Wliolesaw Eorgjary of Votes for Mc §Clellan. A terrible fraud upon tire soldiers has just been discovered and confessed. Tele grams from Baltimore, Washington, and Albany, elsewhere published, give the main facts of the most audacious outrage we re member in the history of .political corrup tion. By the confession of a .Mr. Ferry, State agent of New York, and by other proof equally strong, it is established that he, in conjunction with another State agent, Edward Donahue, ; and insti gated by prominent Democratic po liticians, has, for the past two weeks, been actively engaged in forging the names of many thousands of New York sol diers, to blank forms for votes, in or der to cast their rotes for McClellan and Pendleton in the Presidential election. Ferry, who seems to have been the tool rather than the leader of this infamous con spiracy, confesses that these forged votes bad been sent to New York in dry goods boxes I The State was evidently to be car ried for McClellan by a fraud upon; the soldiers, unparalleled in audacity and wick edness. Nothing can be meaner than the attempt to swindle the bravo soldiers of the Union but of their sacred rights as citi zens. Not content with opposing the legislative acts giving the soldiers the power to vote when ' away from their homes in the National service, we find these miserable men guilty of a yet greater crime. What! is McClellan already SO unpopular in the army, because of his association with a cowardly platform and a treacherous convention, that forgery is needed to gain him votes! All the false accusations against the Administration fade into insignificance before this fearful reality. And this fraud was committed by the: agents formally appointed by the Governor of New York. No shadow of. suspicion rests upon Gov. Seymour. Whatever be his political errors, he is known to be a man of honor, yet it is a 'startling proof of the degradation of his party that forgers could have been appointed to positions of such sacred trust. Donahue, who asserts his innocence, but is no doubt guilty, has asked that Beyekdt Johnson should be his counsel. Not even the art of that eminent sophist can gloss over the hideous enormity of the crime these men have committed, or erase the brand of sbame stamped upon a party which could descend so low in morals in the hope to rise higher in power. “Dodging.” Mr. “Yice President" Pendleton lias opened ins mouth. This is a very remark able performance on the part of the “Yice President,’ ’ and -we cherish it -with grati tude. When we remember the gallant manner in which former candidates for this office on the Democratic ticket went before the people and defended themselves and their principles, we can understand the motive that has hitherto constrained Mr . Pendleton to silence. When a man en tertains one set of opinions and wishes men to believe that he entertains contrary opi nions, fit is dangerous for him to speak. The most practiced politician cannot al ways restrain the fulness of Ms heart—and Mr. .Pendleton, believing in peace, would have found himself embarrassed going be fore a people whose votes he sought in the interest of war. His recent speeches in Hew York, and his letters to Mr. Haskin and Mr. Waed, are remarkable for saying nothing. They are the compositions of an anxious and embarrassed man, who wishes to explain away a record that will not yield to explanations. He speaks vague words about union, and at the same time can point to no act .of his that indicates a desire on his part to see the Union perpetuated. Mr. Pendleton’s record as Representative is that of an unqualified Peace man. He was the leader of the men who took every step, to embarrass the Administration and re tard the prosecution of the war. And as the representative of 'these men he was honored by the Chicago Convention. It is well known to all who know anything of the history of the Chicago Convention that this was the case. “The ‘YicePresident,”’ wrote our correspondent from Chicago, who had been’ studying the temper of the Convention, “ is given to Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, which is regarded as a compliment to the Peace men, and is intended for har mony." Mr. Vallandioham, in his re cent letter, tells us more plainly what our, correspondent meant. He says that in stead of being in a “miserable minority” in that Convention, he was the author of the great anti-war resolution—tire resolu tion in favor of an ignominious peace—the resolution which was read amid so many rapturous dem onsirations of delight, “It is noticeable,” again writes our corres pondent, “ tliat .every allusion to' peace, and every movement of a peace leader, is greeted with tumultuous applause." It was to please these men, who ruled the Convention, but who took up McClellan as a necessity, .because they had the cow ardice of hungry politicians, that Mr. Pen dleton was nominated. , - "We have no quarrel with that Conven-, tiou so far as Mr. Pendleton is concerned. It knew its men, and named them. It knew Horatio Seymour, and made him ■its President. It knew Mr. Yallandigham, and hade him write its Secession resolution. It knew Mr. Pendleton, and placed him on its Presidential ticket. In doing this, it was true to its instincts, which were the instincts of men whowere against the coun try. Hor was Mr.' Pendleton at all unworthy . of their. confidence. Tie had never voted in favor of a proposition to sustain the Government. He had never made a loyah speech. He had been the leader and champion of every movement that sought to embarrass the Administra tion. He was not as violent as Mr. Yal lanbigham, because he was more of a politician, and wished to be practical The • one wasted his strength in whimsical demonstrations against the Union, tor he was a vain, foolish, fantastic demagogue. The other was the calm and cahtious poli tician, who saved his strength for decisive blows. So, where Yallandigham voted, Pendleton ‘'dodged.” When it was dan gerous to make a positive record, he made a negative : record. When he could not vote-with the extreme Secessionists, he dared not vote against them, hut walked into the committee-room or restaurant until : the vote was oyer. Therefore, we can best reach the record of this man by asking What measure of Governmental importance did he ever vote for ?. What measure of military necessity did he ever adopt? What war policy did he ever sustain? Did he ever make a speech in favor of the country—the draft—the extraordi nary revenues—the legal tender or tariffs ? He had abundant opportunities. He was an apt and ready Representative. Ho never failed to speak his mind upon such themes as habeas corpus and arbitrary arrests. When he chose to speak he was glib and voluble. It is doing him great injustice to suppose he had no opinions or was even in different to their expression, and therefore we return to our assertion that Mr. Pen dleton was' nominated as a Peace man, and his record justified the nomination. Is t not cowardly, then, for pus friends thus to misrepresent him ? ' Is it not cowardly! for himjto “dodge” this canvass as he “dodged” every important question that came before, the House ? We ask our friends to excuse the phrase—but we can only find one word to express our opinion of Mr, Pendleton, and this is tire slang word; of the politicians. He has “dodged.” Ashamed of bis record-ashamed of his own opinions—hungry in his lust for office —ashamed of the men who did him honor at Chicago, this aspiring politician hopes to sit in the chair of Thomas Jefferson and John Adams by a canvass of false pre tences. It is a sad thing to see public men stooping so low to conquer. Judge Black and the Clergy. We have not yet wholly done with Judge Jeremiah S. Black and his speech at the Continental Theatre. Before we entirely dismiss him. we wish to let the clergy of the North see what he thinks of them , and of the manner in which they are discharging their sacred trust. It is contained in these words: , “, EvBn min i st vs of religion, or those who pretend r ° to IUo services of a ferocious Molooh. Christ said that whosoever spoko with bate against his brother, the same was a murderer ami liar. But thetc priests are always filing their mate wM blood, and inciting their hearers Jo shed it, not In drops from bosoms, rivulets from small coramuni ties, but in s perfect ocean, from a section of a great nation. The natural consequences of such teach ings are necessarily division, disunion, discord, as a natter of course. These people and their followers have succeeded well. Thcyhavemade thls a war of hate, a contest of the fiercest.feelings of the heart. To these false leaders may be ascribed the deadly division,” &c, [Applause.] We here see upon whom the legal-ad viser of the cowardly and- ; corrupt Bu chanan Administration places the tremen dous responsibilities of this desolating war. He does not place them upon the men who fired on Fort Sumpter—-not upon the men who seized jhe nation’s mints, and arsen als, and custom houses, and post offices— not upon the wretched conspirators who dragged their States out of the Union, against the will of large majorities, at the point of the bayonet—not upon the cut throats, who scrupled not to murder resis tantsin cold blood ! Oh, no ! These, in the Judge’s eyes, are very paragons of in nocence ! But be charges the war (would you believe it !) on the entire - body of the Northern clergy—who, on bended knee, and with imploring looks, entreated and beseeehed tlie vile vagabonds to desist from their mad career, and spare the land from the horrors of fratricidal war. ! In’this wholesale denunciation, too, bear in mind, he of Lecompton memory does not in clude the clergy of the South—not even the 11 Very Reverend” Leonidas Polk, late brigadier in the rebel army. As he drew his sword on the side of rebellion, and not against it, we dare say the Judge regarded him as a model minister, and would have rejoiced in nothing so much as in the opportunity to be numbered among his flock! ' : ; The clergymen assailed are abundantly able to vindicate their own conduct. In their behalf, however, we; scruple not to confront the foregoing statement with the most emphatic and unequivocal denial. It is simply a slander, as bald and as bare as ever came from human tongue. Than the ministers of the Gospel resident at the North, this broad earth does not contain a body of mehmoreardently ormore habitu ally inclined to amity and peace. Than' they, no class of men more unfeignedly deplore the war—the suffering it has caused —-the blood and treasure expended—the sacrifice of human life. Than they, none have sympathized more deeply, and yet do, with the noble sufferers; none have so much contributed to bind up their wounds, alleviate their distresses, and comfort and assist their families. And from this minis try of love not even the rebel soldiers them selves, when fallen ' into our hands, have been excluded. The men first to visit and last to leave them have been, and yet are, our ministers of the Gospel, .Protestant and Roman Catholic. Oh, how steeped to the very eyelids in the dregs of partisan preju dice and passion must not he be who, in the face of such a line of behavior, can yet charge these men with '■'filling always their maw with blood, and inciting their hearers to shed it /” Very true, the. great body of Christian ministers, outside the enchanted circle of Dixie, do not so read their Bibles as to discover in them any warrant to make merchandise of human beings—do not so interpret God’s law as to find in it a license for treason, sedition, and rebellion—but in ■ both cases altogether the contrary. Through much study and prayer, they are persuaded that the slave-system of the South, so far from being of Divine origin, is manifestly from “ the Pather of Lies, who was a mur derer from tlie beginning.” Recognized as it was, however, by the fundamental law of the land, we incur no hazard in stating, that, had the people of the States in which' slavery exists not sundered their allegiance to that law, and thus forfeited all claim to its protection, not one Northern clergyman in five hundred, except by moral suasion, would have raised hand or voice against it. They do, however, with a unanimity and an earnestness that are themselves eloquent witnesses to the truth, accept the inexorable logic that has been forced on the nation by the slaveholders’ revolt. They are for the maintenance, at all hazards, of the Qovern .merit, in <tK its rightful supremacy. They are for the suppression of the rebellion, cost what it may: And if, in the dread con flict, slavery falls, let it fall, and on the heads of the leaders in the rebellion be the responsibility. These considerations, so entirely in con sonance with the teaching of revelation, the eccentric Black, in his crazy fanfaro nade, spoken at the Continental, did not know, failed to comprehend, or wilfully banished. Unless we greatly err, how ever, the Judge’s Scripture readings are all sadly superficial, all skimmed from the sur face, and not fetched from the bottom. Nor do they seem to be prosecuted either with any view of discovering and practis ing grave lessons of truth and; duty, but rather to gloss over his vulgarities to the eye of the unsuspecting with the tliin var nish of a seeming piety. Yery loth would we be, in truth, to accept the author of the Walnut street pasquinade as an expounder of Christianity, or even as at all qualified to sit in judgment on those who have made this the burthen of their lives. If he understood Christianity as it is, and as he ought, we question whether he would have tried quite so hard to * l put through" the Lecompton Constitution. We fear that the New York World needs a watcher. A month or two ago it trumped up a forgery of Daniel Webster; and since then it has made out a score of slanders on President Lincoln, including one pa tent forgery. The World has been imposed upon or strives to impose upon itself, for its last story attempts to convert the dead hero, Philip Kearney, into friendship for McClellan ; an act at which the bones of all men like Andrew Jackson would re volt. It declares that McClellan pro tested against the order to withdraw to Acqtiia Creek to assist Pope, and thus en tirely agreed with Kearney in his memo rable speech near Malvern Hill. This, as every one knows, is untrue. McClellan was not ordered away from the Peninsula until he had utterly failed in everything. Sumner won a victory at Malvern, which McClellan refused to follow up, though Kearney ascribed this refusal to “ either cowardice or treason.” He had exhausted every chance to help himself when, at Har rison’s Landing, he took to making protests against the General-in-Chief, and making “policy” for the Administration. Long after this, until he fell at Chantilly, Kear ney held to the same opinion of McClel lan and his satellite, Porter. This, if not history, is certainly biography. The city was shaken to its centre yester day by the news that Mr. Amos Briggs had resigned his position in the Common Council, on account of an unfortunate dif ference between himself and President Lin coln in regard to the conduct of the War. A vague impression existed for a time that i Mr. Briggs might withdraw his resigna tion, on the ground that his duties as a Councilman concerned gas works; street cleaning, culverts, sewers, and city pro perty. Mr. Briggs, however, could hot endorse the President’s late proclamation, and as the'President positively refused to rescind it, he was reluctantly compelled to resign. These misunderstandings are very painful, but if the Government will not change its policy, Mr. Briggs is firmly re solved to abandon the city to its fate. uevolution- beginning in New York, Well, we aie at last to have a revolution —a real first-class, unexceptionable, bloody revolution. It has been coming all along, so certainly and surely, that every morning we awake with surprise to find that the country has not gone to the bad entirely. What tbe exact character of this revolution will be we have really not had curiosity enough to inquire. We suppose when the country does go to the bad there wifi be no sunshine, no grass upon the hillsides, no rivers to beautify and fertilize the soil. We suppose this, for we are practical, and' believe that ruin will really begin by some raid upon our eom-eribs. As long as we have com and sunshine we have little faith in ruin; but now the dismal day is truly coming. ' Here we have it in the j World: •‘ The times demand something stronger than words. There is a point beyond which forboarauoo is no lohger a virtue, and,unless we mistake the signs of the times, that point is nearer at hand than the abet tors of these frauds may wish. The freedom and purity of elections once destroyed, there is but one course left to aU who tone their country and desire to save it from utter ruin. To be forewarned is to be forearmed.’* There was a time when the World was a journal of character, but since Mr. Bel most purchased it, editor and all, it has; exhibited a reckless disposition. * This is rather 1o be regretted, but when a news paper man makes a fancy stock of himself, and allows his name to go on a broker’s books alongside of Reading, and Brie, and Harlem, what can be expected ? It is not often that an editor is bought, but, like the purchases’* of the devil In the old legends, he generally earns his money. The editor of the World is certainly justifying the sa gacity of those who took him as aft invest ment. He chatters about ruin and revolu tion in such a way that we begin to ima gine him a big man with a club, who drinks the blood of Englishmen, and whose per sonal appearancS* lias had a salutary re straint upon predatory and idling boys. It might be malicious to suggest that General Grant has an especial desire for all blood thirsty men, and that this funny editor might be assigned to some of the advanced guns, for that would lead our readers to. suppose that there really was some harm in the man, and some meaning in his threats. We beg them to have no fears. When a revolution comes it will not be headed by this blood thirsty editor. We print his threats to laugh at them, and show how ridiculous a demagogue can make himself, particularly when he treats of matters as serious as the country’s ruin. These is no wonder that Mr. Chase drew, to Union League Hall last night the noblest audience ever crowded within its walls, for no man who has entered this canvass has higher claims upon the public ear. There is no wonder that his speech aroused his hearers to the greatest enthu siasm, for it appealed to the best qualities of loyal men, in terms worthy of the speak er and the cause. - We print this great ad dress in full. The thousands who were unable to gain admission to the Hall may study with jio ordinary profit its admirable argument And earnest eloquence. German Opera. The opera season is about to begin, and music is preparingto succeed polities in the interest and favor: of the people. Though days and nights made harsh with political agitation have crowded out of hearing the more impartial claims, of art, the prospec tive announcement of German Opera in Philadelphia is all the more novel and wel come. Me. Leonaed Grover, the new director of opera, has proved liberal be yond most of his predecessors. The com pany which he has collected from the best talent of Europe and America is undoubtedly one of the ablest and largest, in the world; for it includes such great actors and singers as Cakl Poesies and Joseph Hebhanns one the best Eoberl as the other Is the best Mcphisiopheles known to our stage ; such prime dOnne as Mcsdames Johannsen, Pebdebici, and Hotter,- and tenors like Habelmann and Hisimee, with Stet necke, Gbaff, and a number of other care ful and earnest , musicians. Mllle-iDziußA (a new European favorite) and M’lle Pau line Canissa have been engaged for the parts of soubrettes. Thu repertoire is no less generous. “ Faust" and “ Mireille,” (Gounod’s skilful and charming new opera), Halevy’s “Jewess,” Meyer beer’s “Huguenots,” Mozabt’s “Don Juan,” Wbbeb’s “ Freiscliulz,” Rossini’s “ William Tell,” and a number of other fa vorite operas make up the grandest and most brilliant selection known in this city for many years. .Beethoven’s “ Fidelio,” an opera sacred to-lovers of music, and per formed with so much .success in former seasons, is not included among these great works; but we presume a general request will bring it forth. The sale of subscrip tion tickets for the German Opera will be gin on Saturday, October 29th. The new season bids fair to be one of the most splendid and popular- in the mus’ical memory. . Webster's Friends Not Democrats.— The foes of the Government have been quoting forged ‘ extracts’ ’ from Webster to prove that, if living, he would be a Copperhead. In Ms late exhaustive speech in Boston, -Edward Everett, the intimate friend and eloquent eulogist of Websteb, disposes of this audacity: “ We have ever claimed to be faithful disciples la the school of the illustrious statesman of New England, whose life was one long warfare with the modern Democracy, and who, in turn, was the object of Its persistent, unrelenting, and, I am sorry to be obliged to add, personal hostility. I say this from no unkind feeling; but when I hoar tho lofty eulogies on his character, and witness the , eager ness with which any phrase thought to favor their cause is quoted from Mr. Webster’s writings by our Democratic friends, with whom I am told, as ‘Web ster Whigs,’ we ought to co-operate, I cannot for get that there never was a moment when ho could have been chosen to an office by a Democratic con stituency, or appointed to an office by a Democratic Executive. In the very scene which the artist has delineated on the canvas before you—in that very Titanic debate in which he smote the argument of the great nulliftor as with the club of Hercules, not one Democratic voice responded to his; no, not, from that New England whoso good name he defended against the bitterest calumnies, In a strain of elo quence whloh will live till the English language shall cease from the lips of men. Such being the case, there is surely nothing which should predis pose ‘ the friends or Mr. Webster,’ merely as such, to obey the call to co-operate In restoring that party to power. Nor am I aware of anything in the re cent political history of the country which should incline them beforehand to do so.” - Emancipation in - Makta and.— This glorious event is to be appropriately celebrated in our city on Monday next, on a scale commensurate with its importance. Efforts-are being made to have the day ushered in hy chimes and the opening of all churches for thanksgiving for this signal vlotory of right over wrong. Maryland has just uncondition ally Überated over.loo,ooo Chrisiian Biases, and prac tically obeyed the inspired injunction 11 to loose the bonds of wickedness, to undo the heavy bur dens and to let the oppressed go free, and break every yoke.” This grand fact, the moat signifleant event of the age, and typical of the regeneration! of the entire South, ought to be commemorated, reverentially, with prayers, thanksgivings, and re joicings. We hope the clergymen of all denomina tions will open their churches on Monday for such purpose, and announce the fact to their sevoral congregations on Sunday. We learn the gentlemen moving in this matter have obtained the consent of the Committee for Re cruiting Colored Troops to Illuminate its building, N0,.1210 Chestnut street; and that they have made most extensive and liberal arrangements to make a magnificent display on Monday, night by means of transparencies, executed by the Philadelphia Sketch Club in the highest style of art. The whole expense of this celebration is pro vided for by subscriptions outside the Com mittee. The whole front of .the building, 1210 Chestnut street,; will be covered with designs emblematic of emancipation and progress, pointed by judicious selections from the writings of Wash ington, Jefferson, Henry, and Jackson, and adorned with well executed portraits- or Abraham Lincoln, Grant, Sherman;'Sheridan, Farragut, and other, military and naval heroes, the whole to be framed and draped with flags and evergreens. Surmount ing all will be In gas jets ” God save the Republic.” Music and colored fires will lend their attractions to the symbolical designs, A salute of 200 guns will bo fired by companies of U. S. Colored Troops from Camp William Penn, under the command of Col. Lewis Wagner, during the day. It bids fair to be a moat worthy commemoration of the greatest moral victory of the age. Wo earnestly hope the clergy may open the churches and give expression to the religious sentiment of the people on this glorious triumph of Liberty, Justice, and Progress in Maryland. Tiic Provincial Conference-Capitals Se- ■. lccted. • O.GKBEC, Oct. 27—It Is reported that the Con ference has selected Ottawa for the capital of the united Provinces ; Toronto for the capital of Upper Canada, and Quebec for Lower Canada. THE FEESS;—PHILADELPHIA!,' FRIDAY, OCTOBER 28, 136 C U FRAUD UPON THE SOLDIERS. SEW YORK STATE AOESTS FORGE VOTES FOR MeClElus. FORCERY BY THE WHOLESALE. ARREST OF THE CHIEF PARTIES. CONFESSION OF ONE OF THE CEIMINAXS. SEVEN BOXES OF FORGED VOTES SENT TO NEW YORK. THE STATE TO. BE CARRIED FOR PROMINENT POLITICIANS IMPLICATED A UIAUIKG DEMOCRATIC OUTRAGE ON THE ARMY. Baltimore, Oct. 27.—1 t Is alleged that oxtonsivo frauds.have been discovered In this olty and Wash- Ihgton on the part of somo commissioners of Now York State to recelvo and forward votes of tho sol diers. ThoN. Y. (btato agents, M, j. Ferry, of Canton, St. Lawrence county, and Edward Dona hoe, of. Albany, havo been arrested, and ware brought for trial, this evening, before a military commission, of which Major General' Abner Double day Is president, and Colonel John A, Foster, of the 175th Now York, Is judge advocate. Tho following charge and speclScatton wore read: THE CHARGE .AND SPECIFICATION PREFERRED AGAINST EDMUND DOKAHOE, JK,, AND M. J. FKRUT. Charge.— Conduct prejudicial to the welfare of the service, by falsely personating and representing officers and soldiors in the service of the United States, and in such assumed capacity falsely and fraudulently signing and forging names as and for the names of officers and soldiers in such service. Specification. In this, that the said Edmund Dona hoe, .Jr., and M. .1. Ferry, being ostontlbly autho rised as tho agents for the State or New York, for the purpose or receiving the votes or the soldiers of the United States, for electors of the State of Now York, at the general olectlon to be held on tho Bth day of November, 1864, did falsely and fraudulently personate officers or soldiers who have been or now are, or who purport to bo, In the military service of the United States ; and did falsely and fraudulently sign and forge, and also oauso to be signed and forged to tho blanks Issued under and, pursuant to Chapter 263 of tho laws of the State ol‘ New York, passed April 21,1864, entitled “Anactto.enable qua lified electors or tho State absent therefrom, and In the military service of the United Sates, in the army and navy thereof, to voto,” names purporting to bo tho names ol .'officers and soldiors in the military service of the United States, and qualified eleotots of the State of New York, and ab sent therefrom; said blanks being issued under the said law, and intended to bo used for tho purpose or transmitting the vote of the soldiers signing the same to his proper attorney, to be used at the gene ral election to be held in said State on the eighth day of November, 1861 j all thio being done by said Donalioo and Ferry, with the intent and Tor tho purpose of having such blanks so signed used as and for tho deed of the officers, and soldiers, or pre tended officers and soldiers, whose names purported to bo signed thereto, and In fraud of their rights at tuch elections. All this at the cities of Baltimore and Washington during the month of October, 1861. On tho conclusion of tho reading of the above,. Ferry plead guilty to a portion of the charges, and said lie had signed the names of some. In answer to a question by the Judge Advocate, Foster, who stated that his pleading to the charge should be eithor general or special, he said he de sired to have counsel. He was informed that he could send for any person he should choose as hl3 counsel, and immediately sent for a lawyer of this city. Donohue plead a general denial cf tho whole af fair, and wanted to bo represented by counsel from Albany or New Y’ork. He said ho thought the matter belongcd to the civil tribunals, instead of a military one. lie requested to know if lieverdy Johnson was to be had, ns he - was confident hb would defend him. General Doubleday and Judge 'Kdvoeate General Foster said they had noobjec- ' tion to postpone the ease, as the prisoners had no counsel, In order to allow them to obtain it, and accordingly adjourned until Friday, at ten o’clock- It is stated that seven dry goods boxes of votes for the Democratic National and State nominees, have been forwarded from here by express. Several packages of the alleged forged tickets are lathe hands of tho Military Commission, with letters, &c,, involving parties in New York. After the adjournment of the court Ferry made the following full confession : I do not recollect the time when the first papers were forged, but it was in the presence of O. K. •Wood, of Clinton county, New York; it was done in my office, No. 85 Fayette street, Baltimore; I am, and have been for tho past two years, theagent of the State of New York, appointed by Governor Seymour, to look after the sick and wounded sol diers of New Y'ork; I first saw Wood on . Wednes day of last week at my office. He came and repre sented himself as an agent of the central committee of his county to look, after its local ticket. He talked about the way in. which the votes could be. taken : it was agreed that we should sign the names of soldiers and officers and send them home to have the local tickets filled ln; I made out small papers ; I signed the names of soldiers on quite a number of them; I cannot toll what names we signed; the papers are. In the bundle now on the table ; I did not sign the namos_or offi cers, but Donohue signed any quantity of them; there was a large package of these papers left wljih me, which. I destroyed ; that package contained over two hundred; Donohue signed them all.- The Idea of forging these papers was first suggested/by a man named Stephen Maxon; he Is from the western part of the State nf New York; I do not know from .what county; hff Is not in the service; he Is a State agent; I cannot say at what time It was first.proposed to forge these papers, but it was, at most, two weeks ago; I do not think there was anybody present but Donohue and myself when Maxon first pro posed to forge the papers; there was a man named S. M. Brandy in my office; he Is now In New Y'ork; also, a man, named H. Newcomb; I never saw him until ho came there ; fie is a lawyer in Albany; part of the forged papers were made in my office, and part brought there; they were usually brought in a bundle, tied up; Ido not know who brought them ; I had no letters from Peter Dagger except what were found In my.desk; never knew of any correspondence on this subject with General Farrell, the commissary of subsistence, except the package which you have; the packages contained a lot of blank envelopes and powers of a! torney, with a letter from General Farrell, marked “confidential,” which contained a list of the names of residents of Columbia county; I did not let any onekrow that I destroyed the forged papers left with me, but told my associate that I sent them to different parts of the State to be marked; a young man: came from Washington on Friday or Saturday last, saying, if I had any spare blanks -to send them on to Washington; lam not certain . that he did- or did not say anything about '.there being twenty men over there who could attend to these matters; Ido not know how many forged pa pers were sent off, but I heard them say that’ they sent them from Washington by tho dry-goodfi box lull; I do not recollect hearing them talk despair ingly, hut they talked quite jubilantly and confi dently ; I sent a package of forged papers to Gen. Farrell, with the following letters: Bautimorr, October 22, 1884. My Dear Sir : If you are energetic you will bo able to get tho within votes all arranged for tho Bth of November. I should .have done more to them but I have not time. They are all on the square; the Blacks got theirs. Neither would bear close scrutiny. Ed. Donohue said send this on to ! you, and I havo done it. : Truly yours, Democrat. I’. S.—They are all soldiers’ company and regi ments ail O If. The rest, I have nothing to say. If you have no use lor them send them back. ' ■- M. J. Fjsrby, No. 85 N. Fayette street, Baltimore, Md. In behalf of Ferry, the Judge Advocate entered a plea or guilty, and asked for him the mercy of tho court. Donohue will bo tried and fils ease will come on to-morrow. The evidence now in the possession of the commission implicates a number of prominent persons, hut the facts cannot at present be given to tho public. AX.EAKY, Oct. 27 —The following despatch,* ad dressed to the .Executive Department here, was re ceived this afternoon : Baltimore, Oct. 27.—Moses iJ. Ferry, State agent at Baltimore ; Edward Donahoe, Jr., of'Al bany ; Peter Kirby, of Lewis oounty; and Dr. Jones, of New York city, voting agents, have been arrested by the provost marshal, who also closed the New York State Agency. Steehbn Maxsok, Surgeondn-charge. Gov. Seymour Is In Buffalo, and the telegram has been forwarded to him. Washikgtok, Oet. 27, 10 o’clock P. M.—The New York State agent in this city was arrested to day, and his office closed. . Important additional disclosures are expected to-morrow. Some letters and doouments will be adduced of great importance. It is understood that the fraud was discovered by a Clinton county agent of tho Union Committee, who called upon Ferry to make certain Inquiries. Ferry mistook his political character, and discovered the matter to him. After obtaining a full knowledge of the facts, tho agent communicated the mattor to General Wallace, when Ihe parties were arrested. ' * . Washington, Oct. 27.—Colonel Samuel North and two others are among those of the Now York agency who were arrested In Washington to-day. They were confined In the Old Capitol, charged with being Implicated with the Baltimore agents in sending fraudulent votes. The Now York Tribune publishes' the following special despatch, dated Washington, October 23 : -The Military Commission, Major General Dou bleday, President, was ordered to suspend the trial of the blockade traders to-day, and proceed to Balti more forthwith, to Investigate and try a recently discovered case of most astounding fraud and forgery connected with the’Now York State sol diers’votes. The Commission will leave by the first train to morrow morning., ..../: The charges aro, in brief, substituting *' McClel lan” for “Lincoln” votes in the original ontß lopes submitted by the soldiers, and In ’forging names thereto. One box, over throe feet long, containing many thousands of these fraudulent votes, has been seized. Others are known to have been sent to New York. Another correspondent of tho same paper says : The grounds of the confidence of leading Demo crats of being able to carry New York are now understood. —■ A systematic and wide-spread conspiracy has been brought to light, carried on by agents here, at Baltimore, Harper’s Ferry, and In the Army of the Potomac, under the immediate supervision and direction of the party In that State. Seyeral of these agents have boon arrested, and are now In jail, and others will be arrested as fast as proof can be collected, and proper provision can be made for their trial. Men now in custody have been actively engaged in this busioess for weeks, and, as one of the parties involved declares, forged ballhts of this kind have been forwarded in dry-goods boxes full to New Y'ork and Albany. ' Judge Holt, tbo Judge Advcoate General, has had the papers laid before him. and has prepared a brief report on tho subject. He pronounces the crime MctIEUAS BY FORGERY. OTHER I‘ARTIOni.ARS. thus committed ’to be one of the 1 most serious character, and it will be dealt with as such by the Government. A military commifslon has already been ordered, and will meet to-morrow morning In Baltimore, under the presidency of General Doubleday, for the trial of two of the leading actors in this con spiracy, who are known to have been in direct and constant communication with leading members of the party. The testimony in their eases, which I have seen and read, is full, direct, and conclusive. It will leave not the slightest room for doubt that a gigan tic conspiracy has been at work for months in ma turing and executing a plan for defrauding the sol diers of their votes, and for overwhelming the suf frage of citizens athome, by the forged votes of thou sands and tens ofJffiousanas of soldiers who have fallen in battle, ordtedin the hospitals, or who have never existed. In some eases sealed envelopes con taining “ Lincoln ” ballots have/ been opened, and McClellan ballots have been substituted; but the main reliance of the conspirators has been in the forgery of signatures of pretended soldiers to papers transmitting “MoOlellan and Seymour” votes, • You must not be surprised if these disclosures and wrests should touch some persons high in political authority. WASHINGTON. DEATHS OF PENNSYLVANIANS. The following aro among tho burials reported from the army hospitals hero: Joseph Sipple, Company B, l9lst Fa.; Charles Orealman, Com pany H, 118th Pa. Vols. now THE NEW YORK SOLDIERS TOTE. Tho 112th New Y’ork regiment has cast a unani mous vote for tho Union State ticket in Now York, and but very few votes for MoOlellan. The New York soldiers generally are discarding Seymour. VICTORY! THE REBELS ROTTED IN MISSOTRI. PRICE DEFEATED IN SEVERAL BATTLES, His Army Completely Dispersed. GENERALS MARMAMJKE AND CABELL CAITURED. Fifteen Hundred Prisoners and Twelvi Pieces of Artillery Taken. OUR ARMY PURSUING HIS SHATTERED FORCE! GrUFEIXLA OUTRAGES NEAR FORT SCOTT. ATTACK ON A UNION STEAMER ON "WHITE KIVEH. Evacuation of St. Charles, Arkansas. MISSOURI AND KANSAS. lIBTRBAT OF PRICE— CAPTURE OF GENRRALS MAR. MADUKB AND CAIiELL—GENERAL ROSBORAN3 AT ' LITTLE SANTA FK, St. Loots, Oet. 27.-—A despatch from Leaven worth to tho Despatch says: « Price has been driven below Fort Scott, closely followed by our cavalry. “ We have captured a largo number of prisoners, including Generals Marmaduke and Cabell; also several pieces of artillery. “ Kosecrans was at Little Santa Fe, twelve miles south of Kansas City, with his Infantry, on Tuesday night.” THE EEREL PRICE TOTALLY ROUTED—A SERIES OF REBEL DEFEATS —3.500 PRISONERS AND 10 OR 12 . PIECES OF ARTILLERY CAPTURED—THE REBEL ARMY COMPLETELY SCATTERED. St. Louis, Oet. 27.—The following is received from reliable sources: Our forces have been driving Price rapidly since Sunday. At the last accounts he was twenty-five or thirty miles southeast of Fort. Scott, his army routed and dispersed. On Tuesday we had several fights with, him betwoon Mound City and For t Scott, in all of whioh he was badly whipped, losing fifteen hundred prisoners and ten or twelve pieces of artillery. Major.Genoral Marmaduke and Brigadier General Cabell aro among the prisoners, with several colonels, and-other officers. He was' again attacked yesterday morning, a short distance north of Fort Scott, and driven pell-mell in a south, easterly direction. He burned two hundred wagons yesteiday, to prevent them being captured. No thing is stated about the loss on either side, but there stems to be no doubt that Price’s army Is completely demoralized and scattered. Tho tole T graph Is working to Fort Scott} but nothing has been received of to-'day’s operations, except that our forces are still in vigorous pursuit. General Steele, with a hoavy reinforcement, is at Fort Smith, with the probable view of contesting Price’s entrance into Arkansas. The rebels were chased all Sunday night,and constant fighting kept up... ATTACK ON A TRAIN NEAR FORT SCOTT EY BUSHWHACKERS GUERILLA OUTRAGAS AT MARMETON—ADVICES FROM GEN. SULLY. St. Louis, Oct. 27.—Despatches in the border papers cay that a-traln from. Fort Smith Was at tacked.by “bushwhackers” south of Fort Scott. Sixteen men were killed,_and a part, of the train burae d. About 1,600 refugees' accompanied the train. About 100 guerillas, under-.- Capt. Taylor, entered Marmaton, a few miles from Fort Scott, at 12 o’clock on Saturday night, and murdered Colonels Knowles. Brown. Hawkins, MeCionigle, Chadwick, and Stout, who were on route for the North, to gether with Squire Iteynolds and two other citizens. They burned a church, two stores, and several dwellings. The Union loss in the battle of tho 23d was 75 wounded. They were Sent to Leavenworth on Mon day. The Kansas militia have gone home. Martial law has been abolished, and business rasumod. Five hundred xebels, under Lieut. Col. McDaniels, crossed the Hannibal and St. Joseph Kailroad, near BulkiiD, on Monday, going north. A strong force lias been sent after them. Advices' irom Upper Missouri. say that General Sully has gone mtp winter quarters at Fort Sully. The Winnebago Indians are in a starving condi tion. THU WAR IN THIS SOUTHWEST. ARRIVAL OF REFUGEES AT MEMI'IIIS—ATTACK ON A UNION STEAMER ON WHITE RIVER— SIXtEEN SOLDIERS KILLED—EVACUATION OFST, CHARLES. Cairo. Oct, 27.—The steamer Mayduko, from Duuail’s Bluff, arrived at Memphis on the 25th Inst, with a large number of refugees. Tho steamer Marmora was fired into at Prairie* Landing, on the White river, and followed, firing, five or six miles. Ono of her officers and fifteen ne gro soldiers were killed, and a number wounded. St. Charles, Arkansas, Is being evacuated. I’OSITION OF THIS REBEL GEN. LVOAN —HOOD’S ARMY RETORTED NEAR GUNTERSVILLE FOR- REST REPORTED THREATENING PADUCAH. Louisville, Oct. 27.—A Naahviilo despatch of to-day reports that the rebel Gen. Lyon had crossed near the mouth of White Oak Greek. ' / A despatch from Huntsville says that no rebel force had passed over tho Whilesburg and Warren ton road since Tuesday nlglrt. A soldior of tho 44th U. S. Colored Infantry, who had escaped from Hood’s army, says a part of Hood’s force (ho thinks ft is Gon. Leo’s corps) are making for Whiteshurg. A despatch from Clayville says tho captain of the gunboat Gen. Thomas reports when coming up the river having seen picket and post fires from the mountain tops- towards Guntersville, and opposite Deposit. The only troops he saw were cavalry. A Federal soldier, who had been a prisoner since tho attack on Dalton, but escaped, arrived at Olay ville, and reported that when ho left the main force of Hood’s army, on Tuesday morning, 25,000 strong, were at Warrenton. He understood the rebels In tended crossing tho Tennossee in the vicinity of Guntersville. Forrest Is reported to ho threatening Paducah with a largo force. Our military circles are on the alert for its defence. MOSEBY’S UUEKIUAS. SUCCESS OF THE SAFEGUARD EXPERIMENT—NAMES OF THE HOSTAGES. Washington, Oct. 27.—Since the clearing away of the timber along tho Orange and Alexandria Railroad, and the adoption of the plan of sending out rebel Sympathizers on tho trains as a safety guard, not an accident has occurred, and not a single guerilla has been seen on the line of the road. The Alexandria Gazette says: “Tho following is a list of names ol the gentlemen now held under ar rest in this place by the United States military au thorities as a ‘safeguard’ for the trains on the Orange and Alexandria and Manassas Gap Rail roads : J. B. Daingerflold, W. A. Taylor, T. B. Robertson, Edgar Snowden, .Tr., C. C. Berry, D. S. Gwin, W. Wigg, Dr. D. M. French, Dr. J. B. John ston, J. A. English, Albert Bassford, of Alexandria, and Robert Bevorly and E. Jaquelin Smith, of Fauquier.” 3. W. Fester, Dr. It. E. Peyton and J. S. Byrne, recently arrested in Fauquier county as “safe guards,” have been released and sent to tliolr homes. NO GUERILLAS NEAR MARTINSBURG. The report sent to your city that Moseby is again operating in tho vicinity of Martinsburg is false. Thero have been no rebels in any force seen in that country for a week or more. HAVANA. ARRIVAL OF A NAVAL COMMANDER FROM SPAIN— A SUCCESSFUL BLOCKADE RUNNER. New York, Oct. 27.—The steamer Havana has arrived, with Havana dates to the 22d. She brings no news from Mexico or San Domingo. Senor X.ozano had arrived at Havana from Spain to command the Spanish naval force. Tho steamer Zephyr,from Galveston, at Havana, brought over 1,000 bales of cotton, and reports that sho saw no United States vessels during the trip. The steamer Corsica left Havana for Nassau and New Y'ork. The Veriuout Robbers. Oct. 27.— Eight depositions were ta ken at St. John’s yesterday. The option or'trans ferring the prisoners to Montreal was left to Hon. Mr. Edmonds, who acts for the United States. Horning of n Slentner. Montreal, Oct. 27.—The steamer Alexander was burned last night. She had a cargo of 2,000 harrols Of apples. Restoring an Ancient Church.— St. Canice’s Cathedral, Kilkenny, is to bo new roofed, as a first step towards its restoration. Mr. N> DcOMi ot Dub lin, is the architect. Washington, Oet. 27. THE PRESIDENCY. VAST MEETING AT. UNION LEAGUE HALL LAST EVENING. Crowds of People and Great Enthusiasm. SPEECH OP THE HON. SALMON P. CHASE. LIBERTY AND UNION vs. DISUNION AND SLAVERY. The groat Hall of the Union League was last evening packed to the uttermost with the throng assembled to hear one ol the ablest men of the day, the ex-Seeretary of the Treasury, on the great ques tion of the hour, Before Mr; Chase had arrived in the city the hail was filled to overflowing; thousands continued to oome and endeavor to gain entrance, so that all tho stairways and passages leading to the hall, and even the street In front, were jammed or ciowded. In ordor to dissolve this uncomfortable pressure, It was announced that National Hail would bo k opcnod and the Hon, Amos Myers address the thron gs of people who failod to obtain ovon stand ing room. At a quarter to eight Mr. Chase, accom panied by members of the Union League, gained entrance wlih difficulty. Appearing on tho stage, he was at once greeted with round after round of cheers, in a genoral rising up and waving of hats and handkerchiefs. In a few words of eloquent eulogy, the distinguished gentleman was introduced by Mr. Morton McMichael. On tho return of Bi lence, Mr. Chase opened his speech. His manner was cordial and Impressive, and two or three noble bursts of feeling and eloquence In tho midst of his strong and practical arguments called forth cheer after cheer. SPEECH OF MR. CHASE. Mr./Chase said: Gentlemen of the Loyal League and citizens of Philadelphia, I should be prou t indeed If I couid feel that.l deserved .a tithe of. the enJogium which your honored chairman has been pleased to pro nounce upon my work. .To be one of the people ready to do the work that .falls to me to do, and not afraid to take the responsibility of (loins it, is. i think, all the praise I deserve. X come here to night to speak to you of familiar things. I cannot hope to add a word to wliat you have not’ already, heard; but as sweet sounds and lovely sights never weajy the ear or the vision, so real truths belonging to the welfare of a /great nation never tire a' patriotic people. fApplanse.3 1 feel encouraged, therefore, to hope that you will lieten to me while in‘my plain way I eay what occurs to me upon tho great/issues which how occupy the attention of the country ~I was going to - say Which now divide the country,: but there really eeenis so little prospect of a division that it is hardly worth while saying so. [Cheers. 3 -There are unquestionably a great many who . vote with the opposition to Lincoln and Johnson from vat ions motives, whose patrioriem cannot, in the slightest.degree, be Impugned; but we eansot help ob sejving'that everywhere throughout the whole land those who .dislike republican institutions—and I may -add not only throughout, this whole land, but aoroad in the old world,-those who;'dislike/republican‘institu tions—those who are unfriendly to the maintenance of our Union—those Who are unfriendly to the perpetuity of this Republic of ours—all sympathize with the party that is arrayed in opposition. And I rejoice to know that there is not a man who proposes to vote for the Unton ticket whose heart does not throb wtthgrata : ful acknowledgments to God that He'gave him such a land—that He cast his lot in snch a country—and who las not resolved that, come what may, this country shall never he broken up and destroyed. CCheers 3 Here, then,. fellow-citizens, wo have the great fine which divides: parties. I know very well that we are told that gdntlemen upon the other side are Union men, and I saw to day, coming on in the cars, a New York paper which had the Lincoln and Johnson ticket printed as the radical ticket, and the 'McClellan and Pendleton ticket printed as the Union ticket. [Laughter.3 . Well, lam willing to accept this designation; but the love‘of the Union, which charac terizes the patty w hick that ticket represents, is not ex actly what we profess for we are radical, alt over and ail through, radically Union. [Loaa cheers 3 What is ihe mode which tnere gentlemen prop >se as the bast modes of saving the Union? For X take it they are in earnest in their professions; that every man of them really desires to save the Union, including the au thors of tie Chicago platform. What la the mode they propose ? For if you want apiece of work done immediately, you naturally not only inquire for the workman, bat as to how-he proposes to ;do it, *nd whether yon can trust him. Now what do they pro pose? They propose as their mode of saving the Union 'an immediatecessation of hostilities, and then a nego ‘ tiation with a view to the ultimate, re-formation of the Union under the Federal Constitution. Now, the ques tion whickhas always occurred to me from the first time I read lhelr platform is this: Will this thing work? Is there any hope by a cessation' of . hottilllies that we can save this Union? And in order to determine that question I want to know with whom We have to deal.. 1 hs.vo seen a great many accounts of Southern sentiment, of the sentiments of the rulers of the rebels, .and I have yet to see a single instance in which, any one 'of theta proposes to reconstruct the Union at all. They, say, ’ * What we want is Inde pendence. 7 ’ They say they will take nothing hut in dependence. /“Give ns that and we are satisfied.” They tell.us to keep only our own States, and make such a. United States as we can, but to give them the Southern States, including., Ken tucky, Missouri, and even Maryland, and'they will :be satisfied. “We won’t fight you if you won’t seek to re-establish the territorial integrity of theße puhlic,” say they. [Laughter. 3 - Now,.the question that arises is, are w e prejM-ed tor that? What man to night in'this vast is willing to give up one foot of American terri^^to rebellion? [Deafening applause. 3 What we .want is a Union which embraces all of, the old States. [Cheers. 3 What we want is a Union which embraces ail the territory which was oars at the time this rebellion broke out [Cheers. 3 What we want js to tear down that accursed banting which,, under the name of the "stripes and bars,” defil es ; so large a portion of onr land, and to restore the glorious old standard ot stripes ana stars floating over the whole Republic, without a rival banner. [Cheers. 3 That is our object. We then cannot agree with these gentlemen, and not agreeing with them, and hot being willing to take tloir means to tho end we desire (that is, the restoiatiou of the Union), we choose to go to .work .in our own way. - Now. what is our way ? /why, certain :individuals souts of Mason & Dixon's line, between throe and 'fouryears ago chose to raise ihe standard of rebellion against the constituted authorities of the United States.' Mr, Lincoln was /President. He had just been inaugurated. W'hen he was inaugurated he had taken an oath to protect, defend, and preserve the Con stitution of the United States, and to see that the laws of the United States were faitnfally executed through out its whole extent, Welli*l suppose nobody will con tend that tlm raising this standard of rebellion absolved Mr. Lincoln from Ins oath. He was bound to protect, defend, and preserve the Constitution throughout the whole estent of the Republic. These men lifted the standard of rebellion,and fired upon the flag. They made war upon the. Government of the United States. The; committed trtast-n against the Government of the United Statesfor treason, as the Constitntioa tells us, is levying war against the United. States. Under the Cons imtion, (u> W’ I mco nto succumb to traitors'? ' Or, was be to do just what be did do—say to the Ameri can people! “this is your work, this country is your country ; 1 aw. here only as yenr agent, and now I want to mow Whether you will furnish me men and money enough to put down the rebellion. ”' And bow giori ou-ly yon'responded, by one storm of patriotism through the length and breadth, of the laud, which, for the time, swept out “of view the"'little foam and froth of party! [Cheers.3 Mr. Lincoln has gone on in his great work. from that time to this. In it, at in every, other undertaking,, various success attends those Who wage the war. Nor wilt I say anything to-night . about the failure whichmarked some twelve months of this war, conducted under the chosen chief of the Oppo sition. Let that pass. What Twill say is this; that the War has been conducted with those alternations of suc cess which always attend every war, and with that steady, resistless, overwhelming / progress which always marks a war conducted by a great people, with all its heart, with all its will, and all its mighty resources against a comparatively insignificant rebel lion.'[Ckeei s. 3 Ido notcill this rebellion insignifi cant, abt olnteiy, by any means. It is a great, a formi dable rebellion,, but it is jest as sure to go down before the resources and energies cf a people determined to restore the Republic, as it is certain taat tho sun will rise in the morning and retin the evening, fn regard to this matter there is no contingency. It must go down. There is no help for the rebellion unless the peo l le are wiliingthat the rebellion shall succeed. The real question to-day propound ed for.the consideration of the American people is whether we will consent, to the suc cess of the rebellion. / That is the question which yon have to determine here in Pennsylvania. That is the question that is to be determined all over this land. Will we consent to the success of the rebellion ? If we do not, it cannot succeed. If we do, it may. If we are so craven, if wenre so poor in spirit as well as in re sources, that we cannot confront this rebellion, why then it will be very proper, very proper, indeed, to take up th;s lamentation. which the Opposition call a platform, and.say : “ Welutve failed. Webegyour pardon, Mr. 7 Jeilersoii Davis, for having ventured to question your complete right to revolt just as you pleased and setup such a Government as you pleased. We want you how, if yep will be kind enough, to let us cease from hostili ties, and then, if you desire it, we will talk about a re construction of the Union !” Now that is a thing which we are not going to do, ae I understand it.. CCheers. 3 It is the very reverse of what we are going to do, the very. reverse .of what ; we-have been doing, ai d. the very reverse c-f what we are doing. Why, gentlemen, is there any stgn in the present aspect .of affairs that we cannot put down this rebellion ? Does it get a foothold anywhere from which it is not-instant , ly. driven? Look at Price in Missouri,living from Rose crans and Curtis. [Cheers. 3 Look at Jnbal Early waking up Sheridan. [Load cheers. 3 Look at Hood seiting/ouf to drive Sherman from Atlanta by catting his communications and turning to the right about and getting away, from Sherman as fast as he can. [Cheers. 3 There is no great consciousness of strength on the one side, is there? Rat there is a consciousness. of mighty strength on the other. The cause which is represented on the land by Sherman, Sheridan, and Grant [cheers], is resistless, and the cauEt which is’represent ed .on ocean and river by ga lant old Farragut [great appHuse3—that cause knows no such thing as failure. Well, then, is this not .an. inauspicious time for the Opposition? -It seems to me that if ever a. body of men selectedthe most inaus picious of all possible times to ask a great people to eat bumble pie- before rebels,- this opposition par;y .have selected t oat very . time. [Laughter and great applanse.3 Perhaps they thought they had some reason to hope, from the promise.*! of their associates at Niagara, perhaps they had acme promises from even higher rebel sources, of aid, by driving our armies; but whatever promises there were they cer tainly proved illusory. So far from being driven by the rebellion the rebellion has been driven by our forces, . and is now languishing, and ready to die. [Applause 3 But, gentlemen, there ie really nothing.in the Chicago Platform, as Mr. Yallandigham tells ua, and tell as ; truly. The second resolaiion constitutes the whole of it, except'the abuse, and that yon can get from any.of their . orators as well as from the platform. Except abuse of Mr. Linccin's Admiuistiation there is nothing, in it but the immediate cessation of hostilities. 'One thing fur ther. it is very enrions how often we have occasion to think of that maxim which saysit is dangerous to stand on the platform. ” [Laughter. J The"first thing McClellan thought of when he heard of his nomination was that maxim. The platform h*d no sooner been read to him than lie thought of it, and with the advice of friends, doubtless, he concocted aletter which ha in tended should be as,/nearly like -the platform ,aB possible, and yet shonld not place him exactly on it./..We11, we all. remember well, that he ProfesEei ridevbtiop? to that great Union. Well’ he. did not succeed very well. He profissed great devotion to' the Union, and said that the same senti ments were manifested in tlieir 6tate-(but it is not so aboiitwhom be ‘spfaSs under the circumstance!), and unless the same readiness was manifested cvery wh;re to restore the Union he would teel it his duty .to prosecute / the war, Weil, then, is Pendle ton, of .my.own State (a true and estim»b!e gentle man in the walks ot private life), who is baginning to take the view that this war is unholy; that no wilt vote no more men and money to prosecute it; and that, if the rebellious States cannot to coaxed back they mnst be permitted to depart with onr benediction. ...Those three propositions imp y the seme title, thatthe war is all wrong. ,: What Las he. recently been', doing in tiavr York? Hebas thought it his duty, ina letter, to da- Clare in iavor of the Union. [Applante 3 He says his : State is in favor of the Union. / live there. [ Applause, 3 It is in favor of the Union./ Never so/much as wbenit significantly gave 100.000 majority for John Brou-'h — [great applause!—bat never more eo than when itpolled 60,000 majority la a- dimmißhed vote against a repre sentative ol the same principles. And, my friends, Mr. Pendleton’s own district has shown its devotion to the Union by rejecting the man represents his ideas, and electing the man who. who represents mine [AppianEe The Union he and they -want is a Union with eiaveiy restored in this country. Tlia Union wo want is a Union that shall not-have a Binglc slave .tbionghont the whole land. / [Tremendous applause. 1 did not know that you had got so far along in Phiia delrhia. .[Continued applause 3 I did not know but what 1 /should, find myself uttering a sentiment which would be considered a little nltia, but I. find that you are ahead of me. [Laughter and applause. 3 And I have noticed tils belore. I nave often found myself obliged to play the conservative to prevent mv ardent young friends like Mr. McMichael from going a little bejond the mark. [Cheers.3 Yes, gentlemen.. we want a Union with freedom, and they ■want a Union with the clave-power restricted. A" leading Democrat taid the other day; in conversation with me, and Ido not know that 1 ought to quote it heie, but,.perhaps, confidentially i may epeak of it to you, [laughter,] that he wanted; the Union restored so as to beat these Black Repnb.icans, and he would not caremuch about it Hit .did not have that .effect < i i tLaukhter.-3-.Well, gentlemen, we do hot want that Wo began that way, end I am free to sav here to-night that I believe, as I always have be lieved, that: in a time ol peace the National Go; ‘ verniuent had nq i right/to.-interfere/with slavery within the luuita of . anv state.- ■ I- should have been, vei-y, glad if we could have struck down tho rebellion by an ordinary blow, and left every State tn dispose Of this question, of slavery -just ae we nronnaoS to do before the rebellion, but it was not the deS of Divine Providence that it .should be so. In meat, the time.bad come in tlie councils of God wimn this great people wore to be horn again Thin ’ Which pervaded/the whole land wasmot death translation. [Cheers. 3 It was not the pangs of‘dfeio Union, but ihe pargs of a -new birth vo a h»f‘ ter and more gtor.cus existence TGcoit - Da ‘V There is, in my judgment* a SloS fe l I cannot, tell what it ia No man can vLn in “, aclou i I 'iftaTahtll’ ¥ ■ tSMuJ?: iu o the S ve ri' i’umblest man AlmiKtvTof^uu r S E V s D l ,oa , which the of the y n™airi etlQal favor With Ihe rights sentlal In tt, . and.-.-nchest;;-,,. CCheers 3 As-ea .ral dnmvu, ; f ,! 4 was accessary that- the gepo laid I ~1 . , tf : eiavory should he-broken in the kenV» ' c , esßnry .l h ? t ’ hc chains should bo bro shonluiS Slave, that the dominion of slavery should be broken from us. When this is dons, anil our we shaU tse out Sf“«roM^S«^ ] a»Mtoh^t r tte ,, [Cheers 1 Thera will I>B no European despotism that wflldare dare toTry the experiment of daspotism io Hortli America. [Cheers. 1 For we shall he united and free—we shall all he free.. The scars which this war leaves, will, Iruthe contse of a few years, be heeled, and the memory of its sorrows and afflic tions will pass away and leave nothing hut the en dearing gratitude which we owe to the heroes, officers ■ and men, hy whom the restoration of the Union ha B been accomplished. CCheers. ] Wow, fellow- citizeng, a word npon the question of slavery. I have stated the general principle which we are obtaining, bet me BBS if there is anything unreasonable in it. Just loos and see where we began. We began, so far as this straggle can he said to have a tangible beginning, with the idea that slavery shonld not he extended. Had we not warrant for that? Was it a new fan nied idea we took np in these latter days. Why, gentlemen, all the anti-slavery I have I learn ed from the fathers of the Republic, and principal ly from thoEe who tanght in Virginia. tCbeers.] I mean political, constitutional anti-slavery. Had I any ground for it? Just think; almost immediately after' the done of the war of Independence, Jefferson, eon-, ceived the idea of making Virginia a free State, Vir ginia then embraced what is now Kentucky, and she claimed to embrace all that territory which is now Ohio, Illinois, Indians, Michigan, and Wisconsin. Mr. Jefferson prepared a Constitution for Virginia, and,this is a fact not generally known, I think, he prepared a Constitution which can he found in Ms works, in which he in trodneed a clause providing that after the year 1890 there thould he no slavery in Virginia. He-wished to give ihe world a splendid example of freedom a? the beginning of a new century. Well, the Convention.was not held. The Constitution was of course not submitted; but Jefferson was not the man to give up a purpose once begun, and so, Jefferson, Adding himself thwarted so far as the State of Virginia was concerned, he proposed that {sndbythis time all the territory northwest of the EiverOhio had been ceded fn *be Union) he proposed the ordinance by which slavery should be prohibited alter the year 1800 in all that territory, including Kentucky. Tennessee, Ala bama, and Mississippi in the Uorthweat, and now in the same States he had proposed to apply to Vir ginia that after the year 1800, there should be no slavery.- Well, this was brought to a vote, in the same way. as it was brought about in the old Congress of the Confederation. The majority , of. the. States they had would have little regard for articles of confederation, ■when they proposed ordinances ;of that sort. JF 'hera was, 1 think, recorded for it 23 or SsGvotes, or IBdeie gates. in Congress, Bortli and South, then, in favor ot tills very prohibition. This shows conclusively that at that time the current sentiment of the country was in . favor of the exclusion of slavery from the territory out side of the Slave States. We adopted that oottrsesome of us, and began the political battle of ‘55 on that sole idea, as was alto the battle of ’go, when wo succeeded. . We have had nothing to asks no tiling whicii a devotion to the Republic docs not sanction. We arc a»king no thing whicn they, by their own example, do not make it mu’ duty to . ask and demand. [Applause.] . Then came the war. The lurking object—l mean the plan of some slaveholders of the South—was to hand together to make simple recognition an intricate subject, for to how the whole country to their will. Theie has just been such efforts for many years past Their plan did not embrace ail the slave States There were many among -the slaveholders who did mot want to go to this extent, though the pre vailing opinion, the pervading sentiment among the slaveholders, that slavery should be recognized ia tals country as an ins.itution; should be fostered and sup ported by 'Federal authority. Thus was it as an insti tution first introduced into the Territories, The first -demand of this kind was made in regard to Missouri.-' They next demanded that slavery should be ex tended into the' States, and then, I'think, the right of tiansit,-of passing over a : State with a slave, and finder the reclamation to reclaim the fugitive slave. ..Well, this, as I said, was what we resisted. We thought that it was ruin. We thoughtthat slavery was a great evil, and to extend it. throughout the country would. degrade and .disgrace the American people. rOhcerr. ] You know how near they came to tl c esta blishmentof this very thing. ! The election of Mr. Lin coln in If®), standing upon a platform of'non-extension of, slavery, and n on- Interference: wi th It in - the States, gave , the first check which this • oligarchy chad", ever received.' Jour years before, as 1 have said, we fought the same battle r under Fremont, afid were defeated. We had a very large body of people with us before. I think a majority of the intelli gence, virtue,and zeal, bone,: and sinew, was more on our side. [Cheers.} But we were defeated, and a citi zen of Pennsylvania, of whom I will say nothing but that he is a citizen or Pennsylvania, was elected. Well, did we rebel ? Hot at all. We took it very quietly. Why did we do so? Because we believed in trash, in ’justice, and in tbe intelligence of the people, and we, inew that we would hav»a new trial in another four years.:. [Cheers ] -That is the grand idea in oar insti tutions. A man brings forward just what he pleases, and proposes It to the people. If they do not like it they reject it, ana if ha still thinks lie has a good thing he brings it forward again. So of a party. We thought we bad a good ißing in this idea’of the overthrow of the domination of the slave power in this country, and establishing in its place the rightful sovereignty of the people. [Cheers. ] And we thought we had another good thing in the idea of-making it utterly impossible tor any : isot of. American territory unaffected by the Constitution of a State to hear up the tread of a ; slave.. [Loud cheers.] Well wc appealed from the decision of 1856. We went before the people again in 1860, and then: we succeeded. Bid W 9 propose' then to interfere with slavery in any biate? Hot at all. Par from it. Mr, Lincoln proposed to give to the slavehold ers every: constitutional permission which could: he legitimktely intepreted in their favor. Were they . satisfied with that. Ho. And why not? Because they did not want to take an appeal to the people. They , knew that their cause was not one which the calm, con siderate judgment of the American'people would ap prove, and hence they attempted to resort to fraud and force. The Biave oligarchy appealed to the sword, and the slave oligarchy perishes by the sword. [Cheers.] Some people say Mr. Lincoln was too slow. Ith ought so myself sometimes. I thought that the thing might bepusheda little quicker; but then perhaps the people were not exactly ready at that time for the assertion of these doctrines • Peihaps they required to go to school a little longer, and so they were kept at school, and Sen. McClellan was their teacher. [Laughter and. cheers. 1 ] Gen. McClellan was his teacher, [Applause ] He led the army to the Potomac, and ntterly failed in his mili tary administration in every part of the country. Ido not mean anything, unkind to Gen. McClellan, for no man hailed him with greater satisfaction than I did ray self. I supposed we had got a savior. I did not think . mneh of the “ Young Rapoieon,” bnt I thought some thing better of Hapoleon. I thought the man had busi . ness experience; that the man had ability; that lie was a man of energy,. activity; that he was a great man; that he was a general about to take command ofthe army and move forward rapidly and reslstlessly on the enemy, and that the war shonld he short, desperate,and decisive.. Gen. McClellan told us so.and put it in black and white.’ Time passed away, but there was very liitle progress made, and it is now known that the rebels were never so ill prepared to resist an able and energetic movement as than; but the golden moments slipped by, and I; confess I changed my opinions about General McClellan. [Laughter. ] If I ever did an in justice to him I am very sorry for it, but I did come to the conclusion that under General McClellan the armies of the Republic never were dangerous to the existence : of rebellion. [Laughter.] Besides, it was my business to know military affairs, for I had to raise moneyto pay-for it,, [Laughter. ] I shonld be Verv sorry, indeed, to say that the President relieved General McClellan from the supreme command of the army unjustly, and put somebody else in his place. And now the Genera! is iliused. : As I waE: coming along in the cars to-day, I read the speech of a ger tleman who hotdsa seat in the Senate of the United States, and In thatßpeech he spoke of Mr. Lincoln having thwarted McClellan, He said that McClellan, would not be allowed, to carry out . a “plan;” thathewasnot enabled fiom the very first to do so.VWell, it.was the very first that I knew th&the ever had a plan at all. [Laughter.] I suppose be cause 1 was Secretary to the President I had a very good char ce to beer of a .plan, but I did not, and I will any that if ever there:was a President who gave a general Ms whole confidence, supported him in everyway, trusted him under..all circumstances, defended him,, steadied him, and gave him assistance in every possible way; never, throughout all, doubted him; desired his success-both for his own interests. and those of the country—that man was Abraham Lincoln. [Great cheering.] “My planl” why," my fellow-citizens, I never knew that the President eveT made any c.aims to a knowledge of military matters, and yet he, knew ...when ) something was being done. To get something done every nerve was’strait: od. every man, every cent of money for which thereconld he any, possible use. wits given to him, and more indeed than he ever did use. [Laughter.] It is asserted in this matter that the canso of his failure was the. President that he thwarted McClellan, that he threw a malign influence on him,and thus coc dieted withhimineverrway possi ble. : Ar d I believe there was no .man in Washington land it is easy to prove it) who would not have rejoiced : if he 'had gratified their hopes of him 'lf he had been the salvation of hi* country,like WasMngton, ha would have been crowned, like Washington.' How, fe low citizens, I have shown you that in this matter of slave ry what we moderatemen always had to fear wus. that It is one of the legitimate sources of division to the American people.. 1 showed yon, also, that when the slave oligarchy had rebelled—l said 'i% you agreed—that those who had' -taken the sword should perish by the sword. I did: not find then, as 1 do now, that slavery is dead, or dying. Hunan judgment looked upon such .a. thing as a natural consequence, that it could not exist, that time would -prove our belief to be the fact. I mav he mistaken, bnt that is my judgment. I saythat slavery is dead, or dying, or will be. What has put it to death? what has put it cut of its misery? The means that have: been used that it may perish, have not been improper means, bnt proper and legitimate ones. . What are proper and . legitimate means? After a long while of fighting to subdue the rebellion, and to behold the slavefree, the President came t) the conclusion that it was his right and his duty to issue a proclamation declaring. emancipation in the rebel States. [Applause ]. That, I think, was a proper and legi timato mode of reaching the point. It may be that the pro clamation w as'not absolutely necessary, but it was just, Mr. Everett, a namb always honored by Americans, [applause], and now more than ever honored while he is dedicating the dosing years of a vigorous age to bat tling for the cause of , freedom and Union—Mr. Evarett, in his recent speeches, has maintained that slavery is extinct forever in the United States, that the war is. urged against- the Union by the slave power of the ~ Slave States. There is a great deal of force in that. And certainly no Govern ment or nation could.be expected,to exert its power in'-crntliing a rebellion and at the same time exert its ■ power: for'-the preservation of the strength and life of the rebellion by sustaining slavery, [Applause.] The proclamation may not have been absolutely necessary, but certain it is that wherever the armies go they find the whole of the black population energetic and earnest, ready to guide to the: attack, ready to lead by nn f amiliar ways, and to render us other particularly vaiuabieservjces,in receiving fugitives who have been wounded in battle, helping them on their way, giving them information, glad everywhere to see the old flag. They say: “Thank God, fllaaea Abra hem’s'eome to set us free!” This population; amllf tS.-ore Is a Copperhead before me; if there is a Copper -.'head in this house;-if there isa membar of the Demo cratic party, I would ask that man if he wishes that population put back into slavery ? The natural sym pathies of our hearts, the natural progress: we have made, the natural sympathies of all hearts, the natural progress of the rebellion, would make us sore that slavery cannot remain where the Union armies march. Bo that the real objects of the proclamation are two-fold. It declares.what the President has a right to .order: and tnere records an appeal that should be read and. observed by all men,: that freedom is to be respected , by every officer and every soldier of the United States. [Applause ] The proclamation, is . right so . far as slavery is concerned. Wo at .more do we see in another’point of view? We , all remember that, we fkared intervention from abroad before, tbat proclamation. We all trnow that such a proclamation excited the sympathy of the hard working men, the thinking, liberty-loving men of the whole world, and make it impossible for their Govern ments to interfere. It was a great peace measure so far as the nations of the earth are concerned. We then looked at the question in that point of view. This vary. sympathy,particularly in Germany .proved a very pow erful support to our finances. This proclamation has caused slavery, in this country to ha despised over all the world, in all respects, and Ms wise judgment has keen apptoved by allmen. [Applause.] Iremember a lithe before the proclamation waa issued, it was not known how it was- going to be received Some of its . friends in Wash Ington went about serenading different gentlemen They came to me, and called for a epeech, I did not make much of a speech, but I said that “the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln was an act'which man kind would hold in reference, and honor till the latest generation.” [Applause.] I had not much to make np my mind about; J-had made up my-mind long ago. How, then, w) at do. we propose? We propose to recon struct these States, without slavery. [Applause. ] We propoi. e to bring them all back, without a speck of slave ry in ail their borders. le this wrong'? If there is one thing about it that is more remarkable than anotner it is this, that it is.tlie wish of every earnest loyal man in .Hie rebel States that it should be so. [Applause.] I have seen a great many of these gentlemen, and i have yet to mtet Ihe first man of them who didn’t say, let ■slavery perish that 'our Union njay live. [Applause ] They say- they would not live there it we bring hack these rebels with their slaves.. Andy Johnson could not stay in Tennessee if slavery was allowed to re main there; Hamilton could not stay in Texas These loyal men want to root out the cause or the war and that being rooted oat, from within their own boMers they wiil .eel per.ectlyaafe. Shall :wl. thm, SS . thcee Union menngainstthe rebels? shall we standby them, and give them institutions under whiek they can live? They cannot- live there if the slave oligarcbv is rest, red to power.. You can have nothing hnf war fo? them and .Tourßelves-long, bloody, and relStUess How,l would be Wiping to strike handawith auv of mv old popular sovereignty Douglas Democratic friena? SJSisattaSKWrsseSHS fillf/wlfh n l “f e the , “i an .haH got Mb hearUhnrougfay he cawMenstSh?Tf °Ti t < l6 Union, andreßolved to do all thismJ?t^f^i., en^;5l -, n ’ 1 Y°» Id be, willing to leave tinn il?" te blm. 5 What has caused the emancipa tbin Whathascaused Ihl slavery in Missouri ? Simply le ,?! c r,° D of loyal men that they cannot live peace fw? ?!}+ roxind about them. What lias caused which. I rejoice to X—? .o lpeople and soldiers* foritwili rvfJJI** 1 ** do to distißgnish the soldiers from the people : by the vote of her people has re/olred that hencefonvard slavery and involuntary servitude shall not exist in Maryland, [Applause. 3 How in Kentucky? r fz* l^ie Union men that I find are against slavery, i pa.*a tht m a visit the other day, and I found that, like you, they were alittle ahead of me there too. Chaugh ter and applaiise.J. I found them the most resolved aud' implacable enemies of slavery you could find any where. CApplause. ] They are slaveholders, a good many of them; a)me of them, however, said' c? We have not many slaves left, because they have en listed in the aimy, and some-have gone off to seek theh* fortunes elsewhere. [Laughter.) The** said we can get along without them, and we mean to get alon< wi hone ttem, because we mean thU Union shall live forever, f Applause. 3 They have thrown off their de pendence upon slavery rather than have she Union en dangered. Dm;t I make jmt the fact that the procla mation was wise and just, considored either as an emancipation or as financial measure? Doa’i I p ake out my case when I say- there is no safety or iKiior in any rfconstruction, except that which abandons slavery? In my judgn-e-ntthe Presidentnever paid avuer or trner thing than when he issued: that ' little document ,. 4 To whom it may concern, 75 saying tbat the rebel States, in being admitted to the Union, innd first abandon slavery. • [Applause. 3 It is in the logic of events. It is tbe desii e and wish of ovary loyal msn, became there can be no safety, no-honor, no liberty, nnlesfi slavery he abandoned. [LoudaPDlamft 1 Kcw then, feUoW'Citixocs, I think I have come to tlm end, andwemay say we are satisfied with our-nlatform because it embraces the two greatest ideas that can' prerented to the contemplation of the hurnen wS£a the Usion fit.st-Union.of all the States? goi?rn e <l hv£« Constitution, and by one utuform Halinnai r f meat, mfiifitsialfis-its- power at home, pd among the , —then freedom, freedom for ever? ir s ' lf made; [applause.] freedom wronvifr® th at texture of the Conatitntton of tha n ‘-pto B a proper amendment; [applause;] (I'f 8 beyond contingency and beyond challenging tho admiration, and “""hi; , envy, hut the. hope of all »*» onr ideas, Pmon and freedom nm,.' tfc [Aprtaose.l Why do we advoS'e S’ l i of Abraham Lincoln and Andrew jnuL *>« they represent these sacred ideas. ? ! together. Well, feUow-rtt'rensryonT**, i vania have not done exactly as we n “'•‘c in )v yon have done well, and we hope von deal better in November. Ton in PhilajS'Hii; l iously; how could yon do otherwise 41 f “'*4 League in yonr midst, the parent of in l V Leagues In the country? Go on from ,i • i: ' IJ doing better, and remember that while * pleasant to- gather in this hall to ii s C, il orators, we have also a higher dntv ir, „V4' that is work. We have a prospect in ti,2*^ .we must work for its attainment. We wi‘,l to( i jority; I know that there will be a major;}-, lift lngton, the mother oCHenrv Clay, and Johnson. [Applause.] Louisville jS lTti •will do likewise. I know the question W 2; ,-*>l;, of 'debate. I know there is no doubt at™;:?' 1 ?;- I, of course, do not knowhow many vote?‘At*, will get, though when the day of countin* that task will not he a difficult cue. rhai we want, and what X want with an inexiS V-l 1 * ing—what I desire above everything amir 114 1 this majority shall be so great,so overv,-*:, .i,'? I '■■■:. shall display the nearest approach to hom*' l *. that no man in Europe, and no man in have the slightest doubt about t>e and the resolution of the American tain their Government to the end. [Lend, ** Now, then, fellow-citizens, just go tower--,a"’, majority just as much greater as you ra, c 3 ' that there is nothing done, if anything . "’t, done. - Consider nothing ’accomplished tiuhi'C? 5 - ' not do a single thing, or can accomplish nothi, 3 Now our brethren are-looking to us. ■ came, after all his triumphs, into yourci’v , r soldier, and here you laid Um to -sleep his The last thing he did after he came into your 4 when he was nigh unto death, was to give {,£• freedom. [Applause.] We, too. brought the McPherson, and laid him .by the waters of which sh all sing bis everlasting chant. Let ries of these men inspire our hearts: dot vn,, brothers and sens of Philadelphia who hive H-a J selves down as privates, no less honored, ' distinguished, let their voices come up tons f r J! grave, ‘Men and brothers, we have done oar 4 this work; we have fought the good %hf: wf, perished for our liberties; we have done onr datv bids you do yonrs! Obey His sacred command Mr. Chase retired amidst great applause, hall, which was uncomfortably crowded and 5 began to thin off, and those who remained w* dressed by Hon. Amos Myers and others. Union Meeting- at ElUshntg.S. j, [Correspondence of The Tress.] EtMSBDKG, botcher 27, 13»/ A large and enthusiastic Union meeting wsi at this place, which is a few miles from Cacu last tight. Delegations from Morristown aiuj i donfield were present, and a spirit of .earns;, and saDguine determination most encourage prevailed. St. CIMr MeKelway, of Camdsn,“s f , with much force and acceptance upon .the the Union party, and against the designs an? forts of the dlßloyal party InNew Jersey. Mr. Eelway was loudly applauded; during the. pr of Ms speech, and was succeeded by HEr. Joj Morris, In an effective and earnest address. Union Demonstration at Woodbury, jf [Special Despatch to The Presss ] Woodbbkx, Oet. 27. —A large and entaasi, county mass meeting was held here tills aftcrni Nearly 4,OCQ freemen were; present* and the nj r decorations, &0., were of the most brilliant racter. Our town has known no such scene 1840. . Hon. F. % Frelinghuysen, Attorney Gem of New Jersey, made an exhaustive and logical a, gumentfor the Union. Hon. James SC. Scowl,® the State Senate, deUreredl an ; eloonant and vincing appeal, full of telling “hits” against to faction that rune a general (7) for President, at? fears to let his own soldiers vote. Edward SUpim Esq,* and others, succeeded with very affective' at dresses. ,1 r AHBnicAif . Legation rsr Xiohdos.— Mr, Damj R. Alward, of Aubarn, N. T., has been appoints.; to the Assistant'SeeretarysMp of our Legation!• London, vacated by theproraotion of Mr. BenjamlJ Moran to the Secretaryship, This Is, in all reaped a most unexceptionable appointment, for in. A}! wardj who has travelled several years in Etirsp* where he knows almost every diplomatic cliaraete worth, knowing, and is also master of many las guages, Is especially “ the right man in the rkv, place.” “Feom Hebe I She Two Milwons op i: Frieses.”—The Ifew lort Herald publishes 5 translation of an account of a visit to General jf;. Clellan by a Spanish curlosty hunter, which as. peared recently In a Havana paper. This visitit intimates that in the parlor he found a varietv 4 portraits of different individuals, including a", markable number of specimens of «Little ElaeV’ own pictures. There was “ the great Genera!” h uniform, with sword in hand, and the stars of Jjj 3 rank on his shoulders; there was “the great Genu, ral” photographed in the humble apparel of the citizen, sitting down in the shades ofpeaeeathosu there was “the great General” photographei' standing up like a bold statesman, with a frock coai 'on of the -most: approved pattern; there waj “ the great General” in bustleular aspeet engravel on steel; there was “the great General” litho graphed ; there was “ the great General” on horsg. back, the “ Little Mac”—the “ Juvenile Napoleon” of tho “ Grand Army of the Potomac;” there wi; “ the great General” in his tent, at some distance from the field of immediate operations; there was “ the great General” with his hat on; there vu “the great General” with his hat off; there was “the great General” in the bosom of his family there was “the great General” by himself; ia short, there could be no doubt of the great ness of the man, for if he had failed to mate a favorable impression upon the peo. pie, be had, at all events, succeeded is the most admirable manner upon paper. It wa> -not amazing that the Spanish visitor, on heariaz the approach of “the great general” comin” through the hall, should have become almost brent', less with.astonishment when, to use hisowniaa gnage, “he gave ns his hand like any other mor tal.” Such unparalleled condescension 1 Hoy could it otherwise than make the meek visitor fas' ‘all-overish,” They —the Spaniard and “the great general” aforesaid—had-“ a conversation;” this conversation proved that the visit s-a of “a purely confidential character indeed, “so confidential that he (‘ the great general’) sc-oj spoke in Spanish.” Who ever heard the like 1 Tib “great general” a polyglot! a philological prodiEj! a linguist! He speaks Spanish when engaged is confidential conversation! Cursed be the man who under-estimates education after this develop, ment. ; But they conversed upon national mattes. “The great general” said he was opposed tolls friends troubling “ themselves in mixing up forein affairs with the election question,” Listen to this, ve Fenians who are to regenerate Ireland one of these days: “Little Mac calls you ‘ foreign affairs,’ anl suggests to his friends that you be not “mixed up with the election.” The Spanish visitor being a “ foreign affair,” at once passes from the probability pending election, to the fact taken for granted—tii?> Presidency itself, and said to “the great Genera!:” “ There centres in you a great questioner admini strative policy.” “ I-know it-,” responded ‘ the great General, 1 and added, “I feel the weight of the responsibility.” Then “the great General” led'his Spanish visitor, Hs “foreign affair,” to / the ” hills. of : Orange. The day was fine, the sun shone in all its splendor, as if to mark the event, there was. a gentle breeze, all na • ture appeared to concentrate her beauty and her magnificence on that spot at that hour, and “tbs great general ” said : “From here I see two mil lions of my friends.” They could not be Seymonr’s “friends,” because McClellan, “the great general,” is opposed to “mixing up foreign affairs ” with the election. Two millions of pars and unadnlceratel friends must he a- fine sight. How could it bo de scribed ? Itis not. - The Spanish visitor left, or wa3 translated at that Interesting era of his existence; at least he ended his story at that point Piltsbm Commercial. PnMic Entertainments. Mrs. Emzabrth Bowers, one of the mast popular of all Philadelphia; favorites, will shortly appear at the Cheitnut-street Theatre, beginning with her new and highly successful pert of lily Isabel in “East Lynne.” In Baltimore, Mrs, Bowers’ performance has excited the interest of the largest houses, and none of all those who have so olten attested her- ability in our own theatres, can doubt that she will impart to her latest assumption the vigor, grace, and. sensibility which have dis tinguished her acting In many of the best parts of the drama. In the course of her engagement she will exhibit the range of characters in which she has been admired. Mr. J. S. Clarke.—The following criticism on one of Mr. Clarke’s best personations is from the N. Y. Express of Thursday. There is very little tragedy more impressive than its singular union of the pathetic and the humorous: At the Winter Garden last night was produced the comedy of the “ Sehool of Reform,” for the pur pose of introducing Mr, Clarke in a new r6ie,tiiat of Bob Tyke. We hays , long had an idea that there was something more in the scope of Mr, OSarfea’s abilities than the pablie had yet seen. Last night’s Eerformance convircad ns firmly of the fact. He as suddenly proved himself a melodramatic artist of rare—yes, rare power. It is not a common thing to see' Bob .Tyke rendered as it was last night, although It has been a common, thing to see it well performed by ordinary stock “heavy ” men, to use a theatrical phrase. Here was a comedian of the.uproarious, the burlesque school, with whom In our minds is connected the idea of an extravagant, face-making, side splitting farce player, who suddenly steps out Of his legitimate sphere, and, in a character which taxes all the: genius of a pathetic actor, baldly claims: a triumph at our handsy and we awarded that triumph gladly. From the Instant Rob Tyke, begrimed, bound, and desperate, entered on the scene, to the last joyous exclamation-which, bursting from his lips, briDgs the curtain down amid acclama tions, we were in doubt whether we beheld really our old favorite, or were gazing on a new artist, whose whole stage practice hadbeen In tragic parts. How natural were his leering smile, his Im pudent tongue, bis dull eye, his sodden face, his lumbering walk In the first act !' Did the Tombs ever yield up a more remorseless villain, did iustlc® ever grasp a more unpromising, criminal ! A more repulsive object—repulsive because It seemed less Hke acting than nature—we never-witnessed. Mr. Ciarse is capable of scaring to": parts unknown. SL la wf kt r r^ he has so often invoked. Had Riotous £ e® “ s avorite son last night he-would have suddenly become grave, and Thalia would have incontinently fled at the sight of a votary who bad forsaken her. for the dagger and bowl. ™ the finale to the first act that Mr. Clarkes success in this new undertaking was as sured. m the scene where he describes to Lord Avondale the parting between himself and his v , er ’ as “o sailed away on the convict ship, the choking utterance, the deep agony, were appalling; and when he sank in strong convulsions to the geound the entire house burst into plaudits at a triumph of the mimic art. Never did an'audlence enter more Into the spirit of the scene as, when the repentant fellow kneels to pray by his father’s side, SDd, afterwards, happy and joyous in his-new re formation, becomes the honest, grunt-spurning man. Of course, it is well known that every comedian possesses more or less of dramatic power. The lively appreciation of nature necessary for them to have in order t o be good comic actors'must extend to the dark and savage side of humanity, as well as to the careless and gay, \' r . - The New York Evening Post says: But all these dreary conventionalisms must be endured, and are well worth enduring, to sea Clarke's remarkaole personation or Bob Tyke, an uneducated Yorkshire; lad, rather more- vicious than virtuous. .In the first act he Is a dirty, sham bling, , leerul £i impudent scamp, but even in this condition shows traces of a better nature. His ‘school of reform” is the meeting with his old father, whom he had long thought dead, and whom he roba befora recognizing Mm. Here was, perhaps, the ereat point of Clarke’s personation of the part. It “showed dramatic power ofithe high est order; It proved—what every One knows, but what few really see exemplified—that humor and pathos are near akin, and that a finished comedian •must possess many of the'elements wMch go to make up the great tragic actor. The part of Bob Tyke has but little of the funny in it. In the earlier acts of the play It Is repulsive rather than droll; and in the latter it is really affecting. The contrast between Deßoots and Tyke, asplayed by Clarke, is one whicA shows not a mere versatility, but a com mand of both schools of acting which but few living "'Press', Clarke’s Bob’ li, moriovefonl whibhwt ' ficisllefl studies of character nonSbirf?^ SBO , m t 0 be taking the place in f OTmer iy a-warded to the broader and ooiftedy of the Burton school. It is » S » aot *“* which the two leading comedians ioa ? stage—Clarke and Owens-pwu- which demands on the part of .ffo2- Clor j? 101 ? Intellectual than merely physical bMoi ’ afih - substitutes for bodily contortions and •5S ,a \STimaees the quleier yet more difficult and enective delineatlSn - of various phases of humid character. Assembly Buildings.—' This evening the exhi bition of the wonderful stareoptlcan will be esoiu*- slvely devoted to statuary. .The last exhibition take place to-morrow evening,
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