1 '' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' - v " '"v M,fef, :,' i. ' i r " i. mii Sicuotcu t0 DoIiiic5, literature, Agriculture, 0cieuce, jJtoralitjj,; dixit eueral intelligence VOL 19. STROUDSBURG, MONROE COUNTY, PA. SEPTEMBER 20, IS60. NP0'36 Ptihlishcd bv Theodore Sflioch. I,raan struck off; almost everywhere the ;Out from teitms.-two dollars rienmimin ndvnnro-To I waY prepared for gradual emancipation ' "servitude, - ... l ..-. i. i ..' - .t-t it...fr )t nam DO.-1 lore inc cnu m mt; yt:u, i " uuuais aim u nun. Nonancrsiibivinunupduniiiniiarrcaracesatcpaid, rfolliirs anu axiuarter. halt ycjtrlv ami if m - . . Mv . w eonnrmauon io cao - said county, at Stroudburgj on Monday the 24th dny of September, 18C0, at 10 o'clock, a. hi , i The Account of Alexander f W'l William S. Winteraute. Esecut liam' Fowler, late of the Borough "The Account of Edward Brown. Ad- ' .... fC n i fo. j 1 ministrator of busan IJrown.late of btroua , si i deceased I TbeAeeoSnt"f Jaaea E. Andre and Uuaries it. Anaro, Aaminittrators o Adminittrators of i Leonard Andre, late of Stroud township, deceased. Fit Account of Andrew Storm an-i Kobert W. Swink, Executors of Peter Frederick, late of Stroud township, do- ceased. ,u.f c ro -r. . v ill . It Krritr i llegister's Office, Stroudsburg, ? August 30, 18G0. $ JURY LIST, SEPTEMBER TERM7.1860. GRAND JURORS. JBarrett. Martin B. lttinhart. Cites nu thill Motellcr. -Able Storm, Simpson Coolbaugh Jeasc O. Cliff. JEldred Charlew Correll, Joseph Hawk John Correll. Hamilton Michael Shoemaker, Jacob clutter, Joseph Fenner. no-Adam Anglemoyer, Charles istler. K JParadise John J. Price, Levi Frantz. Jroili Uavid lvresge. Jioss Burnet Flyte, Henry Meaon. Smithfield William Brown, William Peters, James Turpenning, Eq. Stroudsburs A. 11. Jackson, William "Wallace. i Tobvhaima Andrew Eschenbach Henry Stoddart. PETIT JURORS. ChcsnnUdU Jobn Gregory, Henry H Weiss, Peter Kresge, Joseph Butz. JLldred Jonas Zerfass, Addi Daniel, Phillip Drumhcller, Eq , Joseph Fehn. BamiionAbU Staples, L-rael Hous- er, Levi blutter, John btioemalier, Joseph Ivcller, Peter ilhamt?. Jackson Jacob Kresge. III". Smilhjield Abraham "V bangb, John Dewitt. Folic John S. Fisher. Eq, Gruber, E-q., Frederick Shupp. Pocono Samuel Doily. . Cool Joseph J?aradise James Henry. Jioss Peter Arnold Stroud John Shook, James H. Kerr, T U TJl J .. "13 : ) Prmrnc.i Tllltl Thomas. Moses Philips, Absalom Feath- kman, Philip Fisher: '. cv 7 7 ii l t -nT, Pi- bom Hull, Daniel Peters. ! mi 7 o i CT ' ramiluinna hamuel Hov. ' TanJcannock Peter Merwine, Jr. - - - DOUGLAS &P0PTJLAR SOVEREIGNTY. olutionary apirit has risen lar aDove them, ... . - . .. at aiHuains to lusiiiy itseii wuu ucuv pleadings, it spurns diplomatic equivo Nation; it places tbe claim to independ ence upon the broad basis of eternal rights, as self-evident as the sun, aB broad as the world, as common as the air of ieavcD. Tbe struggle of the colonies a - V? . gainst the usurping Government of Great Britain has rison to tbe proud dimensions of a struggle of man for liberty and e 'quality. Behold, five men aro advancing towards tho table of the President. Firsts Thomas Jefferson, whose philoso yhieal spirit grasps the generality of things and events; then Benjamin Frank lin, the great apostle of common sense, reaas tne jueciaration oi maependcnce, and loudly proclaims the fundamental principle upou which it rests: "All men are ereated free and equal!" It is said; history tells you what it meant. The eeptre of royalty is flung back across tho beeso; the prerogatives of aobility are trodden into the dust; every ban a king, every iaao a baron; in seven of the orig- iaal ftloBiei tho shackles of the black "S;? ' ?Te "D0 ,SUr lawl "J Washington. sismJUdtlieamdawn ofajreeman. Thus one or trircc insertions, si oo. Eacii additional inscr, 4 iSot only the supremacy of Old Eoglaod Mr. Douglas dares to speak of all thoso 3cyoDl,csiprorn ? to be fibabcQ off bufc g Q0W orgoniza. true wbo after baving proclaimed !k ' job PlifilSTItfG. I tion of society is to be built up, on the their principles in the Declaration, en-. iiavihgagcnor.il assortment f largo, plain and or f basis of liberty, and equality. That is, deavored to introduce them into practi tjamenuiiType, wo arc prepared to execute every de . tbe Declaration of Independencel That ( cat life in almost every State, in tbo way scnptwn o vwTTKT't;1- is the American Revolution. All men ' of gradual ematicipatiofil That they c' frcc and caa ?ot 'en tb0 broad de-! have failed in tuis. u ifc a faulfc of their'7 justices. Legal and otiieruianks, Pamphlets. &c, prin '( scrt of the Atlantic ooean stops the tri-, It shows not that they wero less great VutaT llCP'llCh, n lenM I phant out. Behold, the nations of and sincere, but that subsequedt genera- - -rnw.irrv---v. ne Old World arc rushing to arms. tions woro hardly worthy of so noble an . . -j . Bastiles aro blown into tbe dust as by the 1 ancestryl Applause. P(T1 QlPTQ i'ntl trumpets of Jericho, and, like a pillar of There is Mr. Douglas's version of your iiOluLUl U XVUuLUO. fire by niht and a pillar ofoloud by day, ' history. He despairs of converting you Nnmrnw i v n c, toc Kre:,t watohword of the American ! without slandering your fathers. His pro OTICL is herelsy given to all persons Xle volution shows forever the way to 'sent doctrines cannot thrive, unless plan interested in , the . estate i of "jpeo- struggling humnnity. Long-continued ted in a calumny on the past. He vindi ive decedents tha the : following accounts - fauM AU mcn nTQlcrc&tod free and cate the singers of the Declaration of In have been filed in the Better a office of ,? Whence the supernatural powerdependence! Indeed, they need it sadly. Monroe county, and will be presented for sevcu di? ,j J iliasfcrious committee of five . . 0 ACC0Qn Andrr &torm Ad ! no the hypothesis that they referred to the!down every struggle of principles to the government for tho Territories, as adopt- minisirator oi umam tiimon, laie oi white rce alone, and not to the African, !sordid aTna of aspiring selfishness , or of April 23d, 1784." Although with a Hamilton township, deceaocd. whiin llmv iipp.lnml nil mmi in lmvr hf?n ! . -. . t- . . ' t i- " n., t rr,, , t f. j r 1 ij ------ - -"! small coropeimg interests, iignieen nun- targe uumunom tuaiunty iu ita juvui, The Account of Alexander Fowler, Ad- created Ireennd equal that they were speak- f 6,u fa?tnan n N uL nJnA e u r nT , C XIT phnmnion of un versa DrinciD CS. but I " ? . 1 , " .i . I J?euorai vjuuvcuuuu. Bu .H V:, s.i. ru" :e 'u..c 'fundamental principles unuer.yiug " tera of a oonturv. Bconle were in tho - hm.: a ' ..i .oS. !mJM f. imn. i aiia 113 extension, iur. xr,ug.8 - was an act of the highest order ot im "B IUiu cca tu. Hfc " i .V J.r.r.. 7' exceedingly inconvenient to encounter tanc but we now oarn that it wa3 upheaving of the popular spim-tne ea hud ever pr.eueea upuu i w. whioh prove, beyond doubt, Uat er 5ntiiffercnt affair, passed on an indi !h!!ffiL rTJW I W" 5 r Tl-' lee .a.,. M I P'i-'A ' a toI -t occlion, by exceedingly ind, ue, tuej - -.uiuat .ts u, .w, j :JJ -o--- r..;-'" existence, rose to practical realization. nnt Het of feuQwg. whiifi tbe "io recocnilion 01 tue rijrht; ot nronnrfir 1 ..." --D-- i f--J i ..-,,, I i e- JVT-J:. ur i i j in maul says Aladison. - "Let slavery ' 1 11 t ... . Turn your eves away from the sublime ' spcctaclc of 1776, from that glorious gal-' f men QSQ hearts wcferc iargeb e. nough for all mankind, and let me recall ou t0 shcr year of 1857. There is SpringCeld, the capital of Illinois, one of the poodeesB to spare us with your vindi : those States which owe their greatness to cations of our character and motives." an ordlDanco originally framed by the Great laughter and applause. same man whose band wrote the Doolara- It is a common thing that men of a .