! ft I i8 Denoted to IPoIitics, literature, Agriculture, Science, JHoraliiij, anfc euera! Intelligence. -t: VOL 19. STROUDSBUKG, MONEOE COUNTY, PA. MARCH 1, $0. N0..8. Published by Theodore Schoch.'ond thus 80 f6r from beins an us TERMS.-Tvvodollarspcranmiminndvancc-Two!tcrro ifc was a.UBUal ono io the diposi d oil Jtrs and a quarter, half yearly and if not paid be- tioD of power ID the United States. A forc the end of the year. Two dollars and a half. ! .t i it r 1 n No papers discontinued unlil all arrearages are paid, ' nothcr Clause says that Congress Phall except at the option of the Editor. have nower to "rpirnlain rnmmprnp ' ICTAdvertiscmcnts of one square (ten lines) or less "ave power 10 reguiaio commerce. one or three insertions, SI 00. Each additional inser- Does any Democrat deuy that that 19 a ten, 33 cents. Longer ones in proportion. j legislative power? Wbot, UDder it, have JOS PRIHTflSG. j they done? Tbey not ouly "regulate Having a general assortment of large, plain and or commerce ' under it, botween foreign namentaJTypc.wc are prepared to execute every de !C0UDtrjes and this, regulating foreign and cards cs ntii Heads. Notes, r.iank Receipts, b"go. Why? Because they had the Justices. Legal and other Blanks, Pamphlets. &c, prm power to make all needful rules and reg- Xum.1 oEluCSS and dCSP"UCh' " ra;lson1"lc terms j lotions appertaining thereto. In the Tcr- J. Q. DUCKWORTH. JOHN IIAYX To Country Dealers. DUCKWORTH & HAYN, WHOLUSALE DEALERS IN 0r0Cerie5 Provisions, LiqUOrS,&Ct No. 80 Dey street, New York. June 16, 1859.ly. SPEECH OF CASSITJS M. CLAY. Delivered on the Capitol Steps at Frank fort, January 10, 1600, Obiter Dicta. Gentlemen, time passes quickly, and of course I cannot go elaborately into the 'of the Constitution, to carry with it that argument upon the other part of that very legislative power, it even extending which is claimed to be the decision in the to the taking of life, liberty, and proper Dred Scott case, that is, that the law of ty itself. 1787 first passed by the confederation of! Don't they say in tho Constitution that States, and re-enacted by the House of ' tbey shll have the power! Such was Representatives at its very Grst session ; the understanding of tho old framcrs of indor the Constitution in 1780 was un- the Federal Constitution of the old con conetitutional. That is the dicta of these federation of the framers of the act of five Judges. Well, now, gentlemen, jur-t '87, and although the Supremo Court are let me state one or two strong points that bound to acknowledge that all the terri cvery man of common een-c can under- tory acquired previous to the formation stand. It is the practice of all Courts j of the Constitution, were subject to the Courts of Common law and Courts of E- control of Congress, they come to tbo con quitj of the United States, and of all elusion that the Constitution did not in Courts of reasonable justice and common tend to confer tho power at all, but that senso on God's earth, from the earliest its very exercise was prohibited by the time to tho latest day, that when ques Constitution. tions, come up for decision, tbey decide Gentlemen, there was a portion of these the main question, and that obiter dicta, ' lands, when the Constitution was formed, that if, words spoken incidentally, and not intended to bo ceded, and it was kuown to tbo main question, i- not law. There 'by the framers of the Constitution that it are Democratic lawyers that hear me to- was to be ceded. Georgia and North night, and and they will bear me out in 'Carolina afterward ceded their territory this statement, and it is right. There for the same reason that Virginia ceded re just reasons for it, because the atten- j Illinois and Indiana, and therefore how tion of the Judges being bound to the j absurd it is to say that the framera of the main issue, they mutt not be held re-j Constitution, when tbey allowed Congress sponsible for the incidental question ofito exclude Slavery from tho territory the oaae. Now, that is what Ju-tices j which now i formed into the States of MoLean and Curtis tell us, and they are, j Illinois and Indiana, did not gie them, in my opinion, the ablest Judges upon! the power to exclude Slavery from the the Beucb. I think Justice Curtis the a- wbc'o. It is absurd to .-ay that the power blest Judge I ever read after, and he tells ! existed in one case, but did uot in anotb us that when the Supreme Court decided er. in the case that it had no jurisdiction! What was the intent and design of the there their whole power ceased. That is J Constitution? What did it do to carry what this Judge tells us, that is what the j out that de.i?n? The two most prominent Republican- say, that is what every hon-1 conclusions on earth, that we can have as ent man, unbiased by political aasocia-to what it was intended to do. is by what tions and considerations, must say. I J they said was to be done and intended to pay it, gentlemen, that in my humble j be done, and by what they practically did. iudo-ement, the rest of the opinion is notjEiVbt and six, or fourteen times, did this law, and in this I am supported by some : Congress carry out the power asserting of tbe very ablest judicial minds of the that Congress bad all the power to make "XJuitcd States. Not only so, but Ju-tice ' all needful rules and regulations for the Curtis shows that the Supreme Court has Territories," even to tbe prohibition or decided again and again that obiter die- enactment of Slavery, ta is not law, and is 'not o to be con?id- How he Changed an Opinion, ered. There are decisions in that report aai going to own up myceif. I con quoted, absolutely made to tbe effect fess tuat j alwajS believed, until I read that there incidental .decisions that come ; tjje Opjuion 0f Justice Curtis, I always in are not part of the law of the land. ! believed with tbe old "Free Soil party, Therefore, we say in denial of what thet,at un(ler the Constitution of the United Democratic party has said to-day, thKt gtates j0U cou(i not establish Slavery in it is not the law of tbe land. Therefore, j a0y Territory. I do now confess that, af we go upon that subject for not changing, j ter readiog the decision of Justice Cur rather we deny that it is law, and we P tis, that it was so clear, and tbo argu peal to tbe country to decide between us. mcut so irreMftiblo, that thoy could prac We owe no allegiance to it as to a law of tjce legislation in either way, that I was the United States, but it is yet open for;bound to acknowledge that the power to free discussion by the people of the Uni- prohibit alo carried with it the power to -ed States, tbat they may determine it establish, and tbe converse that the pow under the Constitution of the United Cr to establish Slavery also gave the pow Statea. To so mueb we plead guilty. er t0 prohibit it. I therefore yielded up The Word Regulate. mJ opinion (I know not what others Now, as tbat is an important question, nay do.) because in this dicta of Justice let us dwell yet a while longer upon it.-; Curtis if Congress has power simply be--In the first place, let us see what were the , "use there no limit put upon it, that it terms of tbe old Confederation in connec-1 "3S Power on eithef slde: that ,11 has tion with it. Thev declared, gentlemen, omnipotent sovereign power, although before tbey ceded 'these lands to the U- tbis " a Government in general oMimit nited States, tbat these Territories should ed powers, inasmuch as the Constitution Jwu tn TTnitpd States, and that the does not limit Congress from establhmg United States should have complete con- trol, both political and practical, over nieu oy me oubmunou, mereiore it them: that is to Bay, that they yielded L rhere,1 amlb.ound to change my . the entire jurisdiction of the Territory, opinion upon that subject and now I a- and the United States, under the act gr that Congress ha, the power to es-1 yielding the.e Territories to the United or prouioit o avery, neoauee, ae States, achieved as they were by the com-, I the acknowledgement of the one mon blood and treasure, it was the de- Power compels us to acknowledge the termination of all the States themselves possession of the reverse, to yield up tbe entire control of them, and ; Well, now it is at last brought to this: therefore when the Supremo Court under-! Congress has the right to establish Slave took to say that that clause of the Con-, rJ or .aboi1,au Slavery, in the Ternto ititutiou which says: "Tbe Congress rlea- It is then a matter upon which we hall have power to dispose of and make ,aPPeal to the country for decision. Will all needful rules and regulation, respect- Jou go for Slavery or Freedom? I be ing the territory or other property of the United States' does not mean what it f. coU llr n l,nt a ays, they are forced to the absurd con- iUU , lir , - x oliion, notwithstrnding the object had in We say with Washington, Jefferson, riewin making the ctsion, that when ?dMn. HnrJ andf V.11 th" w ij oU J v,o Sffna AiA nnf. distinguished fathers of tbe Republic, not forced construction they are given. Tbey institution, and all that, but wo admit it deny this positive grant of power to pa,- to be an evil, morally, socially and po laws by cSnress to