8
THE SCJRANT03ST TRIBUNE SATURDAY MORNING, JUNE 8, 1895.
Prosperity May Be
Wooed Back' Again.
Governor McKJnley's Statesmanlike Discussion
Of the Political Issues of the Hour.
"Governor McKlnley's recent visit to
Connecticut, and especially his aspeech
at Hartford, before the McKlnley club,
have, It Is said, won for the Ohio can-
WILLIAM M'EINLET, JR. ,
dictate many new supporters. Below
will be found some nf the salient points
in the governor's able address:
The highest tribute to tlio wisdom,
Strength and aduptlblllty of the American
constitution Is to bo found In tho fuct that
with but few chunges nttd those confined
almost to a single subject wo have lived
under It for more than a hundred years.
It has been strong enough for every want;
it has answered every new condition; It
has survived every crisis In our national
life. It provides for such frequent elec
tions, that if popular error temporarily
gains the ascendency, as It sometimes
does, the sober Becond thought of the cltl
sen can, In part, at least, correct the mis
take In two years through the great repre
sentative body of the national congress, as
was done so effectually. (Applause.) It
insures frequent appeals to the popular
will as an easy and safe remedy for exist
ing wrongs. It Invests the peoule with
perpetual power to change policies, laws
and administrations whenever they And
them menacing the liberties or welfare of
the country. It commands general and
cheerful obedience, and s much more ven
erated today than ever before. Hut strong
as the constitution Is, the greatest safety
of the republic Is In the love and loyalty
which the people bear It; In the unwaver
ing affection which is ever ready to kindle
the flame of patriotism on our country's
altar. When patriotism fnlters, respect
for charters and laws Is at an end. The
downfall of the nation begins when hope
and faith in our institutions aro gore.
Respect and confidence must ever abound:
they must always continue Inspiring forces
in the hearts of the people. May our love
for the republic never abate; may our loy
alty to it never weaken; arid may we
all fervently pray for that which Is the
great need of the hour a baptism of pa
triotism! In a government like ours conducted by
parties, the question always uppermost is,
or should be, which of the parties will best
subserve the Interests of the country, and
bring to our great free potiulatlon the best
rewards for their skill, Industry and Intel
ligence, and promote its highest destiny.
The question of party ascendency Is al
ways practical and Just now Is of very
serious Import to all our great business
and commercial Interests. Indeed. H con
cerns us all, and free, full and fair discus
sion of the Issues it Involves must inevita
bly lead us to a just and wise conclusion.
The Republican party now, as always, In
vites the fullest discussion of its princi
ples and policies. Conscious of Its purity
and Integrity, Arm In the conviction that
its cause is right and Its principles best
adapted to the wants and welfare of the
people, the Republican party Invites the
fullest discussion, and In the end will
cheerfully abide the well-considered judg
ment of the people. All of us are prouder
than ever of being enrolled among Its
members. We avoid no Issue, we shirk
no responsibility, we run away from no
party doctrine, we apologize for no public
measure of our own making, and are ready
to defend all our acts of the past against
assaults from any quarter.
Invoking the Future Also.
We do not Invoke the past as our only
warrant for the confidence of the peoDle,
although we turn to It with pride and sat
isfaction. There is not a chapter in Its
history that we would obliterate if we
cot) Id, nor Is there a line which any lover
of freedom or mankind would strike from
its glorious pages. The party has met
every emergency; It responded bravely
and well to every call of the country; It
performed with fidelity every duty, how
ever grand, with which it was charged,
and successfully resisted every enemy of
the government and the people, whether
that enemy was seeking the nation's over
throw In open war or plotting the viola
tion of Its plighted faith or tho destruction
of Its industries In peace. Whether against
slavery or repudiation, flat money or free
trade, the Republican party has stood firm
and Immovable for right and country, for
freedom and home, for the public credit,
for a sound and ample currency and for
the maintenance of our industrial inde
pendence and the dignity and elevation of
American labor. Can this be asserted by
r of any other political party?
An Amcrioan Foreign Policy,
We hear just now a great deal about "our
foreign relations" and the newspapers are
filled with rumors of threatening compli
cations and entanglements to such an ex
tent that we are often In doubt whether
or not the ancient respect for the great
republic. Its flag and Its power Is not on
(be decline. Our foreign policy, for the
moit part, during the past two years has
fallen short of the lofty standard of a
century ago. and of more recent times, as
well. It no longer compares with the di
plomacy of Washington, Adams, JefTerson,
Pinckney, Monroe, Webster, Clay, Marty,
Seward, Waahburne, Fish, Harrison and
Blaine. The foreign policy of Washington
breathed the true spirit of justice and dig
nity, of lndepondence and impartiality.
Every citizen of every party can well ox
toll the sentiments of his annual message
to congress in 1794, and demand the Im
mediate restoration of those fundamental
principles in the conduct of our govern
ment. It was then that he said:
"My policy in our foreign transactions
has been to miltlwste peace with all the
world; to observe treaties with full and ab
solute faith; to check every deviation from
the line of Impartiality: to explain what
may have been misapprehended, and to
correct what may have been Injurious to
any nation, and having thus acquired tho
right, to loso no time In acquiring the
ability, to Insist upon Justice to ourselves.
(Applause.)
Our country has never erred, or been hu
mlllated. In its relations with the nations
of the world, when It has kept in mind
this great statesmanlike code. Its ro
ad option now would be both timely and
wise, and It would not require the services
of our splendid warships and gallant navy
in any sea to command its lnstunt respect
and enforcement. .
But we are not more deeply' concerned
with our foreign relations than our domes
tic conditions. While In our domestic sit
uation there is no cause for congratula
tion, this' is not the time to Indulge in
4m of distrust or aggravation. Times
are bad enough, but the voice of encour
' ajement Is more appropriate than any cry
Of alarm r exaggeration. The reuHtles
are quite ugly enough, but It tstthe duty of
each and all or us, Dy wora i r-r n-i,
far ag-v can, to Improve the present con
dition. Above all and transcending all, let
us never disparage our own government.
Must Ipliold tho Government.
We must uphold It, and uphold It, too,
at. nil times and under all circumstances,
notwithstanding we may not be able to
support the measures and policies of the
existing administration. The present na
tional administration Is an unfortunate
one from every standpoint. It has been
In power now two years. They have been
long, hard years. The administration has
neither hud a wise foreign policy nur a
creditable domestic policy. It has gained
no laurels In diplomacy: It has achieved
no triumphs In trado or commerce. We
huve more than once been humiliated In
our own ryes and before the astonished
gnxe of the civilized world. The (policy of
the administration at home has been one
of distrust and disappointment. It lias
diminished the revenues of the govern
ment and decreased the occupations of tho
people. Under the pretext of reducing tho
turlff that It might reduce the cost of liv
ing It has reduced tho living Itseir, and
luff thousands in u situation of destitu
tion, the like of which they had never be
fore experienced.
The chief distinction of tho Rrlce-Oor-mini-Wilson
bill Is Its reduction of duties
upon articles of luxury consumed by the
rich, and which furnished two-thirds of
the whole tariff revenue of the govern
ment. The people have suffered In their
incomes, and the government hus suffered
In Its revenues, and both of them have
been running In debt. Everything has
been prostrated but the Republican party;
and everything has been growing less but
the public debt. (Applause and laughter.)
It would make both government and peo
ple poor. It has reversed the wise revenue
policy which hnd existed since the founda
tion of the government, so thnt today wn
are collecting more money from Internal
taxes than we are collecting from customs
duties. For the first time slnco 1S!1 the
receipts from Internal revenue exceed the
receipts from customs duties. In 1890,
J25.IKH),0OO were collected from customs
duties and H2,000,000 from Internal rev
enue. The treasury figures furnished by
Socretary Carlisle a few weeks ago show
'.hat during the year 1894 the government
received l."..000,000 from Internal taxes
and 1131,000,000 from customs duties. In
other words, we are now collecting S14,-
000,000 more per annum directly from our
owrt people, and JW.000.noO less from the
Imports of foreign goods seeking a market
In the United States than we did under
Republican legislation. (Great cheers )
The burdens of government. In a time of
financial distress, are thus thrown more
directly upon the people than at any pre
vious period for thirty years.
The present administration has trans
ferred the burden of tax from Imported
goods of foralgn countries 'o the incomes,
the Investments, and the property of our
own pd)lo. It has gone from a system of
Indirect taxation to one of direct taxation,
as shown by the treasury figures, a sys'sm
which was condemned by all the early ad
ministrations of tho government, and no
tably by the great Democratic ndmln'-trn-tions
In the beginning of nur history. In
less than two years under the fiscal policy
of the present administration the govern.
mcnt has been compelled to borrow $111.
000,000: or SSl.bOO.OOO for every year, lii.sno.non
'or every month and $225,000 for evev Any
since the Inauguration of President Cleva
tand In 1893. The lack of confidence In h
financial policy of the government Is no
where made more manifest than ') the.
drains which have been made upon th)
treasury for the redemption of the green
backs. An Embarrassed Administration,
We resumed specie payments 'n 1W.
From that time up to March . m the
yearly average of greenbneV in'es pro.
sen ted for redemption was phnnt $3 novum.
In 1892 the amount of greenhncliR o-snteil
for redemption was tr.3M,2n. and dcrlng
Ihe same year $3,773,000 'p "isury nnen
were presented for rert""ntlon. 'n lsl)1.
after the change in a'p,,'ls,r:i"p'. 'he,
were presented for redemption $rH,nn.iv-.
in greenbacks, and $4:7HI.WO ln'ruiiry
notes, or a total of $ifr.l0 345. Thim il.er.
was presented for redcmn'ion 'n th's t
year paper money ngg'ega'.lnir nrlv
three times the vol"m"f 1" that had hri.i
presented In the previous fourteen years.
What was the occasion for this midden ..
sire of the holders of greenbacks and
treasury notes to have them redeemed in
gold? Was It not a la-k of confidence.?
Was It not from the known fact ih the
proposed legislation of the Democn'm
party would tend to destroy our prosocrliy
at home and probably result In n ilnre
to collect enough money to meet the cur
rent expenses and obligations or the gov
ernment ?
Was It not from 'he fact that the rev
nues had fallen short In meeting the ex
penditures of the government by U7.non. .
000. and that the treasury had been com
pelled to borrow that vast sum end has
since been compelled to bo-row S02.UO0.0OO
more? During the previous years the
people bd been so strong In thM' fHh
In the government that thev were satis
fied with any kind of money issued bv thp
government. Tho government had been
able to produce such a financial equilib
rium that the people weri utterly ind'fTer
ent whether they were given gold, silver
or pnpen. Even during Mr. Cleveland's
first administration confidence was un
shaken because thero was no Democrat In
congress to disturb tleonbUcap legislation
or overthrow or disturb the. sound flnnn.
clal policy which was established bv the
Republican parly. 'Hie'e hd been no
change In the status of Ihe greenbacks or
the treasury noies; ihero hnd been no
financial legislation. cp! 'I'" repeal of
the purchase olansn of the Sherman net.
which simply stopped the buying of silver
It was the same government. Ther had
been simply a change of odmlnisirallnn of
tho affairs of the government. One pledged
to u new policy had been given power and
hence came the universal lack of confi
dence ; not a luck of confidence In Ihe peo
ple, or In our Institutions, but n lock of
confidence In those charged with Ihe ml
ministration lo conduct the government
with safety and success. From Ms'th 4.
1SK1. down to March 4, 1803. thanks lo Ihe
funding act of Hayes, Bhcrman and Win
dom, the government of the United Slates
had been calling In Us bonds and paying
them off from the surplus revenue. In the
treasury. InMcarl of the people dorrand
Ing gold for Ihelr greenbacks the govern
ment was engaged In paying off the bonded
Indebtedness of the government In gold.
The same work went on during Mr. Cleve
land's first administration, but not with
out opposition from him. It will be re
membered that the public debt which his
administration paid off was paid from the
revenues of the government collected un
der Republican legislation President Hnr
rlson pahl off $290,000,000 of the publlo debt
and turned over to Mr. Cleveland's adminis
tration a 1121,000,000 surplus. There was not
a moment from the Inauguration of Presi
dent Harrison to 'the second Inauguration
of Mr. Cleveland In which we did not col
lect for every day of every year sufficient
revenues to pay every demand and obli
gation of tho government.
Bonds Sold In Secret.
President Harrison's administration was
a bond-paying, not a bond-Issuing, admin
istration, Tho latest bond Issue of Presi
dent Cleveland of $63,000,000 was made In
secret with the great financiers of Europe,
through their agents In the United States.
It was made out of the sight of the public;
made upon terms which were harsh and
humiliating to the great government of the
United States; made at a lower price than
tho existing bonds of tho government were
being sold In the open markets of this
country and the great commercial centers
of ihe world, and maiio at a higher rate of
Interest than that paid on bonds Bold six
months before. The bonds under contract
today are selling In advance of the price
received by the government, both In this
country and In England. The president
sold the bonds at 104!, the syndicate sold
them ut 11214. a gain of 7, and the sub
scribers to the syndlcute are now selling
their bonds at from 110 to 120.
It was a hard bargain for the govern
ment, but It Is not the only hard bargain
we have had to bear. There have been a
long series of them. Tho hard-barguln
business commenced in Novumber, 1802,
and the bargains huve been getting harder
and harder over since. Out of it all, how
ever, wo get some faint ray of satisfac
tion. It must be gratifying to overy
American citizen to observe that the people
of our own country and of England both
place n hlgherestlmute upon the bonds of the
United Stutes than do those who are tem
porarily administering Its government.
We ought to realise by this time that wo
should not do our work nor make our loons
In Europe. Let uh place what options we
have with our own capitalists, and our
orders with our own manufacturers, who,
In the pant, have been always abundantly
able to meet overy need and demand of
thu government and of the people.
There ure thone who seem to think that
whut the peoplo want Is to bo let alone.
That Is In a measure true." The people do
want the Democratic party to let them
alone and have been bidding It to cease to
further distress und Impoverish them for
more than a ycur past. Their deep regret
Is that they themselves did not lot well
onough ulono In 1892. There aro those who
say there must be no further agitation of
tho tariff, und no attempt to change tho
tariff, but that we must rest our mighty
enterprises nnd vast business enterprises
upon the tariff legislation of the last con
gress, nnd adjust them to It, however d I Ill
cult that may be. That Is what we are
trying to do, and will do, as best we can,
because we cannot for the next'two years
do otherwise. Hut it Is no permanent set
tlement of tho Issue, only an enforced'and
Impatient pause. The peoplo at tho recont
elections did nil they could to show their
condemnation of tho Democratic party, Its
measures nnd its policies. They changed
the national house of representatives, the
only branch of government they could
change under the constitution nt that time,
and which happily preven's any further
mischief being done by the free trado
party. The people have before them In the
ncur future a greater and broader contest
to wage, which will glvo the control of
the government, as 1 believe, back to the
Republican party. Until then we oan do
nothing but wait, as patiently as wo can,
and submit to tho Inevitable, hard as It Is.
Workingtncn Aro Not SnVf Id-
If anybody thinks that our wage earners,
our furmcrs, our tradespeople, nnd the
great, masses of our nountrymen. In com
mon with them, are going lo bo satisfied
permanently with the sdpistment of their
wages and prices, business and markets to
the present Democratic standard, thev will
very soon discover their fatal error. The
ueonle bellev in an industrial lolicy which
promotes, no retards, American Miter
prise, and dignifies, not degrades, Amer
ican labor, and they will take jower awav
from any Dartv 'hat -"amis n the way of
that policy. (Apu'nusM They believe In
protection pI reciprocity, ind will give
powei 'o ho party which w'scly and fear
lessly mn'ntalns 'hem. nnd will take power
awav f'om the oarty whl':h has weakened
or destroyed them. They believe that we
should produce our own sugar, raake our
own tlnplate, nnd wo meun to do both.
Thev believe we should do all our other
wori st home wl'hout being forced to pay
honest labor starvation wages. (Grot
snp'ause ) Thy do not propose to glvo
up permanently anything they hnve gained
'- the industrial world 'n the last thirty
years, and they would rather hold it by
regaining o protective tar'ff than to hold
it hy reducing wages helow the true Ameri
can standard. (Prolonged applause.)
W wont, above all to be Americans, In
the truest and best sense: and why should
not Americans leglsla'e for them
elvs? Whoso country this, anyhow?
(Tremendous apnlause and laughter ) We
want neither European policies engrafted
Into our laws nor Kuronean conditions
forced upon our people; and we will have
neither tho one nor the other. It Is often
said that we want enough money to meet
the needs of business, but just now the
thing we need most is business itself, and
rest assured, tho more business we do the
more money we will have.
We know Just what we want, for wo
have had 11 hefore. (Applause.) Wo know
.i,on n,q tost It. end how we lost H (langh
cr): and knowing this, we know Just how
to get it back again. (Renewed laughter;
applause.) Hetc Is a case where knowl
edge Is nower; and T have never known the
peoplo quite bo eager to vote with their
w Information and recent business ex
perience to guide them. Rest assured
when t length they do have an oppor
tunity thev will vote hack Into power that
great parly of protection which encom
passes In Its legislation and policies tho
good of all the sections and of all the peo
ple of the whole country. (Tremendous
applause.) And that policy will come
back to stay.
What we want. In this country Is a gen
eral resumption of business. We wnnt the
restoration nf prosperity and confidence
which we enjoyed before tho change. Busi
ness at home will bring U and It will bring
good money, too. In abundance and neither
will come In any other way. You will not
restore active business and good wages by
a policy which transplants any part, of our
established business to Europe. No mat
ter what kind of a currency we have It
will not rekindle Idle furnaces and employ
Idle men o long as we go abroad for our
products, which con be made at homo, be
cause of the cheaper labor prevailing there.
This Is the philosophy of protection, and It
cannot be abandoned, amended or abated.
Dcmocre-is Plotting ii S ;rct.
Have the Democrats given up their fight
for tariff reform; or Is tho present only an
nrmlstlce to be followed by a fiercer war
fare than ever at the first favorable op
portunity? Are they not seeking, other
Issues with the hope oX ..regaining lost
ground, and when rrgainod will they not
resume Ihelr fight 'MainatvAltiartejlir . In
dustrie and American labor only Just en
tered upon by the BrlceOornYafi-Wllson
law? No Democrat Is satisfied with that
law, and many complain of the little or
no progress thev have made Kvery one
of thorn Is hopln and waiting for nnother
chance. They pretend now thai I hey want
frro silver, nnd this after two years of ab
solute control of the government by the
Democratic party, with abundant power
to have secured It Independent of the atti
tude of either or both tho other parties.
They now uppeul to the people to put them
bock Into power to do for silver that which
they utterly fnllcd'to do with the power
given them In 1892 With supreme control
In the legislative and executive bmnches
or the governmcntifor quite two years, and
after three sessions of congress, they ac
complished nothlngbut thedlparrnngement
and destruction of business and now com
plain that, everything was against thorn.
Judging by the elections lust fall, the pop
ular verUlct was certainly not In their
favor, indeed, the conduct of the major
ity parly during the recent short session
of congress. Indicated that they would
willingly recede from their position on the
tariff, or silver, or anything else. It by that
means they could hope to obtain another
lease of power. How can such leaders, or
such a party, be trusted to da anything
looking to the solution of our financial
difficulties? Is the Brlcc-Gorman tariff
bill, which Mr. Cleveland scornfully re
fused to sign, to be constituted as the
Democratic national platform of 1890? Is
it to stand as the embodiment of truo tariff
reform 1
Fortunately with a majority In the Re
publican house of the Fifty-fourth con
gress no further steps can be taken in the
direction of free .trade for the next two
years. Whatever may be our future tariff
legislation, It will be founded and built
upon the protective principle. No man
can tell what the schedules or rates may
be, for these will depend upon conditions
existing at the time. - Hut this la certain,
that whatever the great principle of pro
tection of American Interests and Ameri
can labor Indicates as essential to good
wages, increased production, and general
prosperity, these will be the rates that are
bound to prevail. Schedules may be altered
and rates changed to meet new conditions,
but the principle of protection cannot be
changed. It Is unalterable. If any one
thing was demonstrated, beyond cavil or
dispute, by the elections of 1894, It was
that our people aro for homo and country,
and that they realised, as they never had
before, that protection Is Indispensable to
the highest good of both. We must restore
the happy and contented homes that were
so universal In 1892, and advance the ma
terial, intellectual, and social Interest of
our country to a higher plane than even
free America has ever known befur. The
Republican purty will write that principle
in Its platform with renewed confidence
and blazon it upon Its bunners with proud
certainty of popular upproval. And tf
thero bo a party In this country compe
tent to tho task, It alone Is the party that
can restoro business confidence and pros
perity throughout the hind. Protection
means something to do; It Is the Implacable
foe to Idleness at home. It made us rhe
busiest nation In the world, with the most
and best employed working people. It. will
restore confidence at home and Improve
our credit abroad.
Niitionnl Honor Ever Maintained.
Who has questioned the good faith of (he
government of the-Unlted Starts? When
did it over fall to meet the highest require
monts of national, slate, nnd commercial
Integrity? Answer me thnt I Its financial
honor Is without taint: It has always been
above and beyond suspicion. The faith of
tho government cannot be prescribed by
the lunguuge of tho bond; it can neither be
enhanced nor abated by the mere words of
the contract. Our national honor Is tar
above the quibble of Ihe ilebtot. The gov
ernment has established Its unequal?'!
credit nnd the highest financial standing
in tho world by puying Its creditors In tho
money, not of the contract merely, but In
thnt money which the wnole civilized
world regarded as tho best In existence at
the time of payment.
Kvery obligation of the government rests
upon tho honor of the government, and In
whatever form of payment the highest
honor of the government suggests, In that
the government has paid and always will
Day its debts. The government has al
ways paid, and always will pay, Its debts.
You cnnnol. proscribe tho honor of the
government by tho language of a bond. A
nation's fuith Is above the quirk of the
disputant, or the dlsputo of the debtors.
This government always has, and ulways
wU, pay Its creditors In the money which
tho whole civilized world recognizes as
the best at the time of payment, (Re
newed applause.) It never took advantage
of a crealtor at homo nor a creal'.or Hbroud.
It sold Us bonds during the stress of war
at wnotevei price It could get. In whatever
money It could get, and when the great
war ended It. marched steadily up to the
very foremost line of financial honesty
and paid them at. par, principle and Inter
est, in the best money In the world. While
these bonds had been sold at a discount,
nd there was a targe party in this ':oun-.
try. whoso surviving members belong to
the party thnt is now In charge of the
government, who Insisted thnt these bonds
should be paid either in rtDtnctaied cur
rency or repudiated altogether, the Re
publican party was In charge of "ho gov
eri.mer.t then, md It demanded ihut -very
obligation of tho nation, principle unit In
terest, should be paid, not simply In 'he
coin of purchase or payment, but In tho
bet money of the wor ld. What a specta
cle do we behold today ! The greatest gov
ernment of the world is wi-nout sufficient
money from its own receipts to meet lis
ordinary datiy expenses, wulle. If we ac
cept the stntement of the highest officers
of tho government, our credit anil financial
standing are seriously threatened with em
barrassment, both at home ui.d ubroad.
The recent sales of bonds, however, fchow
thut. Whatever may be the opinion of those
In charge of tne government, there is no
dlstrubt of the obligations of the govern
ment among the people.
We cannot longer close our eyes to the
situation. We cannot nrford to wranglo
ovet the past, nor la It profitable to in
dulge In speculations n to wheie the re
sponsibility for tho condition rests We
are content with our record, -ind wib not
hnggle about theirs. It Is enough 'or us to
know simply that distress Is here and upon
us. Whatever .differences we -nay have1
had, ejl must agree that the situation now
is one that requires the highest sagacity
in statesmanship and the broadest pa
triotism in citizenship.
I,et us first of ill preserve without stain,
and high above suspicion, the credit ot the
government, as too sacred even for party
strife. J-et us provide 'n sumo patriotic
way for the collection of enough nuny
annually to pay all our current expenses.
Let It bo enough to maintain with vigor
our navy and our dlplomnilc vetvk'o ur.d
abundantly support -very branch of tho
government at home without pa 'simony 01
extravagance. Let It be enough to puy
ample pensions to all disabled Union sol
diers and tailors and their widows, or
phans and dependents whatevtr may come.
It Is a very poor and unpaiiiolln policy to
rut down the pensions of the solaleis who
defended the fiug In ordet tnat we may
reduce the rates of duty upon the Import
of goods made by those who owo no alle
giance to the United Staies. What wo
want what we must have Is enough
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1
if.jaVii - yu. AgjaLa tKwmz a
The
The
Authenticity of,
Four .. Gospels. '
Overthrow the Doctrine of a Physical
Resurrection, and You Undo CtorJstJanJty.
Few rscent events In the religious
world have been more widely discussed
than has Hev. lr. Heber Newton's
rejection of the doctrine of a physical
esutiectlon. The New York Tribune
lately contained 1 letter from Archi
bald Hoplkins 'fiercely attacking tho
accepted belief os to Christ's return to
life, and this letter In turn drew from
one of the pastors of this city, btllavtd
to be Uiv. Dr. McIjod, the following
emphatic rcjointter:
In dhcusslng tho resurrection ot Christ
Mr, Hopkins pays his respects to the cier
gy. He does not regmd them aa elthei
competent jurors or competent witnesses.
This, of ;ourjo, exclude tho apostles, for
they were cierjiynvin ot the highest rank.
The very men who saw and talked with
Christ after His resurrection Mt. hopkir.h
will not ollow to testify. Indeed, he
brushes away the tcHtlmuny ot St. Paul
and St. 8lopl,n as worthless. They wcro
deluded and ilecei ed. ho says. They weie
visionary men, whoso Imagination ran
away with tii'.-lt reason. That Is a new
idea, cir'.olnly, touching He. Vuul, for he is
regarded pretty generally as a sober, care
ful, cl'-ur-hciied man, who knew what ho
believed Hi.ii who could give good reusoiiM
tot his beh-t. Hut when he declares thut
he saw t.'hrlhi nnd that he talked with
Him, Mi llooKli.b will not tcceive his
testimony because he Is a clergyman nnd
therefore an Intoniptiic-iil wni.tss. Hav
Inh excluded 'ht twelve auuMles ana all
other cli-rgvmtn us tii'.urniJttei.t wl'tihsses
and Jurors, one Is curious to know wnut
kind ot a Jury ami what kl.id of witnesses
would be ni.'ep'abi. to Ut. llopkli.n.
How woui'i this Met dor David Hume,
David V. Strausi,, Uriu.u Tiuuet, Thomas
H. Huxley. W H. Urtg. K u. lngersoll,
Lord Molmgbrnke, Joicph Krnesi henuu,
Herbert Booicei, P. M. VoPalii-, Thumbs
I'ame nnd Archlban Uopk'ns, roremun.
It wil he seen .hat this list Is teiecieo.
wlrn some agttc of care, hut would
these Juii.ts and witnesses be more likely
to give truer testimony or to renui.-i u
trer veroicr. according to thb evidence,
than 'he tweivt apostles, for example, 01
than twelve moaern clergymen of high
otmratiti and oc indoubted orthodox 1
Mi. Hopkins win jirobablj admit tnat the
Jurors ot which he hts the honor of being
'oremau urt quite as strongly prejudiced
biiamBl tho truin of miracles as the. clur
gymen he reltcts are prejudiced In iavor
of tho truth ot miraeies. Mr. Hopkins
may not admit It, but It 's nevertheless
'rue that twelvo candid Christian schuiuis
aro quite as ukely to discover the truth
nnd to tell the trutn us are twelve tamiid
leintlb or ntlilel scnoifcrs. Mr. Hopkins
ma have thought Unit his aitatK upon
tne elbnf was lecessary In order to hols'
tor up tne cause he undertook to advocate;
but a aeceut respect for the truth ought
to have restrained him from advocating a
cause that required such unfair and un
seemly tactics.
The resurrection of Jesus Christ Is an
essential trutn of tho Christian system.
By nn essential truth of Christianity Is
meant a truth without which Christianity
would be Impossible. It Christ had not
risen from tho dead there never would
hnve been a christian church. It Is no ex
aggeration to stty that the Christian
churc.n Is built upon the Savior's empty
tomo. "if Christ be not risen our faith Is
vain." If Xir. Hopkins could prove what
doubtless hu beneves ttiht the bouy of
leshs ts still in the toinb ot Joseph, or in
soim. 51 I.e. 1011, b, he would pertorm a
rr.iruclo eompareo with nnich the resur
rection ot Christ is a Here Incident. If he
can prove, tnat too nod ot Christ Is uill
in the grave, then he :un us easily prove
thai all history Is a falsehood, and that
Christianity, which bun so blesstu the
worm. Is, ul best, a gigantic, fraud or a
magtiih'.ent lelusloi,. Hut i,r. Hopkins'
essay dues not rurnisn us with any proof
that he is capable of performing such a
miracle. It Is nut at all hkciy that itii
world ot thought and the well-established
truths ot Chrlalit.,.ity will be turned upsitio
down by Mr. Hopkins' somewhat auua
clous performance.
Natural l.a4 not applicable.
Mr. Hopkins, like many other sceptics,
falls to g, asp the idea that C'hiist Is a
Riipernuiural person. It he could grasp
this truu. he would find In It a satisfactory
explanation of Christ's miraculous incar
nation as well as uf His miraculous resin -lectiui.
A supernatural person Is not to
be Judged by natural laws, and the prob
lem that Mr. Hopkins has before him Is
to pruve that Jesus Christ Is not a super
natural person. If he could do this his
denial nt the supernatural birth and resur
rection of Christ would be entitled 10 re
spectful consideration; but until ho does
this he can only nght "as ono who beiueth
the ulr."
Mr. Hopkins Is quite right In saying that
the search fot truth should be made with
"a dry light." Of course It should; but
where Is the use of holding up "dry light"
before bllnu eyes? It Is Bald thut Lord
Nelson, at tho battle ot Copenhagen,
looked through his telescope with his
bund eye. li did not wish to see; and,
In tho battle between truth und error, It
hns often happened that the blind eye
of crrui hus not wished to see the "dry
light" ot truth. If the light of the sun
were Increased a thuusund-rold It would
not help a blind man to sec; and the sumo
thing Is true In tno moral and spiritual
worlds. "The natural man recclveth not
the things or tho spirit of God; they are
foolishness unto him; neither ran he know
them because they are spiritually dis
cerned." Mr. Hopkins could qulto ns
easily Ignore the evidence of all the upos
tles and of all the early Christians ns he
has Ignored tho evidence ot St. 1'nul and
Bt. Btcphen. If he enn reject the testi
mony ot the four evangelists, and of the
apostles, and of Jesus Christ Himself,
then it Is more than probable that he
frould not be persuaded "though one rose
row tW BfUd." A man who Is dent to
the.folMof history is hardly a suitable
peron to be the foreman of n Jury whose
duty it is to decide a historical fact. If
the resurrection of Christ be not capable
of distinct historical proof. It ought to be
cnpnble of distinct historical disproof. Hut
Mr. Hopkins should not complain If It he
aid that his attempt to disprove tho
resurrection of Christ is a lint failure.
His eFsay has not even the merit of In
genuity, and It would be libellous to say
that It has the merit of novelty.
The Citabcl of Christianity.
It Is becoming more nnd more evident
lo the friends of true religion as woll as
to its foes that Christ Himself In His
person and work Is the citadel of Chris
tianity. Hitherto sceptics and critics have,
for tho most part, confined their crltclsm
to questions touching the Blblo and the
church, and Christlunlty in general. They
have raised and they havo discussed many
questions historical, philosophical and
literary In connection with the Christian
religion; but the occasion Is rare when
any one of them has been bold enough to
question the veracity or to attack the
character of Jesus Christ. It has always
been an easy thing to pick flaws In trans
lations of the Ulble, and It never was a
difficult task to find fault with the church.
The church never was perfect, and there
have been times In her history when her
Imperfections were not only manifest but
manifold. It la historically true that thero
was a time when the corruption of tho
church was so rank that "It smclled to
heaven." But while the Christian church,
as a whole and in all Its branches, has
been vulnerable, JcsusCvhgkyqpsrdlmfwl
been vulnerable, Jesus Christ has stood
forth the one perfect character whom no
enemy either of Him or of His church has
been able to convict of sin.
But what has this fact to do with tho
resurrection of Christ? Much In every
way; for Christ declared, over and over
again, that He would rise from the dead,
which He did not do If we are to believe
Mr. Hopkins and his fellow-critics. But If
Christ did not rise from the dead He stated
what Is not true, and His disciples and His
church, tot more than eighteen centuries,
have been fame witnesses. This is a fact
which Mr. Hopkins does not seem to have
taken into consideration.
'I ho Agreement of the Evangelist.
The discord ot the evangelists seems to
weigh heavily upon the mind of Mr. Hop
kins. But If Ihe foui evangelists had told
the same story, verbatim,- Mr. Hopkins
would be quick to find fault, and It would
not be strange It should charge them with
collusion. It la not easy to please the
destructive critics. It seems that the spirit
ot inspiration Himself cannot please ihem.
It Is quite true that each of the evange
lists tells his story of the resurrection of
Jesus Christ In his own way, but they all
assert the fact ot the resurrection with
emphasis, and, it the testimony be denied,
those who deny It are bound to prove that
such testimony Is false. This Is not usKing
the critics to prove a negative; for if the
resurrection of Christ be u, fabrication, it
is capable ot distinct historical disproof,
and thu critics ought not to lose any tlrno
in piuducing melt evidence. As for nl
eged discoid In the story ot the evange
lists touching the fact of Christ's resur
rection, It on ;i not Impeach tnelr veracity
any more than a discord in lluudc-rs
"Messiah" Is an Impeachment of Handel's
skill as a musician. Moreover, that which
to an untrained ear set ins a discord may
be, to the well-instructed musiclun, full
ot sweetest harmony.
The tour gospels aro the Christian's
sate. This sate Is buth nre-prout and
burglar-uioui. All along tne ages burg
lars of high and low degree have tried to
break Into It to rob It. Critics as crafty
us Arlus and babeillus, critics us ingen
ious as Gibbon und Hume, critics as philo
sophic as Mill und bpencer, critics as
pueiio and attractive as Theodoie Parker
and Matthew Arnold, and critics us vulgar
and as blasphemous as Paine and Inger
soil all these critics huve tried their
strength and their skill to rob this safe,
but they have all .signally failed. The
church has still In her possession every
promissory note given to bet by her King
and Head; nor can all the skill and all the
hammering ot her bitterest foes wrest ono
ot them trum her unyielding grasp. When
such strong critics ot Christ and of His
gospel have failed, perhnps Mi. Hopkins
will be modest enough to confess thut he
Is not likely to succeed.
It Is evident thut Mr. Hopkins Is labor
ing under a strong delusion that the apos
tles and evangelists and early Christians
were alBO deceived and deluded when they
testified to tne fact of Christ's resurrec
tion. Mr. Hopkins' essay Is but the repe
tition of an old story; and, although
threadbare, he undertakes to tell It again,
and It Is doing him no injustice to say
that he dots hut tell It either very grace
fully or very accurately. The brlllluut
and fertile Imagination of Kenan, and the
scholarly but rationalistic mind of Strauss
were enlisted in support of tho doctrine
that Christ's resurrection Is a delusion.
But they did not succeed In making many
disciples. They could not Induco thought
ful Christians to believe that the great
and benltlcent and beautiful temple of
Christianity was built upon either a de
lusion or a falsehood. If Mr. Hopkins
will read what the late Rev. Dr. Peubody
has written on this subject It may en-
hchlen him cnnslrlernhl v. Dr. Pea bod v ,
lighten him considerably. Dr. Peabody
was a Unitarian and a Professor of Chris
tian Morals in Harvard university, and
his careful, candid and able argument In
Which he proves the truth of Christ's res
urrection ought to have some weight with
Mi. Hopkins, that Is, If hU mind be at all
upeu to conviction.
Capable of C.oncluslvo Proof.
If Mr. Hopkins should undertake to write
another -ssuy on the subject of Christ's
resurrection, he would do well to bear In
mlna that the resurrection of Christ Is
the most prominent, the most potent and
the most distinctly emphasized fact in the
whole New Testament; and, further, that
ot ail the miracles recorded in the Bible,
It Is capable of tho most conclusive his
torical proof. It will be his duty to ex
plain how among the Bible writers und
early Christians there camo to be the
most absolute agreement touching this
fact. He will have to explain how a doc
trine which was "Incredible" to the masses
or tho Roman world, and which was most
repulsive to the Jewish people, was, never
theless, speedily embraced by large num
bers of them, and was made a funda
mental article In their religious creed.
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W VVVVVV BfVf f W f VV VJ w
He will have to Uxplaln how It happened
that wlthiu sixty or seventy years after
the crucifixion, Christian churches built
avowedly upon the doctrines of Christ's
resurrection were found In all parts of
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The, truth Is that the fact ot Christ's
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