- fT , , T rT ... A e . , , ot Independence, in tho Hall of tho j coarse oaat of mind so lose themselves in .A"eob,J- there stands Mr. Douglas, whojthe mean pursuit of selfish end,, as to be- - . , . . ,, rT J ... ncs oi pooumr bo vcrciirniy. no win tcll you what it meant, when the men of. 176 said that "all men aro created free and equal. He says: "No man can vindicate the character, the motives, ami the conduct of the singers of ,,;, .i jt:,:..i. i ui niou .muruu uui a unit ? c- siding hi Great Britain that they wereen- Un .....l.in " I .-1 . . il ' 1 I 1. .1 . ., ,J r. n n m n f- I. I H v. . m w 1 a m titled to ihesime inalienable rights, and a - mong them were enumerated life, liberty ami the pursuit of happiness. The Declara-'dred lion of Independence was adopted merely for j ihe purpose of justifying ihe colonists in the eyes of the civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance from the British Crown, and dissolving their connection with the mother country." What! Is thatalll Is that little heap of quicksand the whole eubstructureon which a new organization of society wan to bo built! the whole foundation upon which Vud States ts7 Th th , ... r ' j uieau uk, iuuu, wueu may aiu an men. j They intended, perhap?, even to disfrao- chi-e those free blacks kIio in five of the :: original thirteen colonies enjoyed tho : right of voting. They meant but the t white race. Oh, no, by no moan, the 'Xchole while race; not the Germans, not ; the French, not the Scandinavians; they ' I meant but British sublets. "British sub jects on this contiuent being equal to j British subjects born and residing on the i other side of the great waterl" Laugh ter and applause. There is your Declaration of Independ ' ence, a diplomatic dodge, adopted mere ly for the purpose of excusing the rebel ijoad colouies in the eyes of civilized man- bind. There is your Declaration of In dependence, no longer the sacred code of.V, u flu zIT aLJ epeuueuce, u .uugc. u UUu - , f fc phUotj0puioal dcvel. be rights of man, but an hypocritical L f. ., r .. ,m kn Jopment of the age; it is tho practical em- , the rights of man, but an hypocritical : . c, -iij. i Jr i ' piece oi epuciai picauiug, urawu up vy u . batch of artful pettifoggers, who, when j atch of artful pettifoggers, who, when i nig ot the rights of man, meant but' the orivilege of a set of aristocratic slave-, iiuno ti wio uu-mu """"i 'i i : f i A;tu, 1; Kfa r 1 n'ded the very atmosphere of all civilized . holccrs, nut ttyled it "the rights of man, . . 'm. , , , ' . 3 , . , b .. 'flcouutnes. That code of human rights in order to throw dust into the eyes ot , . lt -t . . .,; il,. wrl,l. nd i inv.i.ln nobln-ha.rifld " 6row? 0D the very Bummit of e vih.a- f00js int0 lending them aid and assistance "w ' D nnn Tt I 1 TI 1 J lie volution ary sires, no longer heroes and 6a2es. but accomplUhed bumbuggers and!"un" 1 " X- H ' T , , . . , j lL. . another; who passed counterfeit senti- j 1 4 - a i tnnnfs as irpnnina. and obtained arms and C money and iLaee and sympathy on false pretcnccsl Ihere is your great A - i j - i . i 1..1 to reaa ana unae ana tne proeae p. - ui aiucm,u u.y.j. WU I and laugh - ;e4d n.t-. : " of thinking that the ordinance of 1 kind of history tritb which be finds it ne-, lhe , htor of tbo ceenarv to Droo his mongrel doctrine ot,r AT c , . , " . , , ,n, . - lit. popular sovereignty 1 I bat is what be, nnlla trinHlftntlnrr thfl nh !1 r nnf.fl r BT1U the motives and the conduct of the singers of ; the Declaration of independence. Ihus 1. .tit. T rr t he dia not Diusn to sianaer uoiierson, wno, when speaking of his country, meant the Ithrougu a century oi eu.uu.ai u..j, .u world, and, when speaking of bis fellow-! order to show that the people of the co oitizens, meant mankind; and Franklin, ilouies claimed the right to legwlato on in whose clear bead theory and practice' the subject of slavery. And remarkably were tbe same, and who, having declared enough, all the instances quoted show a "all men to be created free and equal," uniform tendency adverse to the peculiar th Rrt President of th first inntitution. Mr. Douglas then proceeds rBf. AhnlltionSoeietv: and John Adams, t V - vm I J j ton, wuo aecmreu n i .--v,- wish to see slavery abolished by law," ! and affixed to the Declaration ot mao.- ' pendence the broad signature of his hero-j ; ic sword; and Madfcdo, who deemed it "abnurd to admit the idea of property m man;" and of tho fratners of the Cousti- j ! tution, who took care not to disgraoo j that instrument with tbe word "slavery1, and, before adopting it finally, blotted the extradition clauso the word "avowedly because it signified thn rnnriifinn nf n Klnco nnH siihutiMitnri . - . - . , MUU t i ,, . - the word "service" avowedly because it . ri.o from their graves, at their head Thomas Jefferson, his lips curled with the SQlile 0f contempt, and I hear him say to Mr. Douglas: "Sir, you may a buse us as much as you please, but have ,r . b. , measuring every cnaraoter ana every e- vent in history by the low standard of their own individualities, applying to ev- ery thing the narrow rule of their own mo- , tivcB, mcapablo of grasping broad and ; generous ideas, they will belittlo. every nothiug in incioicnt Christianity but a . meie wrangle between Jewish theologians, . got UP Dy a carpenter's boy, and carried on by a few orazy fishermen. Three bun- years ago. there were men who saw in tue Rreat reformatory movement of tho IUU1 U WCIC Uiuu nuu can l m.i...u cunu.; vuia uihviv " sixtccuth century, not the emancipation by Mr. Jefferson's vote. Nevertheless, of the individual conscience, but a mere Mr. Douglas presists in calling a plan, fuss kicked up by a German monk who from which the peculiar Jcjfersonian fea wanted to get married. Two hundred ture had been struck out, ihe il Jcjfersonian .. i . ii mL' ;.. iL. i -e TT l :l. years at'O, mere were meu wno saw m Hampden's refusal to pay the ship mon ey, not a bold vindication of constitu tional liberty, but the crazy antics of a man who was mean enough to quarrel a bout a few. shillings. And now, there aro men who see m the Declaration ot in- dependence and the American Revolu- tioo, not the reorganization, of human so oiety upou the basis of liberty and equal ity, but a dodge of some English cblo nists, who were unwilling to pay tneir taxes. Continued applause. But the dignity of rcat characters and tho glory of great events find their vindi- cation in tho oonsaiences of the people. Cheers. It is in vaiu for demagoguism to raise its short arms against the truth of history. The Declaration of Inde- pendence stands there. No candid man ever read it without seeing and feeling that every worh of it wa3 dictated by deep and earnest thought, and that every sentence of it bears tho htamp of philoso- L f. ., r .. ,m onment of the age; it is tho practical em- boditnent of the progressive idea,, which, 3 . . t, -,-P ,. , i 1 nn nn in thi fnirvsnil nt n rtOntll liar- t wr .i tiii ,,uui " " "J . .. iolma ootton-faeid. Lie must have a auu ,nd" adw?rd?"d i the fieart oi a villain, who Knowingly miB- j "Pta cm; Loud obceri.. Mr. Douglass ambition might have !. . e . B. ' knnti ootichnrl tullll llllH I a Tl O m 1 n I O II B OT he neoeaBjtieof tUe popuiar. .. Anntrintt An nnt stnn IhZra. .cjiaiui ip u - . fc. fc .g t war witb n( Xr,na nf flla Fianl n r 1 1 1 fin nf Tfl fl O oruiuance oi iioi. auu mi. luugiaa ia Usk Rq dQQs nQ afc tri. " i e' And here we must return to the Har per-Magazine manifesto. Ho leads us . . . -t i :i u:. to discover the germs of his popular-sov c some ot its cshmen of our colleges smile. ' I m .... 41 ' I rjnstfl MM The "statesman X7ougia uu uu. seem to bo aware that the ability to read history ought to precede the attempt to write it. Laughter and cueers.J tie leads us -back to tho Congress of 17. Mrs Jefferson and his colleagues have just executed the deed of cession of the Northwestern Territory, and tha Bamo cannot prevent us from traveling out of j w.or which might indicate a moral coo -Mr. Jefferson, as chairman of a commit- tho yellow covers of Harper's Maf-azino, j Jotin tnot slavery is wrong? Not onel tee, then Bubmits "'a plan for the tompo- into the open records of "history, where we ! ut ono tDDg be does tell you : l,2 do rary government of the Territories ceded fin'd-Mr. Jefferson's anti-slavery clause, not ?are vahetiaf sUscery be voted up or by. tho individual States to the United although accidently lost in 1784, utrenu- down!" There ia then a human heart States " Mr. Douglas proceeds to de ously insisted udou bv the lotvdin snirits tuat oos not care 1 Sir, look, over this aunuu now mo aerricoriai uovernmenis : V 1 ., m . were to be organized, what rights and powers were put into the hands ot tho poopie, anu now toey wore 10 no exor-. nrmiy maintained even against the peti-ci-jcd; and, after having demonstrated Hon of the pooolo of one of tho Territo. that the term "new States" meant the same thing which is now designated by'fersonian plan," the plan whioh Jefferson "hops of civilization in Europo, and ovor 'Territories;" he comes to the conclusion framed, votod for, and which was-carried ,ose mysterious regions, under the trop that the spirit pervading that plan was in out in his spirit; not that mangled fcpo'rt 'cal sunt which have not emerged yet oxaot consonance with hia doctrine of of 1784, which Mr. Douglas wantu us to roBJ lUe nigbt of barbarism to tha day "popular sovereignty." Mr. Douglas os- 'take ai the the foundation of all Territo- of ci'iHcod life and tbea toll ate, tentatiously calls this "the Jeffersonianjrial government, booauBe an historical a-- feow mtn7 hearts do you find thai do sol plan." "It waB," sajB he, "tbo first plan' cident happens to coincide with his Ma with asorUl angnisb or esnltent of government for the Territories ever a-1 schemes. 1 jJ s the Bcale3 of human frcadem or dopted in the United States. It was That true Jefforsonian plan rested, in-1 buQ,ft? bf?daSc QP or down Lok drawn by the author of the Declaration deed, on the principle of popular sover- ! r tb, h,.3tr of tb d! ilomL tho of Independence, and revised and adoot- iint. ifnt ,:n , tui f- i t,oe when infant mankind felt m its heart ed by those who shaped the issues which nroduced tho Revolution, nnd formod tho r - j ... tt .1 Mr. Douglas skips rather nimbly over the significant fact, that tho same "author of the Declaration of Independence" put in to that plan a proviso, excluding slavery from the Territories. Was that a mere accident? Mr. Jefferson showed thereby, conclusively, that, in his opinion, the ex clusion of Slavery by Congressional leg islation was by no means inconsistent with the spirit of "popular sovereignty" which Mr, Douglas discovers m tho plan of 1784; but thin does not disturb Mr. Douglas. "The fifth article," says ho, "relating to tho prohibition of slavery, baring been rejected by Congress, never (sixteen fail to obtain a constitutional majority, the vote of NewUersey not being counted, in consequence of there being but ono delegate from that State present; yet it had been drawn up by Mr. Jefferson, in- troduced by Mr. Jefferson, and sustained juui, jluih is iue piy oi xaumiui, uu the character of Hamlet omitted. Laughter. "Thi3chartcr of compact," proceed? Mr. Douglas, "with its fundamental conditions! wbioh were unulterable without the joint consent of the people interested in them, as well as of the U. States, tben stood upon the statute book unrepealed and irre pealable, when, "on the 1 4tb day of May, 1787, the Federal Convention met at Philadelphia." Does Mr. Douglas not know that on the Kith of March, 1785, a proposition was introduced in Congress Dy Rufus King, to exclude slavery from the States described in the resolve of A- prji 23d f 1784, and to make this provia- jon part of the compact established by that resolve I Does he not know that this provion, restoring tho Jeffersonian feature to tho "Jeffersonian plan," was committed, by the vote of eight States a- gninst four I Does he not know that the plan cf 17S4 never went into practical Pernuou'. prC. BUi uj Conwrosa Jn 1787 ? 'Do , "c11- tuat the ordinance of 1! , "c11- , i c . that the ordmanoo ofl87wasthe first , legUlative act over practically organizing i ' ' 3 L - ; oue oi ua luu&t uomiueui luuimca the proviso exoluding slavery from all J , iL the Territories then in possession of the . , , r United States 7 it -rv i .. l i I ll.-it C i'lT. xOu!rtao oisioricsi recul luuiiuua UI ih . nP4:nnnBO nf 1787 seem to be t-3 very Indeed, he deems it only wor tbJ ot aD occasional, passing, almost con temptuous notice. He speakB of it as "the ordinance of the 12th of July, 1787, which was passed by tho remnant of Con gress of the Confederation, sitting in New York, while its most eminent membcrt For three quar hnb- 787 por- rath- ffcr- ffer plan of 1784 a mere abstract programme, completely overruled by subsequent legislation, is represented as the true glory of the ago. How is this ? The reason is obvious. Mr. Douglas belongs to that class of his torians who dwell upon thoso facj which suit their convenience, and unceremoni- ouslv dron tho rest. I once heard of a Jesuit college where they used a text! book of history, in which the Frenoh i rounuauons upon whion our whole system j ordinance of 1787 is different from the of American government rests." But'Nebraska Mil. Whiln Mr JPfTrflm.'a Revolution was never mentioned, while 'deeply as l ospioro mem, yet i respect endeavor to reuuee tno people to mat uis the Emperor Napoleon figured there only their convictions as soon as I find them gusting state of moral indifference which as a modest Morquis Bonaparte, who held out. But look into tbo record of the b0 bimsolf is qot asbaraed to boast of. I a commission under Louia XVII, aDd : champion of "popular sovereignty;" scan aolomnly protest that tho American pco fought great battles for tho glory of tbo it from sylable to sylable; and then tell, plo are not to bo measured by Mr Doug, Catholio Church. Laughter and Ap jme, you Douglasites of the South, do you Us's low moral standard. However de plause So it is with Mr. Douglas and find one word there indicating a moral graded somo of our politic ans may be, tbo bietory of this country. He ignores conviction that slavery is right I And the progress of the struggle will show tho universal principles of the Declaration you Dooglasitos of tbe North, who are in that tha popular oonsoionoe is still alive, of Independence, and represents tbe great the habit of telling us that you are the and that. tho people DO OARE I (Long foundors of tbe Republio as merely paving truo anti slavery men, and that popular continued applause.) tbe way for -bis "great principles," whilo sovereignty will surely work tho over-j : - a few village politicians get up an obscure throw of slavery, did your nastor ever ; jThoro ta not a county in .J ordinance, adverse to the general teuden- utter a similar sentiment T Do you find but baa a V ,da-Awake Club in it. Tho cv of things. But as those Jesuits neveVin his record one woru . BJmVuj .m could prevent their students Irooi poep- tho down irouuou uu 6.- . t , ti oH nn.i w i" ing out of their college windows into the spark of the humane philosophy of our There are not less than 20,000 ide-A-wido world, where they perceived a very age! One sylable in vind.catton of the i wakes now in tho State, and their nuux differcnt state of things, so Mr. Douglas outraged dignity of human, nature 1 One berB are mil rapidly increasing . . . . 4 J M .nrl HAvfnvAv T I Inn PJlOf!4 T Fl Q C nf I .1411 mnntf HP VVmfTH. . . . i -n v . 1 oi tne xvepuniic, mcornorated in the ureat led in the jireat Srmed by the nstitution, and "ainst the peti- act of 17b7, Bolemuly reaffir hrst Uoogress under the Cons riea. fChcersl Tina dm tmn "Jf. ! Jefferson's great principle was as widely ';r t. .i. r m r i i.. uiutiuui iiuui mat ui iui. uuiiL-ina b lua notion of popular sovereignty uprung from tbe idea that man has certain inalienable rights which tbo majority shall not en croach upon, Mr. Douglas's doctrino rests upon tbe idea that tho higbost develop ment of liberty consists in the right of one oI&bs of men to hold another clats of men aB slaves, if they see fit to do so. Ap plause. While Mr. Jefferson excluded slavery from the Territories, in order to make room for true popular sovereignty, Mr. Douglas invents bis false popular sov ereignty, in order to make room for sla very. Tho ordiuanco of 1787, the true "Jeffersonian plan," was indeed no mere accid nt, no mere occasional act of legis lation. It sprang from tbe idea, aB Mad ison expressed it, "that republican insti tutions would become a fallacy, where slavery existed;" and in order to guaran ty republican institutions to the Territo ries, they exeluded slavery. Tbe ordinance of 1787 wsb the logioal offspring of the principles upon which your independence and your Constitution arc founded; it is the practical applica of the Declaration of Independence on the government of the Territories. Its very exigence sets completely at nought Mr. Douglas's doctrine and historical con struction, and the dwarfish band of the demagogue tries in vain to tear this bright page out of your annals. Cheem Tho ordinance of 17S7 stands written on the very gate posts of the Northwestern States; written on every grain field that waves in the breeze, on every factory that dots the course of their rushing waters, on every cottage that harbors thrifty freemen; arit ten in every heart that rejoices over tbe blessings of liberty. Long continued Applause. There it stands in charac ters of light. Only a blind man cannot see it; only a fool can misunderstand it; only a knave can wilfully misinterpret it. Repeated cheers. Such is Mr. Douglas's principle of pop ular sovereignty iu its logioal and histor ical aspect; apparently adopting tho doc trine that slavery is tbo creature of local law only, and fighting against a Congres sional slave codo, but, on tbe othor hand, admitting tbo very principle on which protection to slave property becomes a lo gical necessity; and again assuming the ground that slave property may be intro duced where thero is no local .law, but explaining away the logiclonsequenceft ot that uoctrine oy tne transparent eopn itry of unfriendly legislation: dragging the proudest exploits of American states manship into the dust; emasculating the Declaration of Independence, beoauac in compatible with its principles; setting side the ordinance of 1787, because that btern fact is a conclusive historical argu ment against it; a Jesuitical piece of o quivooatiou and double dealing, unable to stand before tho oriticism of a logioal mind, because it is a mixture of glaring contradictions; unable to stop the zcar of pririciplcs and interests, because it is at war with itself. (Applause.) It is true, its principal champion worked hard to-cov-er with bullying boisterousneaa the moral cowardice from which it sprang; but in vain. Ho mistakes tbe motive powor which shapes the actions of free nations. Having no moral convictions of his own to stand upon, ho could nover address himself to tJie moral sense of the jieople. (Sensotion.) Having no moral convic tions of his own I This is a grave charge, but I know what I say. I respect truo convictions wherever I find them. Among tho fire-eBters of tho South, there are men who speak of the moral basis of slavery, and believe in it; who speak of tbo bless ings of servitude, and believe in it; who assert that slavery ia right, and belivc it. Atrooious as their errors may bo, and roau iana, wuere ue airuggie nn ragea r years and years; and. across the two oceans, around the globe, to the' point where the far West meets tho far East, 1 l 1 1 ! ,4 1 I . 1 uroBu iuuu, tuuiuuo shuib una ragea over the teeming countries where tho era- die of mankind stood: and over the work- ! t,he first ln"bn8 ,of piring dtpity, i down to our days, wboo the rights of man I , .1. , 1,1 t have at last found a bold and poworful champion in a groat and mighty Republic; where is tho page that is not spotted with blood aud tears, shed in that all-absorbing struggle; where a chapter which does not tell the tale of jubilant triumph or heart-breaking distresi, as the scales of freedom or slavery went up or down 7 (Loud applause.) Bat to-day, in tho midst of the nineteenth century, in a Re public whoso prpgrammo was laid down in the Declaration of Independence, thero cotuos a man to you, and tells you, with cynical coolness, that he doe3 not oare 1 And because ho does not care, he claims tho con&dcoce of his countrymen and the highest honors of the Republio 1 Because ho does not care, be pretends to be tho representative statesman of this age 1 Sir, I always thought he ean Dd no true statesman whose ideas and concep tions are not founded upon profound mor al convictions of right and wrong. (Ap plause.) What, then, shall we flay of him who boastingly parades bis indifference as a virtue! May wo not drop tho dis cussion about his statesmanship, and ask, What is he worth as a man ? (Repeated cheers.) Yes; he mistakes the motive power which shapes the events of his-tory. I find that in the life of free nations, mere legal disquisitions never turned tho tide of events, and mere constitutional constructions never determined the too deocy of an age. The logic of things goes its steisdy way, immovable to elo quence and deaf to argument. It shapes and changes laws and Constitutions ac cording to its immutable rules, and those adverse to it will prove no effectual ob struction to its onward march. In times of great conflicts, the promptings and dic tates of the human conscience are more po tent than all the inventivo ingenuity of the human brain. The conscience of a free people, wheu once fairly ruling tho action of tho masses, will never fail to make new laws, when those exirtlng are contrary to its tendency, or it will put its own construction upon those that arc thero Your disquisitions and plnusibilities may bo uced as weapons and stratagems in a fencing match of controversing parties; but, poworlcss as they aro before the con science of man, posterity will remember them only as mere seooodary incidents of a battle of grett principles, in which tha strongest motive powers of human nature wore the true combatants. There ia the slavery question; not a mere occasional quarrel between two sec tions of country divided by a geograph ical line; not a mere contest between two 'economical interests for tho preponder ance; not a mere wrangle betweon two political parties for power and spoils; but the great struggle between the human conscience and a burning wrong, between advancing civilisation and-retreating bar barism, between two autagonistia systensfl of social organization. (Cheers.) In vtin will our impotent mock giants endeavor to make the test question of our age turn on a ridiculous logical quibble, or a pal try legal technicality, (applause;) in vain will they invent mall dodge!), aud oall them "great principles;" in vnin will thoy attompt to drag down the nil absorbing oontest to the level of a mere pot-houso quarrel betweon two rival candidates for a Presidential nomination. (Applause.) The wheel of progreising events will orush them to atoms, as it has crushed so many abnormities, (cheers,) and & future gener ation will perhaps read on Mr. Douglas's tombstone the inscription : "Here lies tho queer, sort of statesman, who, when the great battle of slavery wa fought, ' pretended to aay that he did not caro whethor slavery was Totednp-or voted down." (Cheers.) But as long as their mortal vitality of j this nation is not entirely exhausted, Mr. ' Douglas, and men like him will in vain ""i"-"--"
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers