The Scranton tribune. (Scranton, Pa.) 1891-1910, June 08, 1895, Page 8, Image 8
8 THE SCJRANT03ST TRIBUNE SATURDAY MORNING, JUNE 8, 1895. Prosperity May Be Wooed Back' Again. Governor McKJnley's Statesmanlike Discussion Of the Political Issues of the Hour. "Governor McKlnley's recent visit to Connecticut, and especially his aspeech at Hartford, before the McKlnley club, have, It Is said, won for the Ohio can- WILLIAM M'EINLET, JR. , dictate many new supporters. Below will be found some nf the salient points in the governor's able address: The highest tribute to tlio wisdom, Strength and aduptlblllty of the American constitution Is to bo found In tho fuct that with but few chunges nttd those confined almost to a single subject wo have lived under It for more than a hundred years. It has been strong enough for every want; it has answered every new condition; It has survived every crisis In our national life. It provides for such frequent elec tions, that if popular error temporarily gains the ascendency, as It sometimes does, the sober Becond thought of the cltl sen can, In part, at least, correct the mis take In two years through the great repre sentative body of the national congress, as was done so effectually. (Applause.) It insures frequent appeals to the popular will as an easy and safe remedy for exist ing wrongs. It Invests the peoule with perpetual power to change policies, laws and administrations whenever they And them menacing the liberties or welfare of the country. It commands general and cheerful obedience, and s much more ven erated today than ever before. Hut strong as the constitution Is, the greatest safety of the republic Is In the love and loyalty which the people bear It; In the unwaver ing affection which is ever ready to kindle the flame of patriotism on our country's altar. When patriotism fnlters, respect for charters and laws Is at an end. The downfall of the nation begins when hope and faith in our institutions aro gore. Respect and confidence must ever abound: they must always continue Inspiring forces in the hearts of the people. May our love for the republic never abate; may our loy alty to it never weaken; arid may we all fervently pray for that which Is the great need of the hour a baptism of pa triotism! In a government like ours conducted by parties, the question always uppermost is, or should be, which of the parties will best subserve the Interests of the country, and bring to our great free potiulatlon the best rewards for their skill, Industry and Intel ligence, and promote its highest destiny. The question of party ascendency Is al ways practical and Just now Is of very serious Import to all our great business and commercial Interests. Indeed. H con cerns us all, and free, full and fair discus sion of the Issues it Involves must inevita bly lead us to a just and wise conclusion. The Republican party now, as always, In vites the fullest discussion of its princi ples and policies. Conscious of Its purity and Integrity, Arm In the conviction that its cause is right and Its principles best adapted to the wants and welfare of the people, the Republican party Invites the fullest discussion, and In the end will cheerfully abide the well-considered judg ment of the people. All of us are prouder than ever of being enrolled among Its members. We avoid no Issue, we shirk no responsibility, we run away from no party doctrine, we apologize for no public measure of our own making, and are ready to defend all our acts of the past against assaults from any quarter. Invoking the Future Also. We do not Invoke the past as our only warrant for the confidence of the peoDle, although we turn to It with pride and sat isfaction. There is not a chapter in Its history that we would obliterate if we cot) Id, nor Is there a line which any lover of freedom or mankind would strike from its glorious pages. The party has met every emergency; It responded bravely and well to every call of the country; It performed with fidelity every duty, how ever grand, with which it was charged, and successfully resisted every enemy of the government and the people, whether that enemy was seeking the nation's over throw In open war or plotting the viola tion of Its plighted faith or tho destruction of Its industries In peace. Whether against slavery or repudiation, flat money or free trade, the Republican party has stood firm and Immovable for right and country, for freedom and home, for the public credit, for a sound and ample currency and for the maintenance of our industrial inde pendence and the dignity and elevation of American labor. Can this be asserted by r of any other political party? An Amcrioan Foreign Policy, We hear just now a great deal about "our foreign relations" and the newspapers are filled with rumors of threatening compli cations and entanglements to such an ex tent that we are often In doubt whether or not the ancient respect for the great republic. Its flag and Its power Is not on (be decline. Our foreign policy, for the moit part, during the past two years has fallen short of the lofty standard of a century ago. and of more recent times, as well. It no longer compares with the di plomacy of Washington, Adams, JefTerson, Pinckney, Monroe, Webster, Clay, Marty, Seward, Waahburne, Fish, Harrison and Blaine. The foreign policy of Washington breathed the true spirit of justice and dig nity, of lndepondence and impartiality. Every citizen of every party can well ox toll the sentiments of his annual message to congress in 1794, and demand the Im mediate restoration of those fundamental principles in the conduct of our govern ment. It was then that he said: "My policy in our foreign transactions has been to miltlwste peace with all the world; to observe treaties with full and ab solute faith; to check every deviation from the line of Impartiality: to explain what may have been misapprehended, and to correct what may have been Injurious to any nation, and having thus acquired tho right, to loso no time In acquiring the ability, to Insist upon Justice to ourselves. (Applause.) Our country has never erred, or been hu mlllated. In its relations with the nations of the world, when It has kept in mind this great statesmanlike code. Its ro ad option now would be both timely and wise, and It would not require the services of our splendid warships and gallant navy in any sea to command its lnstunt respect and enforcement. . But we are not more deeply' concerned with our foreign relations than our domes tic conditions. While In our domestic sit uation there is no cause for congratula tion, this' is not the time to Indulge in 4m of distrust or aggravation. Times are bad enough, but the voice of encour ' ajement Is more appropriate than any cry Of alarm r exaggeration. The reuHtles are quite ugly enough, but It tstthe duty of each and all or us, Dy wora i r-r n-i, far ag-v can, to Improve the present con dition. Above all and transcending all, let us never disparage our own government. Must Ipliold tho Government. We must uphold It, and uphold It, too, at. nil times and under all circumstances, notwithstanding we may not be able to support the measures and policies of the existing administration. The present na tional administration Is an unfortunate one from every standpoint. It has been In power now two years. They have been long, hard years. The administration has neither hud a wise foreign policy nur a creditable domestic policy. It has gained no laurels In diplomacy: It has achieved no triumphs In trado or commerce. We huve more than once been humiliated In our own ryes and before the astonished gnxe of the civilized world. The (policy of the administration at home has been one of distrust and disappointment. It lias diminished the revenues of the govern ment and decreased the occupations of tho people. Under the pretext of reducing tho turlff that It might reduce the cost of liv ing It has reduced tho living Itseir, and luff thousands in u situation of destitu tion, the like of which they had never be fore experienced. The chief distinction of tho Rrlce-Oor-mini-Wilson bill Is Its reduction of duties upon articles of luxury consumed by the rich, and which furnished two-thirds of the whole tariff revenue of the govern ment. The people have suffered In their incomes, and the government hus suffered In Its revenues, and both of them have been running In debt. Everything has been prostrated but the Republican party; and everything has been growing less but the public debt. (Applause and laughter.) It would make both government and peo ple poor. It has reversed the wise revenue policy which hnd existed since the founda tion of the government, so thnt today wn are collecting more money from Internal taxes than we are collecting from customs duties. For the first time slnco 1S!1 the receipts from Internal revenue exceed the receipts from customs duties. In 1890, J25.IKH),0OO were collected from customs duties and H2,000,000 from Internal rev enue. The treasury figures furnished by Socretary Carlisle a few weeks ago show '.hat during the year 1894 the government received l."..000,000 from Internal taxes and 1131,000,000 from customs duties. In other words, we are now collecting S14,- 000,000 more per annum directly from our owrt people, and JW.000.noO less from the Imports of foreign goods seeking a market In the United States than we did under Republican legislation. (Great cheers ) The burdens of government. In a time of financial distress, are thus thrown more directly upon the people than at any pre vious period for thirty years. The present administration has trans ferred the burden of tax from Imported goods of foralgn countries 'o the incomes, the Investments, and the property of our own pd)lo. It has gone from a system of Indirect taxation to one of direct taxation, as shown by the treasury figures, a sys'sm which was condemned by all the early ad ministrations of tho government, and no tably by the great Democratic ndmln'-trn-tions In the beginning of nur history. In less than two years under the fiscal policy of the present administration the govern. mcnt has been compelled to borrow $111. 000,000: or SSl.bOO.OOO for every year, lii.sno.non 'or every month and $225,000 for evev Any since the Inauguration of President Cleva tand In 1893. The lack of confidence In h financial policy of the government Is no where made more manifest than ') the. drains which have been made upon th) treasury for the redemption of the green backs. An Embarrassed Administration, We resumed specie payments 'n 1W. From that time up to March . m the yearly average of greenbneV in'es pro. sen ted for redemption was phnnt $3 novum. In 1892 the amount of greenhncliR o-snteil for redemption was tr.3M,2n. and dcrlng Ihe same year $3,773,000 'p "isury nnen were presented for rert""ntlon. 'n lsl)1. after the change in a'p,,'ls,r:i"p'. 'he, were presented for redemption $rH,nn.iv-. in greenbacks, and $4:7HI.WO ln'ruiiry notes, or a total of $ifr.l0 345. Thim il.er. was presented for redcmn'ion 'n th's t year paper money ngg'ega'.lnir nrlv three times the vol"m"f 1" that had hri.i presented In the previous fourteen years. What was the occasion for this midden .. sire of the holders of greenbacks and treasury notes to have them redeemed in gold? Was It not a la-k of confidence.? Was It not from the known fact ih the proposed legislation of the Democn'm party would tend to destroy our prosocrliy at home and probably result In n ilnre to collect enough money to meet the cur rent expenses and obligations or the gov ernment ? Was It not from 'he fact that the rev nues had fallen short In meeting the ex penditures of the government by U7.non. . 000. and that the treasury had been com pelled to borrow that vast sum end has since been compelled to bo-row S02.UO0.0OO more? During the previous years the people bd been so strong In thM' fHh In the government that thev were satis fied with any kind of money issued bv thp government. Tho government had been able to produce such a financial equilib rium that the people weri utterly ind'fTer ent whether they were given gold, silver or pnpen. Even during Mr. Cleveland's first administration confidence was un shaken because thero was no Democrat In congress to disturb tleonbUcap legislation or overthrow or disturb the. sound flnnn. clal policy which was established bv the Republican parly. 'Hie'e hd been no change In the status of Ihe greenbacks or the treasury noies; ihero hnd been no financial legislation. cp! 'I'" repeal of the purchase olansn of the Sherman net. which simply stopped the buying of silver It was the same government. Ther had been simply a change of odmlnisirallnn of tho affairs of the government. One pledged to u new policy had been given power and hence came the universal lack of confi dence ; not a luck of confidence In Ihe peo ple, or In our Institutions, but n lock of confidence In those charged with Ihe ml ministration lo conduct the government with safety and success. From Ms'th 4. 1SK1. down to March 4, 1803. thanks lo Ihe funding act of Hayes, Bhcrman and Win dom, the government of the United Slates had been calling In Us bonds and paying them off from the surplus revenue. In the treasury. InMcarl of the people dorrand Ing gold for Ihelr greenbacks the govern ment was engaged In paying off the bonded Indebtedness of the government In gold. The same work went on during Mr. Cleve land's first administration, but not with out opposition from him. It will be re membered that the public debt which his administration paid off was paid from the revenues of the government collected un der Republican legislation President Hnr rlson pahl off $290,000,000 of the publlo debt and turned over to Mr. Cleveland's adminis tration a 1121,000,000 surplus. There was not a moment from the Inauguration of Presi dent Harrison to 'the second Inauguration of Mr. Cleveland In which we did not col lect for every day of every year sufficient revenues to pay every demand and obli gation of tho government. Bonds Sold In Secret. President Harrison's administration was a bond-paying, not a bond-Issuing, admin istration, Tho latest bond Issue of Presi dent Cleveland of $63,000,000 was made In secret with the great financiers of Europe, through their agents In the United States. It was made out of the sight of the public; made upon terms which were harsh and humiliating to the great government of the United States; made at a lower price than tho existing bonds of tho government were being sold In the open markets of this country and the great commercial centers of ihe world, and maiio at a higher rate of Interest than that paid on bonds Bold six months before. The bonds under contract today are selling In advance of the price received by the government, both In this country and In England. The president sold the bonds at 104!, the syndicate sold them ut 11214. a gain of 7, and the sub scribers to the syndlcute are now selling their bonds at from 110 to 120. It was a hard bargain for the govern ment, but It Is not the only hard bargain we have had to bear. There have been a long series of them. Tho hard-barguln business commenced in Novumber, 1802, and the bargains huve been getting harder and harder over since. Out of it all, how ever, wo get some faint ray of satisfac tion. It must be gratifying to overy American citizen to observe that the people of our own country and of England both place n hlgherestlmute upon the bonds of the United Stutes than do those who are tem porarily administering Its government. We ought to realise by this time that wo should not do our work nor make our loons In Europe. Let uh place what options we have with our own capitalists, and our orders with our own manufacturers, who, In the pant, have been always abundantly able to meet overy need and demand of thu government and of the people. There ure thone who seem to think that whut the peoplo want Is to bo let alone. That Is In a measure true." The people do want the Democratic party to let them alone and have been bidding It to cease to further distress und Impoverish them for more than a ycur past. Their deep regret Is that they themselves did not lot well onough ulono In 1892. There aro those who say there must be no further agitation of tho tariff, und no attempt to change tho tariff, but that we must rest our mighty enterprises nnd vast business enterprises upon the tariff legislation of the last con gress, nnd adjust them to It, however d I Ill cult that may be. That Is what we are trying to do, and will do, as best we can, because we cannot for the next'two years do otherwise. Hut it Is no permanent set tlement of tho Issue, only an enforced'and Impatient pause. The peoplo at tho recont elections did nil they could to show their condemnation of tho Democratic party, Its measures nnd its policies. They changed the national house of representatives, the only branch of government they could change under the constitution nt that time, and which happily preven's any further mischief being done by the free trado party. The people have before them In the ncur future a greater and broader contest to wage, which will glvo the control of the government, as 1 believe, back to the Republican party. Until then we oan do nothing but wait, as patiently as wo can, and submit to tho Inevitable, hard as It Is. Workingtncn Aro Not SnVf Id- If anybody thinks that our wage earners, our furmcrs, our tradespeople, nnd the great, masses of our nountrymen. In com mon with them, are going lo bo satisfied permanently with the sdpistment of their wages and prices, business and markets to the present Democratic standard, thev will very soon discover their fatal error. The ueonle bellev in an industrial lolicy which promotes, no retards, American Miter prise, and dignifies, not degrades, Amer ican labor, and they will take jower awav from any Dartv 'hat -"amis n the way of that policy. (Apu'nusM They believe In protection pI reciprocity, ind will give powei 'o ho party which w'scly and fear lessly mn'ntalns 'hem. nnd will take power awav f'om the oarty whl':h has weakened or destroyed them. They believe that we should produce our own sugar, raake our own tlnplate, nnd wo meun to do both. Thev believe we should do all our other wori st home wl'hout being forced to pay honest labor starvation wages. (Grot snp'ause ) Thy do not propose to glvo up permanently anything they hnve gained '- the industrial world 'n the last thirty years, and they would rather hold it by regaining o protective tar'ff than to hold it hy reducing wages helow the true Ameri can standard. (Prolonged applause.) W wont, above all to be Americans, In the truest and best sense: and why should not Americans leglsla'e for them elvs? Whoso country this, anyhow? (Tremendous apnlause and laughter ) We want neither European policies engrafted Into our laws nor Kuronean conditions forced upon our people; and we will have neither tho one nor the other. It Is often said that we want enough money to meet the needs of business, but just now the thing we need most is business itself, and rest assured, tho more business we do the more money we will have. We know Just what we want, for wo have had 11 hefore. (Applause.) Wo know .i,on n,q tost It. end how we lost H (langh cr): and knowing this, we know Just how to get it back again. (Renewed laughter; applause.) Hetc Is a case where knowl edge Is nower; and T have never known the peoplo quite bo eager to vote with their w Information and recent business ex perience to guide them. Rest assured when t length they do have an oppor tunity thev will vote hack Into power that great parly of protection which encom passes In Its legislation and policies tho good of all the sections and of all the peo ple of the whole country. (Tremendous applause.) And that policy will come back to stay. What we want. In this country Is a gen eral resumption of business. We wnnt the restoration nf prosperity and confidence which we enjoyed before tho change. Busi ness at home will bring U and It will bring good money, too. In abundance and neither will come In any other way. You will not restore active business and good wages by a policy which transplants any part, of our established business to Europe. No mat ter what kind of a currency we have It will not rekindle Idle furnaces and employ Idle men o long as we go abroad for our products, which con be made at homo, be cause of the cheaper labor prevailing there. This Is the philosophy of protection, and It cannot be abandoned, amended or abated. Dcmocre-is Plotting ii S ;rct. Have the Democrats given up their fight for tariff reform; or Is tho present only an nrmlstlce to be followed by a fiercer war fare than ever at the first favorable op portunity? Are they not seeking, other Issues with the hope oX ..regaining lost ground, and when rrgainod will they not resume Ihelr fight 'MainatvAltiartejlir . In dustrie and American labor only Just en tered upon by the BrlceOornYafi-Wllson law? No Democrat Is satisfied with that law, and many complain of the little or no progress thev have made Kvery one of thorn Is hopln and waiting for nnother chance. They pretend now thai I hey want frro silver, nnd this after two years of ab solute control of the government by the Democratic party, with abundant power to have secured It Independent of the atti tude of either or both tho other parties. They now uppeul to the people to put them bock Into power to do for silver that which they utterly fnllcd'to do with the power given them In 1892 With supreme control In the legislative and executive bmnches or the governmcntifor quite two years, and after three sessions of congress, they ac complished nothlngbut thedlparrnngement and destruction of business and now com plain that, everything was against thorn. Judging by the elections lust fall, the pop ular verUlct was certainly not In their favor, indeed, the conduct of the major ity parly during the recent short session of congress. Indicated that they would willingly recede from their position on the tariff, or silver, or anything else. It by that means they could hope to obtain another lease of power. How can such leaders, or such a party, be trusted to da anything looking to the solution of our financial difficulties? Is the Brlcc-Gorman tariff bill, which Mr. Cleveland scornfully re fused to sign, to be constituted as the Democratic national platform of 1890? Is it to stand as the embodiment of truo tariff reform 1 Fortunately with a majority In the Re publican house of the Fifty-fourth con gress no further steps can be taken in the direction of free .trade for the next two years. Whatever may be our future tariff legislation, It will be founded and built upon the protective principle. No man can tell what the schedules or rates may be, for these will depend upon conditions existing at the time. - Hut this la certain, that whatever the great principle of pro tection of American Interests and Ameri can labor Indicates as essential to good wages, increased production, and general prosperity, these will be the rates that are bound to prevail. Schedules may be altered and rates changed to meet new conditions, but the principle of protection cannot be changed. It Is unalterable. If any one thing was demonstrated, beyond cavil or dispute, by the elections of 1894, It was that our people aro for homo and country, and that they realised, as they never had before, that protection Is Indispensable to the highest good of both. We must restore the happy and contented homes that were so universal In 1892, and advance the ma terial, intellectual, and social Interest of our country to a higher plane than even free America has ever known befur. The Republican purty will write that principle in Its platform with renewed confidence and blazon it upon Its bunners with proud certainty of popular upproval. And tf thero bo a party In this country compe tent to tho task, It alone Is the party that can restoro business confidence and pros perity throughout the hind. Protection means something to do; It Is the Implacable foe to Idleness at home. It made us rhe busiest nation In the world, with the most and best employed working people. It. will restore confidence at home and Improve our credit abroad. Niitionnl Honor Ever Maintained. Who has questioned the good faith of (he government of the-Unlted Starts? When did it over fall to meet the highest require monts of national, slate, nnd commercial Integrity? Answer me thnt I Its financial honor Is without taint: It has always been above and beyond suspicion. The faith of tho government cannot be prescribed by the lunguuge of tho bond; it can neither be enhanced nor abated by the mere words of the contract. Our national honor Is tar above the quibble of Ihe ilebtot. The gov ernment has established Its unequal?'! credit nnd the highest financial standing in tho world by puying Its creditors In tho money, not of the contract merely, but In thnt money which the wnole civilized world regarded as tho best In existence at the time of payment. Kvery obligation of the government rests upon tho honor of the government, and In whatever form of payment the highest honor of the government suggests, In that the government has paid and always will Day its debts. The government has al ways paid, and always will pay, Its debts. You cnnnol. proscribe tho honor of the government by tho language of a bond. A nation's fuith Is above the quirk of the disputant, or the dlsputo of the debtors. This government always has, and ulways wU, pay Its creditors In the money which tho whole civilized world recognizes as the best at the time of payment, (Re newed applause.) It never took advantage of a crealtor at homo nor a creal'.or Hbroud. It sold Us bonds during the stress of war at wnotevei price It could get. In whatever money It could get, and when the great war ended It. marched steadily up to the very foremost line of financial honesty and paid them at. par, principle and Inter est, in the best money In the world. While these bonds had been sold at a discount, nd there was a targe party in this ':oun-. try. whoso surviving members belong to the party thnt is now In charge of the government, who Insisted thnt these bonds should be paid either in rtDtnctaied cur rency or repudiated altogether, the Re publican party was In charge of "ho gov eri.mer.t then, md It demanded ihut -very obligation of tho nation, principle unit In terest, should be paid, not simply In 'he coin of purchase or payment, but In tho bet money of the wor ld. What a specta cle do we behold today ! The greatest gov ernment of the world is wi-nout sufficient money from its own receipts to meet lis ordinary datiy expenses, wulle. If we ac cept the stntement of the highest officers of tho government, our credit anil financial standing are seriously threatened with em barrassment, both at home ui.d ubroad. The recent sales of bonds, however, fchow thut. Whatever may be the opinion of those In charge of tne government, there is no dlstrubt of the obligations of the govern ment among the people. We cannot longer close our eyes to the situation. We cannot nrford to wranglo ovet the past, nor la It profitable to in dulge In speculations n to wheie the re sponsibility for tho condition rests We are content with our record, -ind wib not hnggle about theirs. It Is enough 'or us to know simply that distress Is here and upon us. Whatever .differences we -nay have1 had, ejl must agree that the situation now is one that requires the highest sagacity in statesmanship and the broadest pa triotism in citizenship. I,et us first of ill preserve without stain, and high above suspicion, the credit ot the government, as too sacred even for party strife. J-et us provide 'n sumo patriotic way for the collection of enough nuny annually to pay all our current expenses. Let It bo enough to maintain with vigor our navy and our dlplomnilc vetvk'o ur.d abundantly support -very branch of tho government at home without pa 'simony 01 extravagance. Let It be enough to puy ample pensions to all disabled Union sol diers and tailors and their widows, or phans and dependents whatevtr may come. It Is a very poor and unpaiiiolln policy to rut down the pensions of the solaleis who defended the fiug In ordet tnat we may reduce the rates of duty upon the Import of goods made by those who owo no alle giance to the United Staies. What wo want what we must have Is enough money to run the government, and It must be borne In mind constantly that we have the best government and highest civiliza tion to maintain of aiiy government ana civilization of the world. We must for over avoid that condition which was stated In open senate a lew weeks ago, when the assistant treasurer at New York, Mr. Jordan, notified tho govern mcnt or the United States that he Could not hold out for more than another day longer, and thnt unless relict came this great government must suspend payment. Must Stop Deficiencies. My fellow citizens, the way to stop lonns Is to stop deficiencies. The reserve Is suro to bo drained If you cut off the supply. The outflow of gold will never trouble us when the Inllow of gold Is large enough Loans and deficiencies seem to be Insepa rable from the Democratic party, and we should over remcmbc" that wo cannot re plenish tho treasury of a government by Impoverish the peoplo who Bustaln the government. Home prosperity Is the key to an easy treasury nnd a high credit. The Republican party has never lowered the credit of tho government, nor the Hag of U country, but has always exalted bo((rjU will ever continue to do so. i?. rTCTOtcrorTarpAi,! UNLQUALLEQ AND UNRIVALLED PREPARATIONS FOR THE HAIR AND SCALP. A distil Int Ion 'from the Konth American palm tree.. rue from mineral 01 cheinlcnl com pound. An iMfiilllhtn cure for Baldness. Hair-Falling, KnndrurT, Thin or Delicate Hair, EcMirnt, Tetter, nnd all diseases of tho Hulr nnd Sculp. IV tu CnsisTi Hhamfoo for benutifylng the Hnlrr a delightful, cool and refreshing Mhsmpoot exquisite odor. All purchasers of the Palm-Christ! PRtrASA tioks are entitled to free treatment of the Sculp, Hhainpoolng and Hair-Dressing, at auy of our lialr-Dreselng Parlors. nrmn emv av tmi PALM-CHRISTI CO., PnlLA. 1'AKLOKSl 034 CHESTNUT ST. P. B. Onr parlors aro in charge of special ist on ntrcotlon nf tho Hair and Scalp. AU advice fio Write for circular. k u ..:... u.. uf having our Hair Dressara Call upon tasm ca make appointments by addressing , MATTHEWS BROS., Sole Agent for Scranton. fA Ctlrhcatcfa KaslUh Dlsauil llrooi rENNYROYAL PILLS .MMf ttrnMrl In ItnA mtA Hold nielfallUV I'ruilin Far vntcmmmttrw tntanum fiv. ihoktt. trmlal with Ulna ribbon. Tall ma Ilia others RtfHf dangerwi$ ntbttitu 'ittma and tottalivn. A l)fiwl..i, or Nad 4e In atftrop for jmrtloulm, u-ttiiiMmUla bdJ " liMier tor 1 n m uiitr. or rnun ilalfL IfUIMMt TfthoHlal. NaMM Aimk mm 1 if.jaVii - yu. AgjaLa tKwmz a The The Authenticity of, Four .. Gospels. ' Overthrow the Doctrine of a Physical Resurrection, and You Undo CtorJstJanJty. Few rscent events In the religious world have been more widely discussed than has Hev. lr. Heber Newton's rejection of the doctrine of a physical esutiectlon. The New York Tribune lately contained 1 letter from Archi bald Hoplkins 'fiercely attacking tho accepted belief os to Christ's return to life, and this letter In turn drew from one of the pastors of this city, btllavtd to be Uiv. Dr. McIjod, the following emphatic rcjointter: In dhcusslng tho resurrection ot Christ Mr, Hopkins pays his respects to the cier gy. He does not regmd them aa elthei competent jurors or competent witnesses. This, of ;ourjo, exclude tho apostles, for they were cierjiynvin ot the highest rank. The very men who saw and talked with Christ after His resurrection Mt. hopkir.h will not ollow to testify. Indeed, he brushes away the tcHtlmuny ot St. Paul and St. 8lopl,n as worthless. They wcro deluded and ilecei ed. ho says. They weie visionary men, whoso Imagination ran away with tii'.-lt reason. That Is a new idea, cir'.olnly, touching He. Vuul, for he is regarded pretty generally as a sober, care ful, cl'-ur-hciied man, who knew what ho believed Hi.ii who could give good reusoiiM tot his beh-t. Hut when he declares thut he saw t.'hrlhi nnd that he talked with Him, Mi llooKli.b will not tcceive his testimony because he Is a clergyman nnd therefore an Intoniptiic-iil wni.tss. Hav Inh excluded 'ht twelve auuMles ana all other cli-rgvmtn us tii'.urniJttei.t wl'tihsses and Jurors, one Is curious to know wnut kind ot a Jury ami what kl.id of witnesses would be ni.'ep'abi. to Ut. llopkli.n. How woui'i this Met dor David Hume, David V. Strausi,, Uriu.u Tiuuet, Thomas H. Huxley. W H. Urtg. K u. lngersoll, Lord Molmgbrnke, Joicph Krnesi henuu, Herbert Booicei, P. M. VoPalii-, Thumbs I'ame nnd Archlban Uopk'ns, roremun. It wil he seen .hat this list Is teiecieo. wlrn some agttc of care, hut would these Juii.ts and witnesses be more likely to give truer testimony or to renui.-i u trer veroicr. according to thb evidence, than 'he tweivt apostles, for example, 01 than twelve moaern clergymen of high otmratiti and oc indoubted orthodox 1 Mi. Hopkins win jirobablj admit tnat the Jurors ot which he hts the honor of being 'oremau urt quite as strongly prejudiced biiamBl tho truin of miracles as the. clur gymen he reltcts are prejudiced In iavor of tho truth ot miraeies. Mr. Hopkins may not admit It, but It 's nevertheless 'rue that twelvo candid Christian schuiuis aro quite as ukely to discover the truth nnd to tell the trutn us are twelve tamiid leintlb or ntlilel scnoifcrs. Mr. Hopkins ma have thought Unit his aitatK upon tne elbnf was lecessary In order to hols' tor up tne cause he undertook to advocate; but a aeceut respect for the truth ought to have restrained him from advocating a cause that required such unfair and un seemly tactics. The resurrection of Jesus Christ Is an essential trutn of tho Christian system. By nn essential truth of Christianity Is meant a truth without which Christianity would be Impossible. It Christ had not risen from tho dead there never would hnve been a christian church. It Is no ex aggeration to stty that the Christian churc.n Is built upon the Savior's empty tomo. "if Christ be not risen our faith Is vain." If Xir. Hopkins could prove what doubtless hu beneves ttiht the bouy of leshs ts still in the toinb ot Joseph, or in soim. 51 I.e. 1011, b, he would pertorm a rr.iruclo eompareo with nnich the resur rection ot Christ is a Here Incident. If he can prove, tnat too nod ot Christ Is uill in the grave, then he :un us easily prove thai all history Is a falsehood, and that Christianity, which bun so blesstu the worm. Is, ul best, a gigantic, fraud or a magtiih'.ent lelusloi,. Hut i,r. Hopkins' essay dues not rurnisn us with any proof that he is capable of performing such a miracle. It Is nut at all hkciy that itii world ot thought and the well-established truths ot Chrlalit.,.ity will be turned upsitio down by Mr. Hopkins' somewhat auua clous performance. Natural l.a4 not applicable. Mr. Hopkins, like many other sceptics, falls to g, asp the idea that C'hiist Is a Riipernuiural person. It he could grasp this truu. he would find In It a satisfactory explanation of Christ's miraculous incar nation as well as uf His miraculous resin -lectiui. A supernatural person Is not to be Judged by natural laws, and the prob lem that Mr. Hopkins has before him Is to pruve that Jesus Christ Is not a super natural person. If he could do this his denial nt the supernatural birth and resur rection of Christ would be entitled 10 re spectful consideration; but until ho does this he can only nght "as ono who beiueth the ulr." Mr. Hopkins Is quite right In saying that the search fot truth should be made with "a dry light." Of course It should; but where Is the use of holding up "dry light" before bllnu eyes? It Is Bald thut Lord Nelson, at tho battle ot Copenhagen, looked through his telescope with his bund eye. li did not wish to see; and, In tho battle between truth und error, It hns often happened that the blind eye of crrui hus not wished to see the "dry light" ot truth. If the light of the sun were Increased a thuusund-rold It would not help a blind man to sec; and the sumo thing Is true In tno moral and spiritual worlds. "The natural man recclveth not the things or tho spirit of God; they are foolishness unto him; neither ran he know them because they are spiritually dis cerned." Mr. Hopkins could qulto ns easily Ignore the evidence of all the upos tles and of all the early Christians ns he has Ignored tho evidence ot St. 1'nul and Bt. Btcphen. If he enn reject the testi mony ot the four evangelists, and of the apostles, and of Jesus Christ Himself, then it Is more than probable that he frould not be persuaded "though one rose row tW BfUd." A man who Is dent to the.folMof history is hardly a suitable peron to be the foreman of n Jury whose duty it is to decide a historical fact. If the resurrection of Christ be not capable of distinct historical proof. It ought to be cnpnble of distinct historical disproof. Hut Mr. Hopkins should not complain If It he aid that his attempt to disprove tho resurrection of Christ is a lint failure. His eFsay has not even the merit of In genuity, and It would be libellous to say that It has the merit of novelty. The Citabcl of Christianity. It Is becoming more nnd more evident lo the friends of true religion as woll as to its foes that Christ Himself In His person and work Is the citadel of Chris tianity. Hitherto sceptics and critics have, for tho most part, confined their crltclsm to questions touching the Blblo and the church, and Christlunlty in general. They have raised and they havo discussed many questions historical, philosophical and literary In connection with the Christian religion; but the occasion Is rare when any one of them has been bold enough to question the veracity or to attack the character of Jesus Christ. It has always been an easy thing to pick flaws In trans lations of the Ulble, and It never was a difficult task to find fault with the church. The church never was perfect, and there have been times In her history when her Imperfections were not only manifest but manifold. It la historically true that thero was a time when the corruption of tho church was so rank that "It smclled to heaven." But while the Christian church, as a whole and in all Its branches, has been vulnerable, JcsusCvhgkyqpsrdlmfwl been vulnerable, Jesus Christ has stood forth the one perfect character whom no enemy either of Him or of His church has been able to convict of sin. But what has this fact to do with tho resurrection of Christ? Much In every way; for Christ declared, over and over again, that He would rise from the dead, which He did not do If we are to believe Mr. Hopkins and his fellow-critics. But If Christ did not rise from the dead He stated what Is not true, and His disciples and His church, tot more than eighteen centuries, have been fame witnesses. This is a fact which Mr. Hopkins does not seem to have taken into consideration. 'I ho Agreement of the Evangelist. The discord ot the evangelists seems to weigh heavily upon the mind of Mr. Hop kins. But If Ihe foui evangelists had told the same story, verbatim,- Mr. Hopkins would be quick to find fault, and It would not be strange It should charge them with collusion. It la not easy to please the destructive critics. It seems that the spirit ot inspiration Himself cannot please ihem. It Is quite true that each of the evange lists tells his story of the resurrection of Jesus Christ In his own way, but they all assert the fact ot the resurrection with emphasis, and, it the testimony be denied, those who deny It are bound to prove that such testimony Is false. This Is not usKing the critics to prove a negative; for if the resurrection of Christ be u, fabrication, it is capable ot distinct historical disproof, and thu critics ought not to lose any tlrno in piuducing melt evidence. As for nl eged discoid In the story ot the evange lists touching the fact of Christ's resur rection, It on ;i not Impeach tnelr veracity any more than a discord in lluudc-rs "Messiah" Is an Impeachment of Handel's skill as a musician. Moreover, that which to an untrained ear set ins a discord may be, to the well-instructed musiclun, full ot sweetest harmony. The tour gospels aro the Christian's sate. This sate Is buth nre-prout and burglar-uioui. All along tne ages burg lars of high and low degree have tried to break Into It to rob It. Critics as crafty us Arlus and babeillus, critics us ingen ious as Gibbon und Hume, critics as philo sophic as Mill und bpencer, critics as pueiio and attractive as Theodoie Parker and Matthew Arnold, and critics us vulgar and as blasphemous as Paine and Inger soil all these critics huve tried their strength and their skill to rob this safe, but they have all .signally failed. The church has still In her possession every promissory note given to bet by her King and Head; nor can all the skill and all the hammering ot her bitterest foes wrest ono ot them trum her unyielding grasp. When such strong critics ot Christ and of His gospel have failed, perhnps Mi. Hopkins will be modest enough to confess thut he Is not likely to succeed. It Is evident thut Mr. Hopkins Is labor ing under a strong delusion that the apos tles and evangelists and early Christians were alBO deceived and deluded when they testified to tne fact of Christ's resurrec tion. Mr. Hopkins' essay Is but the repe tition of an old story; and, although threadbare, he undertakes to tell It again, and It Is doing him no injustice to say that he dots hut tell It either very grace fully or very accurately. The brlllluut and fertile Imagination of Kenan, and the scholarly but rationalistic mind of Strauss were enlisted in support of tho doctrine that Christ's resurrection Is a delusion. But they did not succeed In making many disciples. They could not Induco thought ful Christians to believe that the great and benltlcent and beautiful temple of Christianity was built upon either a de lusion or a falsehood. If Mr. Hopkins will read what the late Rev. Dr. Peubody has written on this subject It may en- hchlen him cnnslrlernhl v. Dr. Pea bod v , lighten him considerably. Dr. Peabody was a Unitarian and a Professor of Chris tian Morals in Harvard university, and his careful, candid and able argument In Which he proves the truth of Christ's res urrection ought to have some weight with Mi. Hopkins, that Is, If hU mind be at all upeu to conviction. Capable of C.oncluslvo Proof. If Mr. Hopkins should undertake to write another -ssuy on the subject of Christ's resurrection, he would do well to bear In mlna that the resurrection of Christ Is the most prominent, the most potent and the most distinctly emphasized fact in the whole New Testament; and, further, that ot ail the miracles recorded in the Bible, It Is capable of tho most conclusive his torical proof. It will be his duty to ex plain how among the Bible writers und early Christians there camo to be the most absolute agreement touching this fact. He will have to explain how a doc trine which was "Incredible" to the masses or tho Roman world, and which was most repulsive to the Jewish people, was, never theless, speedily embraced by large num bers of them, and was made a funda mental article In their religious creed. CORES THE TOBACCO HABIT - 1 IN 4 TO 10 DAYS 0R MONEY REFUNDED. Use All the Tobacco You Want Till Your "Craving" Is Gone. 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Yours truly, W W VVVVVV BfVf f W f VV VJ w He will have to Uxplaln how It happened that wlthiu sixty or seventy years after the crucifixion, Christian churches built avowedly upon the doctrines of Christ's resurrection were found In all parts of the fion.an empire; and he will have to explain how Ii came about that before the close ot the third Christian century the whole Roman empire was, at least pro fessedly, Christian. He will have to ex plain how the choicest spirits and the most cultivated Intellects In Christendom have not only believed but glorltled In the resurrection ot Christ, which he Mr. Hopkins-declares to be a delusion. The, truth Is that the fact ot Christ's crucifixion is no more certain than Is the fact of His resurrection. The testimony In the one case Is quite as strong and quite as well authenticated as In the other. 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