prohibit Slavery in Iitioally, and a weakness in the Common in the Territories, and the assertion that wealth. the word "regulation" is not a common Slavery a weak Institution, term used by legal men when they intend Well, now, gentlemen, it has gone forth to confer a power. That is tho argument in this Commonwealth that I should not of tbe Supreme Court. be able to speak in Frankfort. Why is Let us look at tbat. Four times is it that John Brown spread such con tbo word "regulation" used in the Con- etornation through all Virginia? Aro we etitutiou with regard to grants of power,: to bclteye that the Virginians are all intones tbey have similar power delega ted in somewhat the same words. Not jouly had they the power to cherish com merce, but they bad a riht to prohibit and destroy commerce itself. Certainly that ia a legislative power: and it was ex- ;ercised under this very term "regulate;" j uiereiom it is uusuiiueijr uuauiu wueu tUO J Supreme Court and the Democratic par ty undertake to say that when it was c 'nacted that Congress should have the 'power to make all needful rules and reg ulations for tbo Territory, did not ded icate legislative power. So that the very j language that they claim would debar a ' graut of power,is bhown by four clauses or abolishing Slavery. The power ia not . il-t l-l-i O I I "eve tnac to ne tne aocmue or tno lie pubhean party and tbat is the whole sun mat Slavery ia a uibbbiuk buu a xiviuo . . oi r. - LI I I T:: n cowards? Nol There is in Virginia just as gajlant blood as' flows in the world. It was simply because Slavery waB a weak institution from tbe beginning to this time, tbat it was wbat James Madison told South Carolina and Georgia; it is bccauno Slavery is what Mr. Randolph told Mr. Everett. We tell you thai it is a source of weakness in the State, and therefore, as patriots and lovers of our country, we say to the several States, en joy your institution as long as you choose, but so far as we are responsible we go a gainat it all the time. There is thojtjhole front of our offending. It is not right? The admission of Slavs States. Another charge made is, that we par pose "to prevent the admisnion, in any latitude, of another Slaveholding State." I deny that that is the platform of tbe j Republican party as made up in 1856, ; or as it is to be made up in I860, and if you will allow me I will refer to tho i record. I cannot read all of the platform j but I give you my word there is no such ' clause in it. I will read one clause, how ! ever : j "Resolved, That with our Republican fathers wo hold it to bo a self-evident truth that all men aro endowed with tho inalienable right to life, liberty, and tho pursuit of happiness, and that tho prima , ry object and ulterior design of our Fed eral Government was to secure these rights to all persons under it exclusive jurisdiction." Mark me, now, that does not apply to State?; "that our Republi can fathers, when they had abolished Sla very in all our National Territory, ordain ed tbat no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due pro cess of law, it becomes our duty to main tain this provision of the Constitution a gainst all attempts - to violate it for the purpose of establihing Slavery in any Territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained." Jn that part of the platform I have said, 1 believe we were in error. For that reason, in the call of tbe present Convention we "leave out all that which has reference to the last sentence which I read. I will read that call to you. "A National Republican Convention will meet at Chicago, on Wednesday tbe 13th day of June next, at 12 o'clock noon, for the nomination of candidates to be supported for President and Vice Presi dent at the next election. "Tbe Republican electors of the several States, the members of the People's par ty of Pennsylvania, and of the Opposi tion party of New-Jersey, and all others who are willing to co-operate with them in support of the candidates whioh shall there bo nominated, and who are opposed to the policy of the present Administra tion, to Federal corruption and usurpa tion to the extension of Slavery into tbe Territories, to the new and dangerou political doctrine that the Constitution, of its own force, carries Slavery into all the Territories of the United States, to the o pening of the African slave-trade, to an inequality of rights among citizens; and who are, in favor of tbe immediate admis ion of Kansas into the Uuioo, under the Constitution reoently adopted by its peo ple, of restoring tbe Federal Administra tion to a system of rigid economy, and to the principles of Washington and Jef ferson, of maintaining iuviolate tho rights of the State, and defending the soil of every State and Territory from lawless invasion, and preserving tbe integrity of this Union and tho supremacy of the Con stitution and laws passed in pursuanco thereof, against the conspiracy of the loa ders of a sectional party, to resist the ma jority principle as established in this gov ernment, even at the expence of its exis tence, are invited to send from each State two delegates from every Congressional District, and four delegates at large to the Convention1" To prevent the extension of Slavery in to the Territories There is the matter at issue. Gentlemen, neither in the platform of 1850, nor in the call of Convention for 18G0, is there an? such clause as that tho the Vice-President alleges, that no more Slave States shall be admitted into tho Union thero is nothing of it. It is not a true allegation and I appeal to the record. Iappcal from iheinfercncesand allegations of the Arice-Presidcnt of tbo United Sates to the country upon that subject. The Slave Code Considered, Before I pass over tbisi, I will say a few words with regard to tbe power that the slaveholders claim for the protection of slave property under the Constitution of tbe United States, because tbat is a vital question. Gentlemen, with all the incon sistency of the Democratic party in 1852 and 1856, they never thought of this thing, tbat Slavery went under tho Con stitution, and by virtue thereof into eve ry Territory .per se. Never was Buch an expression made use of, but they all ad mitted that bo such power existed in or under the Constitution. Hence, of course it was proper to enact that the people of a Territory were freo to legislate Slavery in or out of the Territory. Now, gentle men, "tho Democratic party is plaoed in this attitude, that they knew that under tbe Constitution, and according to wbat tbey now claim to be the decision of the Supreme Court, that every slaveholder has a right to go into the Territory with his property, or deceived tbe people, to the detrimeut of the slaveholder, when thoy left the matter to bo decided upon i Ti i i. U Ttru Un.l by oy me non-Biaveiioiuera. uut nut u an tbe Democratic party to say tbat tbey should confiscate the property to the ten- der mercies of the squatters, who make thclr way from Germany, Ireland, China, Massachusetts, and Kentucky? Mr. Breokinridge, or ome of your friends an- swer me, yes or no, did you intend, when' you stood in favor of "Popular Sovereign- ty," or "Squatter Sovereignty," to con- fiscate all the the property of the slavehol- dera of tbe United States 7 No sir. You did not think that you had aright to car- ry Slavery into the Territories. That is ' the truth of the matter. In my opinion, that is what every Democrat believed We say that the belief was right. Why? Because all the dicta of all the jurists from timo immemorial, from Grotiu to Mansfield; all juristB known to civiliza- tion and fame, from the earliest days to this declared that slaves were a peculiar nrdnertv unlike other property known to men. What do the best English reports tell us ? Before 1760 this was declared, and bv the highest courts of the crown outside of the House of Lords. This was declared by Lord 3 ansfield, with this die- ! ta which I shall read to you that I may hn understood in that case when Curran crew so eloquent when he declared that! whenever a man stood upon xiritisn son his chains fell from him : "The state of slavery is of such a na ture that it is incapable of being intro- duced on any reasons, moral or political, but only by positive law, which preserves its force long after the reasons, occasion, and time itself from whence it was crea- ted. is erased from the memory: it is of a nature that nothing can be suffered to sup- port it but positive law." That decision has never been question- ed in this country, until tbis new light of , practically refuse to obey the Constitution the Democratic party fell upon it in tho on that subjeot. I do not deny that in decision of tbe Dred Soott case, in lB56.!some of the States there has been an ef- I say-all the jurists, all men at homo and! fort made of tbat kind, but I do utterly abroad, who profess the Christian religion, ' deny that thero is any such clause in the and obey the equally imperative mandate' platform of 1856 or the call of l.Q60. of progressive humanity, concur in the j Without dwelling further upon that I pass belief that Slavery is contrary to natural j it by, saying that I do not care to avow law that nothing but oositive law can 1 tbat I stand on that subject with Daniel support it. Under our Constitution, we adopted tbe common law of Jingland, and that was tbe law of this State, and of oth - ers and it was decided agam and again in tho courts of Louisiana, and of Ken tucky, of Virginia, and of Tennessee, and in the other States of tbe Union, I believe without exception, that Slavery was local, and could only exist by virtue of positive linn ?i nifltfnn nf Tifinisinnsi tool - law, and w his slave to France, a despotic govern ment, and brought her back, her applica tion to bo declared free was carried to the Supreme Court of Louisiana, and it was declared that inasmuch as she had been carried into free Territory she was free according to all the dicta upon the subject, "onoe free and always free." It ha always been held that slavery was an institution of municipal law, and the mo ment it was carried beyond the pale of that law, that moment the rights of hu manity, and the great reason to which all law appeals, stepped in and gave freedom; all have determined in tho same way, every decision has been in the same di rection. The Fugitive Slave Law. I oannot dwell upon this matter to go all through the able argument of Justice Curtis, but there is no argument which he doos not produce, to support tbe posi tion which I have laid down as being cor rect, save one. That one is this much talked of and much vaunted Fugitive Slave law. Let me ask you if undor tho Cou stitutiou slavery goes into the Territory of the United States, what do you want with a Fugitive Slave law? Answer me that. Why would you not be protected in your slave property as much in any State of the Union if it is property there and yet you stood in Congress week after week, and month after month, and I might Bay year after year, contending for the re cognition of the rights of the slaveholding community to recover fugitive slaves. It was all absurdity to quarrel about a pow er which you assert is in tho Constution. You canuot prove that tbe Constitution gives the power. It oannot be dono. It is in vain that you struggle against tho whole authority and common sense of ages. You now talk of legislative interven tion by Congress to protect Slavery in the Territories. What do you want with it if the Constitution does not give it? What right have you to it ? I therefore deny, on tho part of the Republican party, that there is any such power under the Constitution per so to carry Slavery into the Territories of the United States. That was uot tbe doctrine of tho racy of 1852 or 1856, and only after the .enunciation of the Cincinnati Platform ' rjow can this be true ? How can wo then and the olection of James Buchanan, did intend to harass the instiution by every tho Supreme" Court screw themselves up mode 0f political action? Why, gentle to tbe point that they could say that it m0Uf Q thing is impossible in the nature was law. Two of the ablest and most 0f things, and unless you have proof distinguished Jurists declaring that it was tbat wo are dishonest, thero is no beliov obitcr dicta, and was no law. God graut jDg that wo can or desire to monopolize for our freedom, every man's white and aj t10 offices in the country. Tbis allo blaok, tbat you should say in your Legin-! gatJon cannot lie against ui, thcreforo it lative Assemblies and National Conven- fan3 still-born at our feet, tiona, that it is no law. As I live it is no j While I have been projecting thso law. ight arrv tbose same Piavcs into Ohio 7 You bate the right to carry a Consequences of the DemooratiC Claim. Cincinnati Gazette, one of tbo leading otti.b paper:- Atb.lverhiUocks Uam See where it load. Suppose they have Republican papers in tho Union, aod no the wife of Charles itson of two , wuvic iuiuuu.. uc j f i r ,:. .u wt i twin daughters, one born on the 31 s.t under the Const tution, tbe right to carry probably the foremost paper in the est, ! h . , J " I j i- u -u..n,7 ti-p Inrirnst no. December, 1859, and the other on Janu- Slavery into tbo Territories, have you not and which probably has the largest ag- . iflfiO" to oarrv those" same paves into creeato circulation and I unu it says, j cow, or a horse, a coat, or a watch, into Bell, or any other slavenpiuer ior rrosi Ohio, and if under the Constitution Sla- dent, if he be tho choice of the Convention. - . - . t i r very is just as sacred and inviolate as this .n..;.i nf nrnnnvtv Krtito Jnrn fino flhnsn dpcuiua pv.p....j, say you shall not bring your Blaycs and take possession of the hotels of Columbus and tho farms now occupied by honest freemon 7 I toll you why you canuot. It is becausa the right you assamo does not exit. Tbe Constitution says : "This Constitution, and the laws of tho United Stated which shall be made in pur suance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, ehall be the supreme law of the land," &o. There is the whole substance of the matter. If the Dred Scott decision is right, then there is not one single foot of any but Slave Territory from the Gulf of Mex- ico to the hills of Maine. If tbat be true, then indeed there is no conflict going on, in tho language of Seward and the Dem- ocratio party, between freedom and des- potism, but the conflict is ended, and you and 1, and all ot us, arc subject to a des- potic power, which ia higher than the great dicta of all the learned jurist tbat have preceded us; higher than the Consti- tutions of the btates and tbe sovereignty of Conventions; and last, if not least, high- er than the Constitution of the United States the palladium of liberty to us. If it be so, the conflict is ended, and we aru an aiavus, ho uro suujeub iu a uea- potic power over which wo have no con- trol none on God's earth. Thero is no appeal to Popular Sovereignty or States j Rights; there is one appeal, and that is ; to revolution; an appeal to arms and tho ' God of Hosts which God forbid. There 'fore, I deny that we are factiou-ly pur- posing to prevent the admission of any more Slaveholding States. The fourth charge is that we propose "to repeal tho Fugitive Slave Law, and Webster, the man whom, of all others in this country, we have styled the expoun- 'der ot tne Constitution certainly upon constitutional law tbe highest authority tbis country or any other has ever 6een. Mr. Webster, although he was overper- suaded, flattered with the idea that he would net Southern support by yielding j his true born opinion, said what, in his ' sneech of 7th March 7 He said "that this was a power that belonged not to Congress but to the several States." That is my b lief, but the Republican party, desirous of harmony, yielded it, and struck it out of our platform in 1856, and do not propose to incorporate it in the platform of 1860. Other charges referred to. Fifth. "To refuse to prevent or punish, ny otate action, toe spoliation oi siavo r . . , r it a criminal offense in their citizens too- . ., i e .l tt r boy the laws of tho Union, in so far as A.J . . . - i..i tbey protect property in African slaves.' n it i f ii ii Gentlemen, don t we tell you in our call . .. f, . .. e i, that we go for protecting the rights or all , c b j e e the States, and so far from hindering you . iL ' c tu l in the return of your property, that we . , , J i . a e a pledge ourselves as a party to defend you Y P . n, . o. i against your State or ray btate, and eve- fe c J . . r . - - - ry State, or against foreign invasion in the Territories. Of course if we aro hon est m one purpose, we are honest in the other, and we oannot be honest in tbat atowal if we are dishonest in the first im putation. Sixth. "To abolish Slavery in tho Dis trict of Columbia." I need not read our platform again, but -I defy any man to find any such a clause in it. Seventh. "To abolish it in the forts, arsenals, dockyards and other places in the South where Congres has exolusivo jurisdiction." There is no suoh clause a that in the platform of 1856, or the call of 1860. Eighth. "To abolish tbe internal and coastwise trade." There is no such clause as that in either. Ninth. "To limit, harass, and frown upon tbe institution in every mode of po litical action, and by every form of pub lic opiuion." We moko a directly oppo site avowal. So far from that, we not on ly are compelled by the necessity of the case, but we propose in carrying out in good faith this associated brotherhood of confederated States, not to take Emanci pationists alono upon our platform, not .simply to appoint them to offices, but we propose and invito slaveholders to act in coniunction with us. and to assist us in Demoo-jarryjt,g out tho Government which we ; shall in all probability so soon control. notes to-day. I received a cony of The izrcc that wo aro willing to go Crittenden, Botts, Does that look iiuo exoiumng you irum t lin Prnsld cnO V Or an V other office 7 UIu John J. Crittenden, a man that I have nl- - - -.-- , wnys loved and admired, a man, who if he had been left unbiassed to bis own no- blc aspirations, would have stood where I ?tand, where we, of tbe Republican par- - ty stand by the old Henry Clay Whig ground, against the extension of Slalave- ry. Let" me here read what Honry Clay says upon tbat eubject, a sentimeDt which Crittenden no doubt has indorsed through along life. Tbe Democrats have got wonderfully in love with Henry Clay of late. The old man they abused and slandered all bis life, but now they come to us and say we will defend old Henry from your assaults. The man who was persecuted for a life-time, the man who went to his grave in Borrow under the iaa- putations made against him by these same Demoorats, is now taken up and they call upon the old line Whigs old Clay Whigs to come out and crusu out the licpubli cans who etand by tbe doctrine of that same Clay in favor of the non-extension ; of Slavery. Henry Clay said in the last , year ot nts me, m ins last term ot public 1 service, in his grey-haired old ago : j "doming as I do from a Slave State, it j is my solemn, deliberate and well-matur- , ed determination that no power, no earth- . j ouoM ,uiiipt-i mu iu vom ior mo , positve introduction of Slavery either ! North or South of that line." j Oh, for shame, Democrats, to claim to be the protectors of the fame and glory j of Henry Clay and of bis principles, when j there, by tbe last will and testament that i he publicly made to tbe nation, he plants himself fairly and squarely upon the Re- publican platform. That sentiment I stand here to-night to vindicate, and tho J followers of Mr. Crittenden would stand up to defend it if tbey had full bent for j their honest inclinations. God grant j that he himself may stand up to it, and j that they may change, for as God is, I j would not sooner vote for any other man j than John J. Crittenden, for every word that cornea from his mouth is John J. j Crittenden himself, the man that says that j the ground that is good to stand on is good to fall on. Yet we are accused of all these purposes. I am pretty nearly through, gentlemen. j It is not very often that I get a chance , to spoaK to you, and wnen 1 do, 1 want to say as tsuch as I can. I can't get e- even to talk to you through the press. I establish a press here and there, and when old Cass. Clay gets away, they jump upon my followers and put it down, and i can t speah tnrougn tne post-omoe, ior a letter of mine is eight days on an hour's journey, or it never reaches its destina- tion. The tenth charge or allagation is sub- stantiaiiy embraced m tne nintn, ana n is not necessary that 1 should comment ud- on it. (to be continued-) Venango County More Oil. A pump has been put into the oil-well . .r , r , . . ua luc iarm oi uammon mcitiiiuocK, on n . , , Oil Creek, two miles above the mouth, , . . ' . , e . , , . and the yield or oil is beyond expectation. . . J , , , , J. -p. , r , ' being near double tbat of Drake s. A . , . . , , number of persons have vi-ited tbe well, , n . , . - A and all agree that one gallon of pure oil . . mu 13 pumped every minute 7 lhe quantity r r . , . ,x , , n . Jc appears to be limited to tbo capacity of . r . , .. r, K J. , tbe pump, and no doubts are entertained pump, of the supply holding out. Tbe propria tors are busily engaged in making prep arations to barrel the oil, which appears to be tbe great difficulty in the way. California and Pike's Peak will have to knock under. Other wells are being sunk in that vi cinity. One, a litle further up the creek, in whioh our young friend Kim Hibbard is largely interested, has reached the oil and bids fair to equal tbe best in produc tiveness. There is no difficulty in obtain in sites by giving per centage of the oil, and there appears to bo a genoral "pitch ing in" by those desiring to try their look. Venango Sjycctator. "Tickets, Sir," A good story is related of a conductor on one of the railroads centering this vil- j lage, who was a strict church going man, and was always found promptly in his seat on the Sabbath. One Saturday evening his train was in very late, and be did not tako his customary sleep, whioh, however, did not prevent his at tending divine servico as usual. During tbo sormon, ho unwittingly fell into a troubled sleep, smoothed by the monoto nuouH voice of tho clergyman. All at once he sprang from his seat, thrust bis hat under bis arm, and giving bis neigh bor in front a push, shouted, ."Tickets, sirl" The startled neighbor also prang to bis feet, whioh thoroughly arousedtho "conductor," who looking wildly around and seeing all eyes turned towards him, instantly comprehended his position, and "slid out" amid a suppressed titter from the whole congregation. Twin Children horn in Different Years. The following announcement ia from a JTpA lawyer, engaged in a ease,. tor mented a witness o much with questions that the poor fellow cried out for water. "There," said the Judgo, "Itbougt youd pump him dry."
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers