Auguji $. It has been reseatedly aflrrted, and never denied, that the violent oppofersof the new Treaty, *re in vet<frately hoftilo to any Treaty whatever With Great Britain—this will enable us to aceoiltit for that stream of virulent abuse of the negotiator, which has run from Portbiwuth (N. H.) to Charleston (S. C.)— also for those misrepresenta tions of the Treaty which have raised such an effer vefcence tn Hvc minds of many well disposed but mifinforined ciu/.ei'.s: A correspondent fav« th t the opponent* to the Treaty of Amity a>d Commerce between Grcit feritjiin and the United States of America, have made l.m-t complaint# agAinst Mr. j#y '(whole x.:al for the intereil of his country cannot reafonnhly be O'.ieflioned) on account of an. article in the Treaty AV |,icit giWs a right to aliens to hold lands in the tLiited^States, 'if we vviil take the tiouble to ex sMmeiqTTJsws est r<tinTyi»<ima, vrc man ti.iu that the lcgiflatui e of this Plate framed a law of tkir own accord, similar to this article in the Treaty, which has been faftioufly attacked, for the purpose of ad vancing the itjterefts of Pennfyltania. It does n*t fait the plan of diforganizers to fuf fer the people to reflect coolly, to reason and decide deliberately -, but, as nothing;violent can be (he gust fuddcnly raised, will obfeure the rays of truth and judgment but for a IKort leafwn only, the fun of vvifdom will emerge fuvm the clouds, and a more fereme and splendid daj* will succeed, than if th* hcmifphcre had net been eve'reaft. It it affeftetl in the Aurora of this morning, in £oli tive rernis, that " The Prtftdciit has net put his Signa ture ta the 'Treaty t" The Aurora jays "the merits of the Treaty appear Jo !>e deferred by its advocates" —Why will not the Editor of that p;:per, permit hi» readers to judge for themfelvts from the writings of tKofe who defend the Treaty ? The friends of the Treaty, are the friends of trtith, of the Government; they wilt! for nothing more than that the people fhotrld fee, read and judge for thertrleives. The merit! of the Treaty are not aban doned—The twenty Senators who advised the Prcft fjent to ratify it, I' i worthy of the pub lie confidence ; they enjoy that confidence—their merits -s legislators, and as private Citizens challenge this confidence—and if America can hoaft of fupirior talents and integrity, they are yet to be exhibited. These men we know, they deliberated before they decided; bu: who knows their (lariderers ? and where were they, when these Senators itood in the gap of dinger ? In modern phrase a Patriot is not one that loves the Governmeat of his own country in preference to that of every other, because it is a free government, a government of the people's chafing—But a. Patriot is a Democrat —one that serves his country gratis, having nothing else to do, nothing to lo'fe, but every thing to gain—he cries up th: majesty "of. the people, while Ue constantly reviles the majority who do not support bts perfonat and irtdjvid.ua! majesty. Who are Men of those who fought in that year? by rio means—-The heroes of that day are the lirts of enw and (lander. —Our '75 gentry are prin cipally children of.that year, or new Citizens —who neVer refqued an hair of their heads in the caule of American Independence. These are the '75 people of the diforganizcrs. Married on Thursday .last, bv the Rev. Do&or Helmiith, Mr. tUiuy William Mulvknb-rg, son of Frederick 4- Muhlenberg, Esq. to Miss Maria Sheaff, daughter of William Sheaff, Merchant. Married last Thursday evening, by the Right Rev. B'fhop White—Mr. Thomas M. Willing, of this-C.ty, nierchant, to Miss Jane Nixon, daughter of John Nixon, Pfq- . ... . . D'Vd, yelierdkV* morning, of a lingering and painful ill icfs, which he bore with' uncommon r'e fignation« Mr. William Reese, in the 22d year of his age. To a numerous train of relatives, who have-to regret his loss, may be added that of an ex tensive actjiltiintr.nctf... His disposition was of the nofl' amiabie kind ; equally fufeeptihlc of the gene rou? effufio'ns of friendship and generosity ; where ever 'at formed ai acquaintance, he procured a friend. fiut such is the general lot of humanity, that the poflVffion of the moil endearing qualities, cannot save from a translation " to that Country from whole Bourne no Traveller returns." • •From the (New-York) Miner-OA. ' VINDICATION TREATY , . Or Amity; Commerce, and Navigation, with Great-Britain As. IX. Art. XVIII. Th'V is one of the articles in thr treaty tohich gives great offence. The obje&ions to it are— " Th«t it enumerates among contraband goods, timber for rfiip building, tar and rozin, copper in flieetS, fails, hemp &. cordage, and generally what ever may serve dircttly to the equipment of vessels, unwrought irbn and fir planki only excepted ; and that it admits prOVlfions, in certain cases to be con traband," contrary to "nil our other treaties, and even contrary to the treaty of 17&6, between Gieat- Britain and France* J frankly acknowledge that no part of the trea ty is more vulnerable thin this ;—no pait can fur nidi more ftibilantial groundsof complaint. This article proceeds from a ilridt adherence on the pari of GrMt-Bn'tain, to e»ery part of tKe law of ration*,, which favfcrs htr ftiperiority as a great maritime power; and its dtfenfe rests on the inabi lity of our envoy to procure i relaxation of those law*. The.time for negoclatiiig this artiste was ur>fa- Ureat-Britain, always anxious to prefcrvc her na tation, is now engaged in a moll inveterate war vith France, a war on which her very exigence kpenJs, and at this time, will not yield one clause of the law of nations, to abridge her own power of crippling the naval force of her enemy. This is a fixed point, and oui envoy could only admit the article in that form. There were but two alterations ; both of which would result in th<j fime consequences to our trade.— is idea is an important one; If the article had bee* reje&td by «ur minlderj Greit-Britain hat, and a&aally txerctfts, the right by the general laws of nation*, to consider .all those articles contraband and to declare them such, when fce judge* that by these mcani.fhe can reduce her ehcrky. If the sir title wa* received, it could-give no,greater latitude to Great-Britain than (he enjoyed before. Which ever alternative our envoy might choose, our trade niuft be fubjeft to the exercise of the fame right and to the fame embarrassments. If the right of treating all the articles mentioned as contraband, results from the law of nations, and if Great-Britain will not abandon that right, is it not better, in a treaty of a temporary nature, to accfde tri the right, and enumerate the articles which are liable to seizure and confifcation, that our merchants may know the law, and avoid lodes, tHan to fdffer that right to' Aarid on the law of na tions, which is less known, and which might ex pose our citizens to'heavy lolfes ? Every liberal man mull wi(h to fee the si -fd of in war uarr«wcU ait much as pofUble : but if we cannot circnmfcriWe that field, is it- not of great importance to our citizens, to mark <fut the ground with diftinft lints, that every man may dillinguifh it and fliun the danger ? Every rational pcrfon will fay, it is ; and this is the effect of this article of the treaty. 1 know it has been contended that timber and trdvifions are not, by the law of nations contta and. Cut Vattel, a modern French writer of the highed authority, includes them among contraband g®od*. His words h: e, " Commodities particular »iled in war,- and the importation of which to an my is prohibited, are called contraband goods. Such ate arms, military and naval stores, timber, horses, and even provisions, in certain jun&urcs, when there are hopes of reducing the enemy by famine." Book 3,- ch. 7, Sc£t. 112. The words naval ftort* includes cordage, hemp, tar, roy.in, and fvcry thiug that serves for the 9- quipment of (hip* of war. In the treaty of 1786, Great.Britain and France had excepted naval stores and provisions from the lift of contraband article*. That treaty is annulled by the present war ; and in a numeroit* collect ion of treaties now before me, I find no indance of an enumeration of naval ftjref, as excepted from contraband, by Great-Britain- But naval stores are generally left bv that nation, as contraband by the general law.of nation*. The right to conlider them so, can be abridged only by trea ty ; and Great-Bri.ain, at tlii* momens will consent to no fucb abridgement. Some people fay, it is better, to let this point •eft on the law of nations, than to admit it in a treaty. This is merely a matter of expedience ; but if the fafety of the merchants property is con- ulted, it is unqiieftionably better to have the con iraband articles enumerated. The (lipulation* in the 2d and 3d clause, of the 18th article, arc in favor of neutral vefl" Is. The agreement that when provisions are regarded as contraband they (hall be paid for to their full value, with a mercantile profit, freight and demurrage is a rule of direction to the captors, that may prove favorable to a neutral trade, fubjefl to be embar rafied by powers at war. And the provision of the lali clause, that neutral veffcl* entering a blockad ed port, not knowing it to be blockaded, shall not be seized and confifcated for the firll attempt, is equally falucary and favorable. Art. XIX, This article provides against the ill usage which the fubjedt* of neutral powers are liable to receive from the commanders of (hips of war and privateers. This article is common in treaties—it is in nearly the fame words, as in all our other treaties with foreign nations. But it will be of muth more use between Great Britain and America, as it will operate as a prohi bition against impressing American seamen on board of Englifll ships. It has been objected to the tiea ty, that no provision of this land is included in it. But the 19th article is a direst prohibition of this praftitej On account of a sameness of language, ft is de sirable that some effedhial mode might be devised to diftinguilh American from Britilh seamen. It might be of -importance that American seamen should be provided with certificates of their titizen fllip, under thp seal of some public officer. This doubtless dtferves the attention of our executive, perhaps of Congress, as not only British comman ders, but French also, have mistaken American sea men for British, and our citizens are thus exposed to injuftiee from both parties. It has been objected that the bonds required of the comma'nders of privateers to indemnify petf»ns injured, are not larjje enough—the l'tims being li mited to 15001. fterlinjr for ftr.all privateers, and 30001. ftcrling, in cafe the privateer carries more than fifteen hundred men. It is fufficjent to fay, in answer to this, 1 hat few cases can occur, where damages to a greater amount will be incurred : and where the bonds do not secure the damages, a com plaint to government willinfure any further claims founded in jullice. It may be observed, that this elaufe of the articlc is copied nearly from a similar one in the treaty of 1786, between Great-Britain and France. The sums limited by that treaty are the fame ; and will probably be found equal to all necefTary pur poses. The lift clattfe obliges judges of admiralty, in cafe any fcntence of condemnation has been pro nounced agaiuft refTels or goods, to deliver on de mand authentic copies of the proceedings to the mailer, lie paying (he legal fees. A stipulation of tliis kind was necefiary j as instances of delay and refufal of such copies have been experienced by our citizens during the present war. The 20th article is iifual in all treaties. It makes provjfion for guarding property from, pirates or re* storing it to its proper owners—*a provision of mu tual benefit, to the contrasting parties, and liable to no objeAiom A T o. X. Art. XXI. This article prohibits the fubjefts of tile contrast ing parties, to commit a<3s of hostility sgainit each other—to acccpt commifßonsfrom a foreign prince or state, enemies to tVe.otW pSrty— iof eniift tlienai into military service &C. and declares that the lairt again ft such offrnce<:AlaH be pun&tially executed. The law »f the United Statei, pasTed in June 1794! enadt the penalty of a fire, not exceeding 2000 dollar*, and imprisonment for the foregoing ofFen ces. The fame article of the treaty makes it piracy to accept a foreign commifion or letter of Marque, for arming any privateer to aft against the other party. Thi» is prohibited also 1 » the fame laflr of the Uni ted States, under a penalty of impriioriment, at the discretion ot the court, and a not exceeding 5000 dollars. Wfiiii-fhe Ireity firft appeared, this article exci ted much acrimony. It was confidercd as pointed at the military manoeuvre! of a late French minister, who had attempted to excite Americans to war a gainll the Spanilh settlements, and to privateering agajnft Great Britain. It was supposed to rellrain Hitkiight of expatriation ; a do&rine firft propagated by the fame Frenchman, to evade the law of nations and n do&rine which never would have entered the head of our citizens, had it not been taught by that artful sophist. In giving their decided opinion a gainlt this article of tlie treaty, many rash men found themselves in a dilemma, when they were informed that the article was in our treaty with France. So eager were people of a certain fa&ion to con demn the whole treaty, that they would not give themselves time to be informed whether it was right or wrong. But when they came to be told that they were retrained from taking foreign commiflions to aft against a power at peace with the United States, by the ackaowledged laws of nations, by an express flatute of the United States, and by an article in all our other treaties, they began to blush for their hade in giving opinions on what thty did not understand. No articlein the treaty is more re(jui (ite for the pesce of our narion, antJ none mote con formable to the principles of justice between govern- ments. Vattclfays, a " nation ought not to fuffer the citizens to do an an injury to the fubjedts of another (tate, much less to offend the State itlelf. If you let loose the reins of your fubjeft* againfl foreign nations, these will behave in the fame manner to you ; and initcad of that friendly intercoarfe which nature has eftabliftied between all men, we should fee nothing but one nation robbing another." B. 2. ch. 6. " 1 account associates of an enemy, those who assist him in his war without being obli-red to it by treaty." B. 3. ch. 6. A nation is not accountable for every aft of an individual citizen ; but if a state or nation openly permits the citizens to take patt with "the enemies of a third nation, that third nation hat a right to ronlider that third state as making a common cause with its enemies, and to declare war againlt it of course. The peace of neutral nations depends on the prohibitions ef this article of the treaty. It has b«en objected to this article that it is un conllitutional. as it creates the crime of piracy, when the power of defining piracy is veiled in Congtefs. But the aft of Cnrigrels before mentioned, admits the right of the President and Senate to defir.t pi racy in treaties ; as the 9th fedion enacts " that noting in the ait shall be conttrued to prevent the pmifecHitton or punishment of treason or a piracy de \ fined by a treaty, or other hw of the United States." Nothing marks the partiality of a certain faction more dittinftly than their objedtions to this article. We have had a similar article in our treaty with France more than 17 yeaTsy and in our treaties with Sweden, Pruifia, and the States General, more than ten years, and not a fyflable of ohje&ion was lifpedagainft the principle. People did not gene rally know that such an article exilted. But the moment our government treats Great Britain with the fame measure of juftiee, as we had before ob served towards other nations, our Jacobins begin to clamor. It is this popular partiality for France ; this dis position to favour every thing French* at the ex penfof every principle of jultiee and equity, occalions all the difficulty our executive has encoun tered in preserving our peace* and in aea»mmodat. ing our differences with Great-BritaiY Nay more ; this partiality displayed on all occalions, and to a degree highly improper for a neutral nation, has been a principal cause of the abusive treatment our seamen have received from Britilh privateers. It is agreed on all hands, that our interelt as a nation is fuper-eminently concerned in preserving peace. But how can peace be fccured, unless we treat the powers at war with impartiality and jus tice I Vattel obftrves, "A l eutral nation delirous fafely t-o enjoy the convecriencies of that state, is in all things, to /hew an exadt impartiality between the parties at war ; for Ihould one nation favor ano ther to its detriment, that ration cannot complain if the other treats it as aa adherent and confederate of his enemy." Our people have indeed a fine apology for (hew ing a preference to France ; that of favoring liber ty and republicanism So far as the French fight for national independence, against the combined poweis, they are engaged in a just and neceflary war, and the wishes of all Americans must be with them. But people who think Francc has a repub lican government, or any other free government, are egregioufly mistaken. Nor is there as great a profped of her establishing a republic, as ther* is that (he is dobmed to despotism, or to be fpltt into a multitude of small factious democracies, perpetu ally at war with each other. People are therefore, in every view, urruftifiable in aiding any of ihe powers at war in a manner not warranted by the laws of neutrality. As we value our own government and the prosperity of the coun try, we are to avoid every ad which can commit out public peace. It in ra/hnefs and madness to com bine *urintereft with any European power in such a manner, as to be drawn into their political conten tion*. The pretence of aiding the cauje of liberty is a mere artifice to catch aur padions. If the na tions of Europe cannot drfend their liberties, we cannot be anfw«rable for their ill fuccefj. We aid tb'eni fce# ky our peace and our induflry..- , The 2 2d article ofthe treaty stipulates that in cafe iitjurmw damage on of lide or the other, nei ther part jf Will authotizit lyprifalj, until a liatcmcut of the fame, -irefified b>' proof, Hi all be prefentejJ to the other, and fatiifadtion demanded. Ihisfti pulatio'n is an exa& conformity with the law of na tions; and U fuppoited by principles of policy and juliice. The provisions in the 23d article arc well r.dapted to advance the intentions ot the contrasting' parties* and are reciprocally beneficial. I lie pt million of American reflels to enter prohibited ports in c«f< of diltrefs, is a conceflion ciJiifoimaW; to the law* of hospitality. The ohjeftion trt the clause which enjoins a re'f peft to be paid to Officers according to tiieii com miflions, can be raised only by men who are defti tnte of the civility, which enjoins that refprct- The 24th article prohibits foreign piivateers with commilfions, from a pr*,ice or Hate i* enmity with cither nation, to arm or lcll prizes in the ports of the parties. The 25th article makes it lawfgl for the fliips of war Biid priratcers of either party 10 enver the port* of the other, without F>eing liable, to be searched, seized, or detained, or to pay admitaity tecs. Thele Imputations are also in our treaty with Francc ; and no well grounded objeaion has been made to them. Some fuperficial people have sup. posed that they clash with our treaty with France, there is an express declaration th .t thrfe.ftipu lations shall not be construed to operate contrary to forme exiUing treaties. And if no fitch caution had been taken, th* treaty with Great Britain could not hare operated to Jthe prejudice of France ; for it is an express law of uations " That 3 fovcreign' (or llate) already hound by a trenty, cannot makt others contrary to the firlt. The things about which he has entered into engagements, are no longer at his disposal. if it happens that a poflerior treaty it found, in' some point, to cwtiadi£l one that it am ienty the neiu trf/ity is null with rcfptS to thatp nnl—This relate* to treaties with different poweii." Yattel, B. 2. Ch. 12. Se£h 165. So far the fears of people are totally gronndlcfs. But the following elaufe has excited acrimoniu* marks. " The two parties agree, that while they continue in amity, neither of them will in fu'nre make a treaty that (hall be inconsistent with tf i» and the preceding article." What can be the ob jection to this clanfe ? 1 lie laws of nat'or?, snd the rules of moral judice, forbid a £.<te to make a subse quent treaty to infringe a prior one. No nation can do it. The psfTage just quoted from Vattcl is exprefled to this purpose ; and the claiitc has done nothing more thin convert a mora} obligation into a contract, a law of nations into a Courrntional law between the parties. Stipulations of this kind, like flatutcs in affirming of common law, add the fane lion of a positive contrafl to an implied one. No new obligation is created ; a., agreement of J his f ort may be considered .-3 lfrengthe*iog the M one. 1 he 26th article proridts, thsr in cafe of ,„r Mertfhants m*y continue to lefnle in the r«W tI ' dominions, behaving peaceably—and in cafe ,h r fr conduct shall render them fulled, the te twelve months , s ,lWd .0 fettle tJ,*,7 aao.m,r a „d remove their families and efllr , .. . r able proTifion and highly neceflary, bctw,.,, "Z tries lo exteni.vely conned in The term of ix months for removal, is Jciiger than is usually allowed ; the term generally dfigij treaties ;s 6or 9 months. ' k To the two last article., I prcfux.e, no ohW, ttons are made. _ CUftTIUS. rp, th ' A *<"* Extraordinary. The Sun of the .6th contain, pro, ending. in the Hour, of Commons , nd of , W> of jJ _ fervation, f after fJ eob . fervations referring to a report on llie petition of certain perfoiw Grenad f a,J Sr. Vl , J^ g , JV* report docs not appear, moved, " !r Ut "u *?' lreU - Panted to hi* mar-fly, requeuing that his maj citv wi „ b , ed a order exchequer bills, to an anuu,,, \ ? ™ ceeding the sum of one m,l!,\,n and a:l .ffued to comm;ffioneri, to be lent „ut to the mer. chants and p aniers , n the fcid ifl, l)ds , on certain fc- Cut it ic« or pledges, 4cc. &c." ■ A Tl "f T'«r U -rl " k "B th >' «*"«■■ on the fob. jea of the Well-Indie*, cwrftrft of the ..cuerals adequacy of their force, & c on whi h made, by Sir W. Dolbet'. m ° U ° n " riiat there tjr laid before the House the ap. pointment of Lieut,-nan,. Governor Deicarre Jh his letters to (he minittrr* • rl- n lord Sv.lm-v I r 5 "°l<>n/ba»ce» to J »I r' consequent letters of rcca ll . and the corrcfponde.ee of the Li. ut.nant-tW nor who Iticceeded him." oorer- the T n h e C gSve" CClk " ***** it ' Rndl ' t *»<** >'» l'he Aultrian loan bill pafTed. Prince«f Wales's_ debt then came on the tap,",.- , ° 14 bllJ > ort! " '"K tiic furn of i r nonl Pricc'S.' 0 Coa, ? iin " Be ' liquidating the ? rtnee s debts, quarterly, paflVd Bito i a On motion of Mr. Fox, to pofW .here of parr of the revenue tf the JD'icl.v n n • paffedin the negative > ° f Cornwa «' " A motion of Gen. Smith's, rcfpedlingthe prince'* right to the proceed, of this ditch y fronj his birth After various a.mcinJuie-nts i 'si • j * C Si ? r\V\ t rheaext WednTfday*! appointed so,- tV V-V 'us """' l * con >""''«« w" rjiw ( |ebt« nr . j- . ln "3'lire from lncar nit-nt for their b y P arlli " > r " WHM, M,c "^ „f Mr Pttrr C-,1 „' l "t Ojibu J.futiLtt in the hand* timore. J , 1 °* J ?" U h < ft™" *» any p e rf»n, b\ abfiiw. to fvin Lydam, who live,atjrini,,. ItlaJi. * J.ji Tl ' . J "good TiL J' Tl S -* ry ' 1, 0 r ? , , 't * "<*-n"r. country d-wclling -7f' " and.n orchard of rood fruit. aonfiLt > k " " 30 or 4®acrii aituUoa T 'sbf b 7i ' """ " k <"" "'<•* TZ'rZrtZZ" <*——» -*k Mr,, <■ DAN IE J. CARROLL. Montgomery, County, J unt ' *■', ' Thclan)lU " **««« tiro merchant milt, on; ditto* <*e mdc, tit ukcr ujjom/ig, jmicif.
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