can to his level and strive to look at events and judge of them as they would have been soon and judged of by him. Remember, a time will come when all these things will be history.— There will come a fut are before whose awful censure will surely pass the men and measures of to-day. Think you, if that future adjudges that we of the North and South, East and West, have been waging this war unjustly, inhumanly, reck lessly or without cause; if it turns out that by war the United States shall have been severed, while by negotiation, compromise, reasonable concession, the Union could have been saved—think you history will take count whether it was by Demo crats or Republicans the wicked deed was done or permitted ? Think you the weight of blame will be nicely adjusted between woolly-heads and copperheads, disunionists and aboli tionists? Not so. On the whole American people--North and South, East and West —on those that commit the wrong and on those that suffer it to be committed; on the actors in this strife and on the lookers-on—on all will fall the damning guilt of the blackest crime against humanity ever committed—of blasting its fairest hopes of rational freedom and deso lating the richest inheritance that G-od has ever granted to man. [Loud applause.] It is on the.whole nation the blame, if blame there be, will fall. Is the nation, North and South, right in this civil war? Is the war just ?—is it necessary ?—is it likely to lead to any good result to either North or South ? • These are questions not set down, I know, in the political catechisms of the day. In the primer of faction the first interrogatory is: "Are you for a vig orous prosecution of the war 2" To that I answer Yes. Any and every war that ought to be prosecu ted ought to be vigorously prosecu ted. What is worth 'doing at all, is . worth doing well. If war must be, let it be prosecuted with every vigor consistent with the laws of war—with humanity , and civilization But ,10- deed it seems' to me that no, question can 'be mere annocessary, for there nevey ; ,4% *O/ a IA ar, as far as the people of We United States are con cerned, in which mtiril vigor anit'bil erky; helm distitirred. - Ireihintsir anti", bait, .spritor, ai i f inagici—nt4yi thOrbeen prop vel etortiktillAdbei a , 4lhieratitynAtipithiMW 30446t40r. If sifiti4lS4tily ttgor has biiii(l ex= hibited it has been exhibited by the administration, not the people. All the administration asked from the people they got, and it anything has gone wrong, they, if any, are to blame. It is for the soldiers in the field vigorously to prosecute, the war. They are there to fight, and have fought, and will fight, no doubt, when called on. Their duty is to preserve discipline, to be loyal to their flag, to obey and act, not think or hesi tate. We, on the other hand, who are not soldiers, have other duties, and our first duty is to think—to think for these same soldiers and for our selves. Our duty is to watch our public servants, to canvass public acts, for these acts may influence the fate of ourselves and of our children. To criticise strictly, but justly, mak ing all due allowances, and if it be comes our honest and deliberate con viction that our public servants are acting to the injury of the common weal, then it is our duty to protest against their acts; to discuss them publicly; to hold them up, to the light of public opinion, and, if they be unwise, by all constitutional and legal means to oppcse them. Thus, while I have no difficulty in saying that this war and every war should be vigorously carried on while it lasts, it is still quite proper to con sider the more important question which lies beyond, whether it is nec essary or wise that this war should have been carried on at all. [Ap plause.] I leave out of the discussion to night all question as to the eonstitu tionality or legality of the transac tions of the day. I do so because those of our fellow-citizens who are most eager for continuing the war, have invented a source of authority, not granted by either the Constitu tion or the law,. called "the war pow er," and to this, as far as I can learn, no limits have as yet been assigned, save and except the good pleasure of those in whose hands it happens to be-deposited. With these persons any argument founded on the Con stitution or the law is of course mere waste of words. Looking, then, at the matter mere ly by the light of the plainest princi ples of interest, 1 ask to what good end can this civil war now lead the nation, or the partisans of the war either North or South ? I assume that war merely for its own sake is not considered demirable by any one. Peace is the normal and healthy condition of society. War is disease—of all wars, a civil war is the worst. I do not believe that .even the most sanguinary of philanthropists will argue that it is of itself a good thing for the people of America to kill one another.— American money can surely be put, to better TM than in bombarding American cities or in digging canals to divert from them navigable rivers, or in converting into lakes and swamps, tracts of highly fertile Amer ican soil. [Cheers.l. Nay, much as our American fel low-citizens of African descent may shine as warriors, I think it will be admitted that their labor might be mere productive in raising cotton, or sugar, or rice, than in learning the goose step, or singing John Brawn's hymns, or seeking the bubble repu tation in the cannon's mouth.— [Laughter and cheers.] There is no glory in civil war. There are no laurels to be gathered there. It is a national disgraCe, and only admissible when some overrul ing necessity renders it inevitable. The cause of qiiarrel in this in stance is of old standing, and was really and in fact in the beginning only between certain of the Southern and certain of the Eastern States.-- The Southern States complained that their eastern brethren wore bad neighb4rs, meddling, troublesome, in quisitive, and interfering . in the con duct of domestic cmcerhs, over which they could have no conceivable right or control, and they gave repeated warnings that unless that meddling was discontinued they should part company The Eastern Stated', on the other hand, averred that their Southern neighbors were, in fact, in a vicious, God-forsaken condition ; that they managed their domestic affairs in a highly disreputable manner; that they (the Easterns) would meddle justas much and whenever theypleas ed, and that whether theirlouttsern neighbors liked it or not they should mond their ways as instructed, and stay in the Union to the end of time. Now if the quarrel had been left between these two bolligerants,possi bly nobody would have been much hurt. But the Eastern people were determined not to let the matter rest there, and so they set to work with admirable adroitness , and by degrees led the North and West in to a ,quarrel, and so it grow from bad to worse, antil it flamed out at last in civil' war. Let me stop here to pay r tribute to the extraordinary energy ot that same Now England ft calls itself Anglo-Saxon, vkil e rl i i:t a s w is i) ; llf. but • hoir e orte ili vo tit r i :b:t may race Latrd subtlety . of' 'i.isteikilciouti akieliblotirwtireir lilrity,..lu,:ifiv owni,, NEW SERIES. --VOL. 4, NO. 40. present. It thunders from the pul pit, It prevails in the Senate; it has the press under its control. It manufactures everything— boots, arms, shoddy, and public opinion.— (Cheers and laughter.) It gives its treasure for public pur poses with prodigal liberality, and re imburses itself by tho shrewdness of its speculations or the immensity of its contracts. It bids the West and tliPe Middle States go and fight its battles, and they go. It governs the Senate, the army, the navy, the cabinet, the President, and keeps turning the whole dangerous machinery of gov ernment round its pliant fingers with a quiet confidence injts , own infalli bility which would be pleasant to look at if it were not also exceeding ly alarming. (Loud and continued applause.) It has now the manage• ment of this civil war. What is to be the result of it P As to its ob jects we are all agreed; nor., east, west, all parties say it is a war for the Union.' In oiler to preserve the Union we are called on to prosecute the war vigorously, and if we eau thereby preserve the Union by all means let the war go on. Secession I consider a fatal mistake—a great calamity to the South as 'well set° the North—and would adopt all how , (Amble and legitimate means to:#sPe. vent it. If this Union is divided into two confederacies, I very much fear fur ther division will be found necessary. I don't believe the principle of cO - exists either in the %liquor in the North or West. We have, no doubt, by the severity of our measures, done much to-har den and consolidate into one cm , - mon sentiment of strong &VerEfidli SO ourselves the jarring elements in the Southern States. In the North and West, on the other band, the pressure of the War has not been of a kind •te ptroidettee any such invigorating effect. In a word, l fear the great confed eratim would break into fry both both in the South and in the North. European intrigues would keep them apart, and utter exhaustion and disg race be the result. What ever, thn. can be legitimately done to avert this mighty evil cnteit to be done. Is war the way to stay it ? Cult you unite a people by war? By war you can overpower, subjugate, devastate, annihilate; but'' cent you unite ? " War for Union" sounds' to me like nonsense. The experiment has beetr often tried before now, but I know of ntr case in which it has comftetety suc ceeded. Holland tried it in 1830, when Mgr= revolted ; and Holland failed. Russia is in a state of chroa= is war for union with Poland. It tries tho bayonet, the gallows, the knout ; and can't succeed. Anitena plays the same game with Venice' and Hungary, with what success ore all know. Even England and Ire land, for six hnndred years, haVe been vigorously prosecuting a war . for union, and I verily belierve that they are as far from any real, cor dial, reliable union now as therwerda on the day when they cwareettedid' (Loud cheers.) History Is against the experiment—reason revolts &tit. By war yon repel, not attract 'oir unite. Every battle fought, `eve ry town destroyed, every field taid waste, is a drop more in the chalice of bitter memories which make aver sion instinctive and eternal. If this be so—if by war we cannot restore the Union, but rather rem* it impossible—on what grounda eau this war be defended ? But I may be told, by succesaftti, war we may be able to 0 00guer tkil southern people and confiscate an • possess the southern land. We eito then sot the negroes to work for-niti, and grow cotton, and rice, and sew for ourselves. That idea is iatelligi-, ble enough. That, however, is not restoring the Union. To unite the laud, and not the people, is what simple men are in the habit of calling subjugation, and subjugation of a most cruel, barbar ous, and inhuman kind. But, even at the best, such subjugation never is complete. Destroy Charleston; de stroy Vicksburg; open the Missifodp. pi; break the back of the souther power; trample it underfoon.and 'On will still have to keep it;snot forlohis purpose an army of occupation an - a fleet will be a permanent nenessity; and a permanent. army, ani a per: manent navy, such as would be need ed for such service, would be,Alle. Washington warns you in his nee. well Address, a permanent *wow . to the republic. (Great Akpphi ut i c y, You see what inroads on repubititi tit -1 liberty have been made thee' far.- 13at those find men to excuse *Ate; I on the ground of temporary neceset-' ty— th o passing exigency ef the lOW./ But think of a future, when this n& comity shall be .eonoinuedi the oat power pormanout - , • Bat, some of my frioltrtle wark (ot the Union party , , ,44 i nt Nay Wit I haveifriende•iiftes hient:ilesteern andialirit ; ..,. .iiiva to be ea sineere *in- t,3 ant in -mine—Theft strio -; ',•',.. it.l.on think , se gr i ked roCtilt in:l` ~ r-s
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers