gimbal( 3' sompt R. W. JONES, aditors. JAS. S. JENNINGS, "A sentiment not to be appalled, corrupted or compromised. It knows no baseness; it cowers to no danger; it oppresses no weakness. Destructive only of despotism, it is the sole conservator of lib erty, labor and property. It is the sentiment of Freedom, of equal tights, of equal obligations--the law of nature pervading the law of the land." WAYNESBURG, PA, Wednesday, Oct. 8, 1862, DEMOCRATIC STATE NOMINATIONS, FOR AUDITOR GENERAL, ISAAC SLENKEB,, =9 FOR SURVEYOR GENERAL, JAMES P. BARR, I=il DEMOCRATIC TICKET. CONGRESS. GEN. JESSE LAZEAR, =2 ASSEMBLY. ALEXANDER PATTON, I= COMMISSIONER, JOHN PRIOR, CIZZEMEEM AUDITOR, ISRAEL BREES, I=2 COUNTY SURVEYOR, GEORGE HOGS, 121=1 POOR HOUSE DIRECTOR, WILLIAM DAVIS, I= The County Ticket ! It is unnecessary to refer, at length, to the character, qualifications and integrity of the several candidates on our County Ticket. They are per sonally and favorably known to near ly all our readers, and will all make efficient and popular officers. Dr. PATTON, the nominee for Assem bly, is a gentleman of vigorous intel- ' lect, fine intelligence and unswerv ing political fidelity and honesty.H lie will make a most trustworthy and valuable Representative. JOHN PRIOR is not only one of the best fellows in the county, but an active, consistent and uncompro mising Democrat. He has the capa city and business tact to render him I I a decided acquisition to the Commis sioners' office and will prove a vigi lant guardian of the public interests. BREES, HOGE and DAVIS are all men of unblemished character, ad mirably suited for the offices for which they are proposed, and have been life-long and zealous in their devotion to the principles, measures and organization of the Democratic party. They deserve and will re ceive a cordial support. The entire Ticket is unexceptiona ble,—so acceptable, indeed, to the people, that our Republican friends have wisely concluded to put forward no candidates in oppesition to it. Vote Early ! Be at the polls and vote early, and then look after your neighbors. Tell them how much is at stake on this occasion, and how important to the welfare of the country it is that a quietus should be put on NEGRO FA NATICISA. See to it that the WHOLE VOTE is out in each dis trict. NO ROOM, We have no room, this week, to reply to the feeble and disgusting twattle and scurrility of the "Contraband." Its as saults on Gen. LAZEAR will only strength en him. The people know him too well to give any heed to the abusive epithets and lying charges of his enemies. THE WAY THEY TALK. The Rev. Mr. Childs,in a w ar speech made in Springfield, Ohio, on the 19th of August, said : "The man who desires to have the Union ,Its it was, ought to be hanged up by the heels until he is dead, dead ! and the wolves. and ravens ought to eat the flesh from his car cass I" "Hannibal Hamlin, in a public speech in Maine, within a few weeks, said to the effect that whoever was opposed to Abolitionism deserved to be hung." A. fair sample these of the ut terances of Abolitionists generally.— A more intolerant, vindictive, im practicable and reckless faction nev er disgraced the country. Unless the people rebuke them, there is lit tle hope for the success of the nation al cause. Let them hear from you NEXT TUESDAY. TIN RETURNS 3 Will our friends see 'to it that the ins are sent in the night of the Bleetjon ? Let seine one attend to this matter in each Borough and township. crinif DEMOCRATS OF GREENE! On TUESDAY NEXT (October 14th,) you will be called on to exercise the most exalted privilege ofi American freemen, that of selecting your rulers and lawgivers. The duty before I you, though always grave and responsible, gathers additional importance at this time, from the dangers environing the' public liberties and menacing the very na tional existence. The mad efforts of sec-I tional politicians, North and South, to l i foist their foul dogma~ and narrow policy on the Government and country have cul-; minated at last in a civil war without a parallel in the history of the world, wheth er we consider the number of the forces , engaged, the terrible engines of destruc-! tion employed, the extent of territory over which it has been spread, the enormous expenditure of treasure it involves, or the immense sacrifice of life inseparable from its prosecution. The evils accompanying' it extend to every political, social and per sonal interest, and render it the most, dreadful scourge with which Heaven could afflict this or any people. To terminate this deplorable and fratricidal struggle at the earliest practicable period, at the same time maintaining the dignity and l constitutional integrity of the Federal Government, the Democratic party has insisted, since its very outset, that the war should be waged for the GREAT and SOLE purpose of RESTORING THE UNION 1 AS IT WAS under the CONSITUTION OF OUR FATBERS. It has employed reason, admo nition, expostulation, entreaty, indeed ev ery means in its power, to confine it to this object; and has opposed with all its !ability and energy, every attempt to divert lit to NEGRO EMANCIPATION. It has been prompted to this course by no inter ested political aims or considerations, hut by honest and hearty convictions and I the broad and conservative patriotism ! which has always been its distinguishing characteristic. It would preserve to the present and future generatioa3 not only 1 1 the FORM, but the SUBSTANCE of Constitu tional Liberty,—it would preserve the "dignity, equality and rights of the States unimpaired," and would restrain our rul ere from frequent and dangerous usurpa tions of power,—so that, when the strug gle ends, as we truht it may eventually in the triumph of the national cause, we I shall have something more left of our an ! cient freedom than a name and something more of our Constitution than tatteral !rag meats. But, notwithstanding the earnest protest of the National Democracy and the mod erate and conservative men of the Repub lican party, the views of Abolition fanatics are prevailing in the councils and with the head of the nation. The great object of restoring the ULion is lost sight of in the clamor for negro manumission,—the aid and co-operation of the Border States in the struggle are jeoparded, and the last vestige of Union sentiment in the revolt ed States is likely to be crushed out by the inauguration of the Abolition policy. Such, fellow-citizens, is the status of things, such the condition of public af— fairs, at this time. It is a crisis of im pressive interest,—the difficulties of the national situation are being daily multi plied by men who claim to have and ought to have the welfare of the country at heart. They have been betrayed into what, we are fully persuaded, the great masses of our people will regard as most impolitic and unfortunate measures. Many of the half crazed fanatics who have misled them, still disgrace the halls of Congress. Will you not see to it that the popular verdict this Fall consigns them to a merited and ignominious retirement ? Supply their places with discreet, moderate, conserva tive men, who will do their WHOLE DUTY TO THE COUNTRY, regardless of the threats and blather of negro-struck demagogues, who, in order to free _Negroes, would make WHITE MEN SLAVES. The duty before you at the appoaching election, fellow-democrats, is a -plain one. Discharge it bravely and fearlessly. Go to the polls and deposit your vote for the can didates of that old and honored organiza tion which for SIXTY YEARS administered with signal success the affairs of the Gov ernment, maintaining the peace and unity of the country, widely extending her boun duies, sustaining the national credit and building up the national prosperity. A MONARCHY OPENLY ADVOCATED BY FOENEY. In one of his late letters to the Philadelphia Press this graceless ren egade says: "Another principle must be em bodied in our re-organized form of government. The men who shape the legislation of this country, when the war is past, must remember that what we want is power and sprength. The problem will be to combine the forms of a republican government with the powers of MONARCHIAL GOVERNMENT. ipbr Any thing but the Union as it was and the Constitution as it is, is the motto of the Abolition demagogues who claim to be the only simon-pure patriots of the day. A despotism would suit them better than a plain democratic government, and they would rather make white men slaves than not free the Diggers. Turn Out, to a Man ! Let every Democrat in the County attend the Election NEXT TUES DAY. Give ONE DAY to your coun try. Great things are depending on the result of this Pail's - elections.— Radicalism must be. rebuked , or the cause of the country must suffer.— Turn out, then, and let the Abolition lets 'know .you bsys. no _sympathy with their reckless and dangerous schemes. LAME FOR THE mAltromior OF THE ooNsTrrirrroir---WAL LACE AGAINST IT. On the day following 4he disastrous battle of Bull Ran, in July 1861, the Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN introduced a resolution in the lower House of Congress defining the object of the present war, in language as follows: Resolved, "That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against the Constitutional Government and in arms around the Capi tal ; that in this National emergency, Congress banishing all feeling of mere pas sion or resentment, will reeollect only its duty to the whole country—that this war is not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or establish ed institutions of these States, but to de fend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease." This resolution was passed by nearly a unanimous vote, there being but three dissenting voices in both Rouses of the national legislature.— Subsequently a resolution_ was intro duced by Mr. Holman of Indiana, for the purpose of re-affirming the fore going proposition of Mr. Crittenden : "Whereas, since the 22nd of July, 186 . 1, no event has occurred to change the feeling of the government; there fore, Resolved, That the principles h ove expressed are solemnly re-af firmed by the House." "Whereupon, Wallace following in tile wake of Thad. Stephens, Love and other rampant Abolitionists, against the reaffiatnrnce of Ci•itteneen's resolution, which de clared that, the war was not waged for the subjugation of the South or the overthrow of her peculiar insti tution, but for the maintenance of the supremacy of the Constitution and the preservation of the Union.— In this case, Lazear voted for the Constitution and the Union, and Wallace against it. Again, on the 20th of January, 1862, the following resolution was of fered in the House. Resolved, That in the judgmant of this House, no part of the appropriations now made or hereafter to be made, nor oldie taxes now or hereafter laid by Congress, d:mid be used in or applied to the prosecution of a war for the purpose of the emancipation of slaves in the slaveholding States of the Union. This resolution,it will be perceived was intended to prevent any innova tions upon the Constitution. In this case Lazear voted for the Constitution, and Wallace against it. From a careful examination of the journals of Congress, it will be found that Lazear voted for every proposi tion pertaining to the vigorous pros= ecution of the war in harmony with the cherished principles of the Constitu tion, and voted against the mad Ab olition schemes of emancipation for the following reasons, viz : First, Becauso they were unconsti tutional. Second, Because they increase the spirit of rebellion. Third, Because they swell the num ber of the rebel army, and diminish those of our own forces. Fourth, Because they tend to force the Border States out of the Union. Fifth, Because they require the ex penditure of millions of money for the taxation of the pecple, and will give the places of the poor white man to the negroes. Here, voters of Greene County, you have a Constitutiotal record for Lazear, and an 'Abolition record for Wallace, and you will on the election day decide who shall serve you, the loyal man, Lazear, or the Abolition ist, Wallace. The future weal or woe of your country, is to some ex tent dependant upon your action.— "Be just and fear not; let all the ends thou .aimest at, be thy country's, thy God's, and truth's; then if thou fall'st, 0 Cromwell, thou fall'st a blessed m arty r." REMEMBER, That the Republican party, its leaders and Representatives in Con gress, opposed the CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE, and all other mea sures by which the terrible and deso lating civil war in which the country is now engaged might have been averted. The evidence of this is complete and overwhelming. Here is the vote by which the Crit tenden Resolutions were defeated.— It will be seen that every Republican in the Senate voted against them,: YEAS—Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Ken nedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nichol son, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thompson and Wigfall-18. NAYS—Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King, Morrill, Sum ner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wil kinson, and Wilson-20. Recollect this fact, fellow-citizens, and PUT YOUR MARK on the men who ; through party bate and anti slavery prejudice, sacrificed the peace and well-being of the country. HOW IT HAPPENED. It is generally conceded that the President was BULLIED into his late Proclamation by Greeley and the rest of the radicals. If he had had the nerve and pluck of "Old Hick ory," these gentlemen would have found themselves at the bottom of the stairs on some of their late visits to the White House. TrrIITION. The Abolition organ, up street, fully endorses the proclamations of President Lincoln, suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus, and declar ing freedom to all slaves in the Gulf States, after the Ist of January next, in an article in its last issue under the caption of, " The shoe only hurts where it rubs." Now we merely suggest a few stubborn facts connected with the political his tory of Lincoln and his party, for the consideration of our neglibor and his friends. During the Illinois campaign of 1858, Mr. Lincoln in reply to certain interrogatories propounded by Judge Douglas in regard to• slavery inter vention, said, "I think that slavery was the condition in which we found ourselves when we established this Governmen u. We had slavery among us—we could not get our Constitu tion unless we permitted them to remain in slavery. Let that charter stand as our standard. Now I have clearly, and upon all occasions, de clared as strongly as Judge D3uglas, that we have no right to interfere with the institution of slavery where it exists." Again, he says, "I think that un der the Constitution of the United States, the people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave law." In regard , to the Fugitive Slave Law, Lincoln declared that, "the on ly objection he had to the Act of 1850, was that it deprived the fugi tive of the right of habeas corpus, and trial by jury, but I would not modi fy that law in any manner to destroy its efficiency." Here is a part of the record of Abraham Lincoln, and now, brother Evans, we think that you will have a "hard task" if you undertake to make the above sentiments of OLD Ann' harmonize with the startling declar ations of his recent proclamations. First, he admits that the Govern ment could not have been established without the recognition of slavery, and that under the Constitution he has no right to interfere with slavery where it exists, and then, he declares in his Proclamation, that all slaves in rebel States shall be free on the Ist of January next. The President is sworn to support the Constitution—, he says, (as above quoted) that, un der the Constitution he has no right to interfere with slavery, and yet he declares the slaves free forever: If' we could not get the Constitution without slavery, (as he admits) how I can we favor the abolition of slave-1 ry without destroying the Constitu tion. Does the rebellion, on the part of the South, relieve the President and loyal men from their oath-bound ob ligations to defend the Constitution ? We do not obey the Constitution out of any regard fbr rebels, for we have no sympathy with them, but we yield to that fundamental law our obedience because we love and cher ish its principles, and will not violate our oath for all the rebels in Anaer- FIE! The President's only objection to the Fugitive Slave Law, was, that it deprived the fugitive slave of the right of Habeas Corpus, and yet, by his proclamation, he deprives white loyal men of the free States of the North, of the right of that great writ of personal liberty, in the midst of courts and juries, and loyal influ ences, to punish offenders. Does the President have a more tender regard for the nigger than the white man ? or why is it he would guaran tee the right of Habeas Corpus to the slave and withhold it from the freeman ? Can it be possible that he has listened to the songs of Abo litionism so long, and gazed upon tne face of that deadly serpent, until he has been charmed to the mouth of the den, ready for destruction ? "Whom the Gods intend to destroy, they first make mad." A MILITARY DICTATORSHIP TALK ED OF IN WASHINGTON In the Washington correspondence of the Cincinnati Gazette, we find the following remarkable paragraph which is well worthy of the notit-e and reflection of all American citi zens. No doubt some folks think it would be great improvement on our system of Government to confer upon the President a Military-Dicta torship. When that event takes place, the liberties of the people are lost, and our Democratic Republican form is at an end : "Many are willing to invest the President with a military dictator ship, so that one mind, without so much distracting counsel, shall infuse new and terrible energy into the measures to put down• the rebellion. "A day or two since I attended the ceremonies of raising a flag over a new hospital, a mile east of the Cap itol. Dr. Sunderland, chaplain of the Senate, and pastor of one of the largest New School Presbyterian C hurcbes in Washington, was the or ator. He boldly proclaitridd the sen timents of the North, that a new war policy must be inaugurated, or the rebellion newer could be put dewn.— He advocated a military dictatorship in the person of the President." IiMM 7 7 LIIFOOLII. The late Emancipation Proclamation of President Lincoln is meeting the public condemnation it deserves. A more fla grant usurpation of power has seldom been attempted in any country. The official opinion of President Lincoln is on record ! to the fact that he had not the Constitution al power to interfere with slavery in those States where it already existed, as well as the repeated assurance that be had no in clination to do so. What, then, becomes of his oath to support the Constitution, when he does, by solemn proclamation, this interfere with slavery to the detriment of the loyal citizen, as well as the rebel against the Government ? He has declar ed that a majority of the people in the rebel States are loyal to the Union.— Where, then, is the justice or equity ofl interfering with the rights of these loyal people, and of despoiling them of their property, at one fell swoop of his "Procla mation" pardon ? If a majority of the Southern people are, in heart and feeling, " loyal to the Union as it was, it is all the gov ernment has a right to require of them, so long as it is unable to protect themin that loyalty. This, we believe, is an acknowl edged principle in the laws of nations.— Where, then, we ask, does President Lin coln find his right or authority in the Con stitution, in justice, or in the law of na tions, for this stupendous assumption of despotic power? But it is not of the practical effects of this Proclamation upon the rebel States that we most complain, be cause we do not believe it will have any practical effect upon them, except that it I will unite them more vigorously and des perately in opposition to the rightful pow er of the general Government. But then, its practical e f fect upon the loyal Slave Stags, must be disastrous in the extreme. Who can tell, who dare predict, the result in Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri and Matyland ? What hope can we have that these States will remain loyal to a Government whose executive head has violated the Constitution in his determina tion to interfere with, and utterly destroy, their domestic institutions ? Because they must see and realize, at a glance, that if all the States south of them are made free, they will be 'surrounded on all sides with free States, which must prove the speedy de struction of slavery with themselves. But in order to show how this Presidential Proclamation is viewed in - the State of Kentucky, we will copy the following ar ticle front the" Louisville Journal,"now one of the ablest and most ardent Union papers in the nation, and heretofore one of the most determined opponents of the Demo crat.c party. Read it and reflect :—, [From Premice's Louisville Journal.] THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION. On first reading this proclamation, we supposed that it referred to the sixth sec tion of the confiscation act, and proclaim ed what the President understood to be the legal effect of his previous proclama tion founded on that section. This in all conscience would have been bad enough. On reading the proclamation the second time, however, we perceive that it makes no reference to the sixth section of the confiscation act; and, on examining the section itself, we perceive that its subject matter ie different from that of the proc lamation, the former relating to all the property of rebels in any State, while the latter relates expressly and conclusively to all the slaves of the States in rebellion. It thus appears that the proclamation is not and does not assume to be founded on the confiscation law or any other law. It it evidently an arbitrary act of the Presi dent as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the Union. In short, it is a naked stroke of military necessity. We shall not stop now to discuss the character and tendency of this measure. Both are manifest. .The one is as unwar rantable as tile other is mischievous. The measure is wholly unauthorized and wholly pernicious. Though it cannot be executed in tact, and though its execution tiou probably will nes er be seriously at tempted, its moral influence will be deci ded and purely hurtful. So far as its own purpose is concerned, it is a mere brutum fulmen, but it will prove only too effectual for the purpose of the enemy. It is a gi gantic usurpation, unrelieved by the prom ise of a solitary advantage, however, mi nute and faint, but, on the contrary, aggra vated by the menace of great and unmixed Kentucky cannot and will not acquiesce in this measure. Never! As little will she allow it to chill her devotion to the cause thus cruelly imperilled anew. The government our fathers framed is one thing, and a thing above price ; Abraham Lincoln, the temporary occupant of the 'executive chair, is another thing, and a I thing of comparatively very little worth. The one is an individual, the sands of whose official existence are running fast, and who, when his official existence shall end, will be no more or less than any oth .er individual. The other is a grand polit ical structure, in which is contained the treasures and the energies of civilization, and upon whose lofty and shining dome, seen from the shores of all climes, centre the eager hopes of mankind. What A braham Lincoln, as President. does or fails to do, may exalt or lower our esti mate of himself but not of the great and beneficent government of which he is but the temporary servant. The temple is not the less sacred and precious because the priest lays an unlawful sacrifice upon the altar. The loyalty of Kentucky is not to be shaken by any mad act of the President. If necessary, she will resist the act, and aid in holding the actor to a just and lawful accountability, but she will never lift her own hand against the glorious fabric because he has blindly or criminally smitten it. She cannot be so false to herself as this. She is incapable of such guilt and folly. The President has fixed the first day of next January as the time for his procla mation to go into effect. Before that time, the North will be called upon to elect members of Congress. We believe that the proclamation will strike the peo ple of the North in general with amaze ment and abhorrence. We know it. We appeal to them to manifest their righteous detestation by returning to Congress none but the avowed and zealous adversaries of this measure. Let the revocation of the proclamation be made the overshadowing issue, and let the voice of the people•at the polls, followed by the voice of their rep resentatives in Congress, be heard in such tones of remonstrance and condem nation, that the President, aroused to a sense of his tremendous error, shall not hesitate to withdraw the measure. The! vital interests of the country demand that the prooltmation be revoked, the sooner the better, and until it is revoked, every loy should working for ittt revocation. If the President, by any means, is pressed away from the Con stitution and his own pledges, he must be pushed back again and,held there by the strong arm of the people. The, game of pressure ie one jhat two can play at; and it is no slight reproach to the conservative men of the country that heretofore they have not taken their fair share in this game as played at the National Capital. The radicals have been allowed to have the game teo much to themselves. We hope this rel roach will now be wiped away. - REMEMDIR, VOTERS OF GREENE CO., That Dr. WALLACE, the Repub lican Abolition candidate for Congress in this District is a member of the present Congress, and voted with the ultra Abolitionists on every ques tion brought before the House. This fact is fully proven by the House Journal. gar Voters of Greene county, Re member that Dr. Wallace, on the 2nd day of December last, voted IN FAVOR of a Resolution declaring that "the President of the United States, as the Commander in Chief of our army," had the right to emancipate all the slaves in the rebel States, and advising him to do so whenever he might deem it expedient. See page 5, of the Congressional Globe, Dec.lB6l. leer Voters of Greene County, Re member• that on the 11th day of March, 1862, Dr. Wallace, the Repub lican candidate for Corgress, voted in favor of President Lincoln's pro position for the "abolishment of slav ery," by the purchase of the slaves by the General Government from the respective States, [See page 1179, congressional Globe, March, 1862.] :kir Voters of Greene county, Re member that Dr. Wallace, the Re pu'lican candidate for Congress, on th 3 7th of April, 1862, "voted in fa vor" cf a proposition "for the gradual emancipation of all the African slaves, and the extinction of slavery in the States of Delaware, Maryland, Vir ginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Mis souri."—[See page 1563, Congression al Globe, April, 1862.] se-Remember, Voters of Greene County, that Dr. Wallace voted in favor of the emancipation of _slavery in the District of Columbia.—See page 1648, Congressional Globe. Dar Voters of Greene County, Re member that Dr. Wallace, the Re publican candidate for Congress. on the Bth of May 1862, voted in favor of Lovejoy's general Abolition See page 2030, Congressional Globe. Remember, voters of Greene County, That Dr. Wallace, the Re publican candidate fbr Congress, vo ted in favor of the Confiscation bill, May 26, 1862.—See Congressional Globe, page 2359. Soar Voters of Greene County, Re member that on the 26th of May, 1862, Dr. Walitter, voted in favor of the emancipation bill, notwithstand ing it was defeated by a vote of 78 to 74.—See Congressional Globe, page 2363. ,Voters of Greene county, re member, that on the 4th day of June, 1862, on the motion to reconsider the emancipation bill which had been defeated on the 26th of May, 1862, Dr. Wallace voted in the affirmative, and it was carried. And on the 18th of June, 1862, when the emancipa tion bill again came up, Dr. Wallace voted in favor of its passage. (See Congressional Globe—pages 2561 arid 2793.) Ike- Voters of Greene county, re member that on the 3d day of July, 1b62, the Confiscation Bill. was again brought up and a motion was made to lay it on the table, which was lost by a vote of 81 to 48 —Dr. Wallace voting in the negative. (See Con. Globe, page 3107.) Se - Voters of Greene county re member, that on the 11th Jay 01 July, 1,562, the Confiscation Bill was fe ported by the Conference Committee in the house, and a motion made to lay it on the table, which.was de feated. The bill was then passed by a vote of 82 to 42—Dr. Wallace vo ting in the affirmative. [See Con. Globe, page 3267.] air Voters of Greene county re member, that on the 16th of July, 1862, a bill providing that the Presi dent might, in his discretion, use ne groes in the army and navy, with the pay of $lO per month, and one ration ; and for such service, such "person of African descent, his moth er, and his wife and children, shall be forever free," was brought before Congress, and Ir. Wallace, the pres ent Abolition candidate for Congress in this District, voted for it. [See Con. Globe, page 3397.] ,Voters of Greene county, re member that the Investigating Com mittee of the last cession of Congress exposed an enovnoglii amount of swindling and robbery of the Gov ernment by ptiblie officers and pet contractors; and in April last the following resolution was offered in the House.:---- Resolvid, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by investing Alexan der Cummings with the control of large sums of the public monef, and au= thority to purchase military supplies, with out requiring from him any guarantee 'for the faithful performance of his duties, when the services of competent publicol ficers were available, and by involving the Government in a vast number of con tracts, with persons not legitimately en gaged in the business pertaining to the subject-matter, of such contracts espe cially in the , isischafni of sivir4peAtnin delivery, has adoptetf a policylighly in jurious to the public service, and high ly the censure of the, House. This resolution was adopted by a ote of 79, to 45; but DR. WAL LACE VOTED AGAINST IT, thus voting to shield .the villaipB who had robbed the Treasury of mere than FIFTY MILLIONS . OF DOL LARS. [See Congressional Globe. April 30, 1862, pag,e 188.1).] ,Let the people bear in mind, that in voting for Dr Wallace,, they are voting for an OUT AND Ott ABOLITIONIST, who is in favor Of buying the Southern Slaves, at a cost of more than a THOUSAND MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, and of setting them at liberty to overrun the Northern States, and come into competition with the laboring classes here, anal to fill our jails, penitentiaries and poor houses, at the expense of our al ready over-taxed people. Voters of Greene county bear in mind that on the 14th of July 1862, Dr. Wallace voted in favor of, appropriating $500,000, to be used at the discretion of the President, in securing the right..to colonize and pay the expenses of removing the negroes set free in the district of Co lumbia. Don't Forget, That the New York Txibanq, the recognized and leading organ of the Abolitionists of the country, was in favor of SEQESBION after the last Presidential Election, and so declared itself in the following choice ex tracts : ]From the Vibotte, Nov. 26, 1860.] If the Cotton States unitedly aid earnestly desire to withdraw 'ewe ably from the Union, we think they should and would be allowed to do 40. Any attempt to compel them by fbrQe to remain, would be contrary to flit principles enunciated in the immortal Declaration of Independence, contrary to the fundamental ideas on which hu man liberty is based. [From the Tribune, Dec 17, 1880.1 ''lf it (the Declaration of Indepen dence) justified the secession from the British empire of three millions of colonists in 1776, we do not see why it would not justify the secession of five millions of Soutitrons from the Union in 1861. Again, the same paper _sass : If the CottOn .States shall become satisfied diet they can do better out of the 7Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists. nevertheless. * * * We must ever deny the right of any State to remain in the Union and nullify or delay the laws thereof,-: To withdraw from the Union is quite another matter, and whenever a con siderable section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive 'measures desire- ed to keep it in. We hope never to live in a republic whereof one section is pinned to another by bayonets. [From the Tribnue of,Feb. 424, 1861.) We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist that the great prin ciples embodied ,by . Jefferson in the Declaration of American Indepen dence, that governments derive their just power from the consent of the governed, is sound and just ; and that, if the Slave States, the Cotton States, or the Gulf States only, choose to form an independent na tion, they have a clear moral right to do so. When ever it shall be clear that the great body of the Southern people have become conclusively alienated from the Union, and anxious to escape from it, we will do our best to for ward their views. So much for the "Union" senti ments of Greeley.and hia follower#. Yet they "rule the roast" nowli-days, moulding the policy of the war and attempting to overawe ankMigli date all vho oppose their,•mac'=tncl traitorous projects. WHATTI' COB** The Nigger organ, up-to*, say# the war has already cost "BIBEIONS OF MONEY AND BiIIEBS op p.a.copl' Brother Evans ought to kno,,tv rS New nit ilia , S Clll4lt ... E Ft, WM. FL IN No. ' WOOD PITTS BEtiltOff.:l".9., WM - blished a NEW 11.47*GMELCRP SE, and ji s persons visiting the city w l. id it a first class establishmerrt, fi tted nir in the I modern style. with every convenience for doing fa WhOtesale and Retail Trade. A large Wait of every varHy, style and quality of HATS and CAPS kept constantly on Land, which will lie sold at the very lowest prices. = Mr. Fleming is a Practicai Hatter, and guarantees satin_ faction to purchasers. Ott. 1, 1862-Iy. AL MT OA LL ! ALLpersons indebted to the estate of W. E. MI NOR, dec'd, are hereby notified that they must settle their notes and accounts by the let of No vember 'text, or they wilt be placed Matt °Weds hands for immediate collection. This is poeiti , :ery the LAST CALL. M. DILI., HANNAH R. MINOR, Waynesburg, Oct. 1,'62. A dministrators. WM REWARD: rgrITE undrsigned will pay the above reward to any I one who will arrest and lodge in sate confinett ent the two men who robbed him en the road between Waynesburg and it uarg Creek on Saturday. Beot. 2, '62. Cue of them was about five fret, eight ot Oise inches high, and would weigh about ICU lbs.• bad very black hair and whiskers—whiskers light. lied on a browti coat, black pants, satin vest, striped necktie, and slot cli bat, middling high in the crown. The other hail red hair and light red whiskers, about 5 feet 7 inches in height, would weigh atop& 136 lbs.; broad shoulders, slender waist, 'and ythitieul in tip, pearame. lie was in his shirt slegTes, had rn striped pants sad white slouch hat.' The money taken wits its follaws. viz $BO A Ilegtie,,y hank, ra„_• ro Farniero. and Drovers !lank of Way nesbueet shs Wheeinig, and Boron on dtc Franklin Ban. of Washington aid State (tank „,,C Ohio, wtth some seven 0i eight dollar in silver and gold ' • ' ' ' ' • 301.1 N R. LLAVVvER. Oct, 1, 1861„---3t. IPVIOUTOR'S NOT/011. LETTtitei testatxeuta.y having Been granted tothe undersigned on the Estate of VID GRAY, dec'd, late of Richhill tp.. notice is hereby given to all persona having img against mild estate to present them pro perly anther:nested for settlement, and those tintebteig t• - • the same to mate immediate payment. ' GRAY, D. W. GRAY,t Exekutrui. F . A. J. GRAY, Sept. 17, D. M. DARE, At. D MIL DAZE & SLOCZIDIV, 147 Fourth Street, Pittsburgh, Pal, fry Orsicg •t 1 A.lll. 1.1 P. 111.. 6-0 P.IL August 90, Int E. ZOI EDT lt. D
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers