m >11 LAWS or THE Unite jo States. jhi ACT to amen J the act entitled "An uH to rjtaHijb the Pojt-Ofiee arid Paji- Roatli •within the United States." Sec. I. BE // eitaHedly the Senate i*f Tloufe of Reprvfenltirives of the United States of Shntrua in Congrefi tiffcmbled, Tliat tlit following be, and art hereby eltablifhed as Poll-Roads/ namely :— i rom Pittllown in the dillrlft ot Maine) to Wifcaflipt; and from Hallowell in the laid di(iric\, to Norridgewurth : Fiom Dover in New-Hamplbirc thro' Berwick,to Waterborough Cour.houfe, and from thence to Kennebunk : From PorthnoOtk. throifgh Dover, llochti »er, & Moiilt»>nborough, to Plymouth ; and from Plymouth to Portsmouth, by New Hampton, Meredith,Gilmantown, Nottingham and Durham ; the poll to go and return on the said route al ternately ; from Filhkill hy Newburgh and New Windsor to Gofheii : From Coopers Town by Butternut creek and Oxford Academy t» Union Town :— Fom Piper's, on the poll-road trom Philadelphia to Bethlehem, by Alex andria to Pittfton in New-Jerfcy: From Biownfvilie inPeiinfylvania to the town of Washington : From Reading, by Stinhury, and the town of Northum beiland, to Lewifourg, commonly call ed Der'ftown, 011 the Sufqnehnnnah: From Bethleherti to Wilkfburgh ill the county of Luzerne : Frqm York-Town, through Abbots' town & Gettifburgh, to Hagerflown in Maryland ; ai d from Hagerftown, through Williamfport, to Martinfburg in Virginia : From Anna polis, by Lower Marlborough, to Cal vert Courthouse, and from thence to Saint Leonard's creek : From Bladenf burgh in Maryland through Upper Marlboro' to Nottingham, and from thence to the town ofßenejiift : From Belle Air, in Harford county, Mary land, to the Bhck horse on the Yoik and Baltimore road : From Glouceller Couithoufe, inVirginia, to York-town : Fiom Powhatan Courthouse,' to Car ter's Ville : From Charlottefville, by Warren, Warminller, Newmarket, A in herit Courthouse, Cabellbtirgh and Ma dison, to Lynchburgh : From Wiu chefler, through Romney, to Moor fi.lds : From Charlotte in North-Caro lina, by LancafteY Couithoufe, toCamb den in Soutn-Carolina, and from Char lotte to Lincoln : From Beards-town, in Kentucky, to Nalhville in the terri uth <>f the river Ohio. «7 - * ■ ■ - Sic. 2. Ami &t it further cna&eti. That nftead of the road from Fayetteville, by „uiriberton to Cheraw Courthouse, the O'.te 01" the pail {ball be on the matt (li cet road from Fayetteville to Cheraw »our;houfe : and that the Postmaster Ge -1 ral (hall have authority to discontinue he post road, from Lumberton to Che •au Courthouse, and from Hager's town o Sharpfburg in Maryland, i'hat, if in he opinion ot' the Poll-master General, an lite ration in the poit road from Cumber and in Maryland, to Morgantown in Virginia, and frorfi thence, by Union Town in Pennsylvania, to Brownsville on the Moiiongahela, could- be made more conducive to the public interest, than the preknt route, yet so as to afford the fame accomodation lo the said places, he (hall be authorized, with the consent of thepre fent centrador for carrying the mail, to make luch alteration. Approved, February the twenty fifth, "7 9S- Fir the Gazette of the United States. Ms.. Fknno, THERE is no general law that does not inteifere with the wishes, pursuits, intciell, or disposition, of particular per sons or denominations ; this is incident to the condition of human nature— hence it results, that if the feelings or arrangements of every class ef citizens are to be consulted and accommodated by the legislative body, in enacting laws, we must abandon the hope of continu ing civil society. It mutt be conceded, that every community poffeiTes in itfelf the power of providing for, and perpe tutting its own existence—and this ne ceffirily implies a right to adopt and piirfue every measure, which in its na ture is heft calculated to contribute' to that objeCl. ' Tiiere are certain principles insepa rably connected with humanity, which require scarcely the fmalleit association of j 'eas to appreciate them ; hence men !n i savage .late, annex the idea of property to theit acqnifitiops, and are tenacious of life and natural liberty ; but, of civilized exigence, they have vei y co 'ifed if any conceptions. In a state of focicty, founded on the principles-os civil freedom, what a dif ferent state of things is.presented ! All :3 the relult of comparison, association and com jination. Mere, hurtfan flafure, by the aid of reflection, is advanced, tven under the rude ft forms of citil government, one grade high£r in the scale of being—: Knowledge lays the foundation of liber ty—and by its genial influence alone, fan it be preferv<rd. Experience has fHefc-ii in sm ages, that the will of the nation is alone competent to preserving ' and perpetuating that knowledge, i'he i government rtiult fay that the people fhail be inftiufted ; and remif9ncfs or negledt on their part,- m this momen tous concern, is to abandon tire mod essential intmfts of thefr *o'ftftitnent». There is no part of the Union in which' a variety of feels and denominations do not cxift ; but in tome of the ftatci we behold the happielt eiTt&S resulting ftom a general prpvilion by la'W, for the education of all elafles of the people.— In this state ? particular defciiptions provide for the inttrnflionof their chil dren, agreeable to their own profefiion: It cannot be supposed, ;hat in this en lightened age, any reftri&ious will ever be conceived of, much lefseßafted, that fhnll deprive them of the right they now exercif* ; but can it be denied that the aggregate of those poor of every denomination, whose children get no education whatever, does not amount to fijeka number, as to demand legifla- interference in their favouV ? No human being ought to grow up in igno lanen—No wife community will aban don any proportion of its members to filch a fate—policy, economy and juf (iee, forbid it : But how is the ex pence to be defrayed ? I answer, by those wiio receive the benefit—the community at LARGE. Encreafe knowledge, and you diminish ciimes ; diminilh ciimes, and public expences are leflened a thfeufand fold. Shall the bachelor, who h;is no children, be tax ed to support public fchot Is ? Why not—(hould not every one who enjoys the benefits of a well ordered society contribute his proportion to the «x ---pence incurred to obtain them ?—But must particular societies be doubly tax ed ? For superior advantages, real or imaginary men will generally pay chear fully—The republic must betaken care of, and when it is proposed to do this in the cheapeit manner, no just cause of complaint can exist. The Quakers, ! the Germans, the Epifcopnlians, the Prefhyterians, &c. if they fee proper, may have their particular seminaries— and God' forbid that the Legiflfcture should ever lay nay : But still it will not he denied, that government have a duty to perform, unless it can be made to appear, thai the means of common ItaminjT, (That teaming absolutely ne a'iTarv to confl ;, rorj ~ free community) are accefiable to the children of the poorest man among us. Public Schools, supported by a ge neral tax, should be founded 011 gene ral principles. All denominations, ex perience (hews, may he inftrufted toge ther—no feft (hould have a preference, nor so much as ever named—Know- Jedge and morals are of no patty, and may be inculcated into the minds of children of every persuasion, without tincturing or biafling their religious pro pensities. Let the advantages resulting from educating the poor, be counterba lanced with the expences of ignorance, and fee if the plausible obje&ions to Public Schools of a writer in your yes terday's paper who signs " A Parent," do not kick the beam. March 26. SIXTH LETTER on PARTIES. Addressed to the People of the State of Neiv York. IN my fifth letter, I undertook to prove, that the fpiiit of party wag re pugnant to the operation of law, and to the spirit of republican government. I trufl there are few, in this enlighten ed country, who are disposed to under value the republican system. Many anxious doubts and apprehensions have indeed been entertained with refpett to its practicability for any extensive pe riod :—Such doubts have principally arisen from a view of the fatality which leems to have attended the republics of antient times :—But if we trace their with but a cursory rye, we (hall discover that party spirit, in one fliape or anottier has been the most general and most epeiative eaufe of their def truilion. If it were necessary to the plan of thisenquiry, it might be remarked, with little danger of-frror, that many of rhe defers in tl;e org;im7ation of all the antient republics, which were naturally adapted to promote party-spirit, are in a great degiee remejied in that of the United States, by the multiplied im provements in theory, by checking and fettering the passions of men, and by er.ten.ling and eltablilhing the dominion of thr laws Let us carididly conclude that party-spirit does not grow out of the original and native principles of re publicanism, but out ot errors and tor i options with which those principles have no neceflary coniwfti«h ; and let us not too easily be led away, by im posing examjUeSi, to depreciate and Jel pife principles, which have never yet been fairly tried.—Will any still in lift, that party-spirit is the natuial offspring of republicanifrti ? We contend that it j is its na;ural enemy : It is a contrary power forever pbftrufting all its vital Operations.- Too long have the princi- ' pfes of liberty been disgraced by being associated with those offaithm: The auoeiation is as imaginary as it is mon- 1 Urous. We think we stand On fti*ong ground while we Aiew you how repug- | nant and how hostile the properties of party-spirit arc to those of pure repub licanifrtj: And if upon examination it is found that party fpiiit is not an in nate, primary quality, but a foreign, adventitious and monHrous corruption ; surely all true republicans and all found patriots will unite, not only to coqdemn but to banilh it.—fFew indeed are so hardy as publicly to advocate the party fyftern; biit main' suppose we mult submit to it as a necessary evil:—ln this view the policy of many able men has been, not to attempt the abolition of parties In general ; but to maintain the interests «f their own, as being in their estimation the just and catholic one, and as pursuing the true interests of the slate:—Such men, in their mo ments of calm reflection, will ptofefs to abhor the principlei of the fadlious fyf tern, and to deplore its fatal tffeils ; but immediately they will go and a£t as if they were its greatest friends:— Such are either rtere pretenders or they are fubjeft to that common prejudice, which attaches all the opinions and sen timents of men to the fide on which they aft ; and leads them to pronounce againll the views and policy of their opponents the moil unqualified condem nation. You have seen in my lad letter how contrary the operation of party-spirit is to the 'operation of law, and in that view, how inconsistent with the spirit of tepublicanifm. Let us proceed in the detail we proposed. One of the primary and most important .principles of a republican government is— that the .public _good or general interest of the commu»ity supersedes all private or per sonal interests, and is the grand objed. to which the public ceunfels.aud the regard of individuals are invariably directed. On this principle all public depositaries of power mull represent the' people. Many govern ments, both ancient and modern, which are rive iij. this principle: It is a glory (perhaps referred for the American Constitution to bring it completely into operation. This constitution, although complex in its form, & unequal in the apportionment of its official powers, is undoubtedly, upon true popular principles, the purefl in the world. Subor dination is an artificial thing : It is a matter of mere pra&ical convenience essentially ne cessary to facilitate the discharge of the pub lic fun&ions: It does not affctt the rights of the people ; in the view of which all public functionaries, however various their station in the government, Hand upon one common level. There is neither prerogative nor pri vilege known in the system ; nor is there a particle of the spirit of monarchy or arfto cracy in the composition : In it all power it rcprefentative, all office an occasional trull, all authority responsible : There is no man, no class, no order, no portion of the commu nity, whose diftinft interests it is the (land ing policy of the laws to prottd and provide for. 1 owe this digrefEve eulogium to the constitution of my country; than which I know nothing in the world of political sci ence, more worthy of our admiration or af fedli®ns. Bnt to return —In a season of modera tion and peace, the principle I have above mentioned will be operative ; and the fa crifice of private interest to the public good will be more easy and natural: Foi in a regular government the ordinary re straints of the laws will be fufficicnt to check the ambition of any individual who is not powerfully supported ; and at a pe riod when the public mind is in a state of tranquility, the ambitious msr can hard ly reckon upon being powerfully support ed bteaufe atfuch a period, the afiecSi ons of the people are more diffufed and less violent; because they are naturally less indisposed to allow any pretentions, but such as the laws authorize, or a long conrfe of meritorious services have efta blilhed ; and lastly because they have cool er judgments to discern, and more inde pendent i'pirit to pursue, the public inte rest, without a demagogue or a dictator : It follows, that in such a state, what is called influence, that is, a secret power which individuals have over the minds of men contrary to the operation ofliw, will more rarefy prevail : whereas in times of internal dillention, thepeople are nothing without a leader: Their plain sense. and well meaning integrity are found inade quate tothe|difficult energy: a different fort of talents become necefiary—addrefs, cun ning, courage and intriguing industry, and afeducing eloquence: They have lit tle other political agency, but what con fifis in ranging themselves under their se veral commanders, and marching en camping, attacking or retreating in exadl obedience to general orders. Undi,r this difcipiine, and with the splendid qualities of their leader always in full view, the 1 people learn to fove and obey Fhey form their of the public good through the ftiedium of corrupt confidence : They mistake the interest of their party for that of their country, and finally the interest of a single individual for their own. Thus without any legal or official authority, one or a few individuals frequ£iitly usurp a degree of popular confidence, which is due only to their conftituiional rulers: controul the measures of government and obflrudt the operation of law without re fpon Ability ; and thu< t( e public good is facrificed to personal ambition. All this i> inconliftent wilt the principle's and spi rit of repnblicanifm, which allows of no exercise of power but What is delegated by the people or recognized by the confti tuticn. Another principle of republie.tft go vernment is that the tendency of all pub lic operations is to maintain polifical e quality. Some have presumed to question the foundnef* of this principle but they have never dared to do it, without firft per verting its sense. Political equality may consist wtih personal inequality. It is not only compatible with, but eflential to a fvftem of equal rights, that a man Ihould enjoy the fruits of his talents and industry. The personal advantages of men, honest ly acquired, can never affedl the rigfits of others: But personal advantages when they are appllied to dishonest purposes, and whe« they interfere with the rights of o thers, as is common in times of party dif fention, become inconsistent with the prin ciple of equality. When parties prevail the political liberties of men are lurren dered, with incredible facility,to those who least deserve it. By means of ftiperior ad dress, a bad man directs the will, diflates the votes and usurps the rights of thou finds. This superiority is gained by art, not by merit: It is won from the pafiions, or forced from the fears, not conferred by the judgment or the ccnfcience : It is there fore incompatible with political equality. Again, it is a principle ofrepublican ifm that no power is to be exmifed, but what ii created or recognized by the con ft it ut ion and laws. This has been hinted at above. By means of influence, an individual enjoys and exercises a power of amazing extent and energy ; a power which often controuls the laws, instead of being controuled by them. No person, who looks into the hvftory of parties, can fail to observe the great authority of cer tain men, who arenotfeen in the offici al catalogue, who have receivtd 110 try ft at the people's hands, and have no res ponsibility to their country. When par ties prevail, an opposition is eftablifhtd, those who represent the people support the laws and are protected by them ; those who are in opposition have need of aid and support from other quarters : They naturally have recourse to secret yrr >>■"'*» ■tftffffiinents and inlhtutians not Recogni zed by law, in order to have the force and advantage of joint opeiation and concert—thry form clubs, correspon ding committees, and societies of vari ous defcriptfonsJ—they affurae the mock solemnity of legislation, and in their pro ceedings, affedt to imitate the majesty of a Roman senate : the leaders of these afTociations adlually strive, by dint of /kill and perseverance, to a conspicuous elevation, from which they sometimes menace the conltitutei authbiitks of their country. Air this is fubftantialiy a dangerous ; but it is a cri sis to which the party system naturally leads. Further, it it incident to the fpiiit of a republic to promote and maintain the union of the citizens. Ihe operations of a popular government proceed on the principle of general consent and agree ment : The facility and perfection of these operation!, therefore, will be in proportion to the perfection of this uni on. Again, union is also necefiary for the fafety of the state. Weakncfs al ways follows division. A free people rely upon themselves alone for protecti on. All external and auxiliary power is dangerous and But, without-a (landing military force, a di vided people is totally defenceleft, and with it, they arenotfree. This is their distressing dilemna. Look thro' the volume of hiflot-y. Ambitious invaders always begin by sowing diffentions and creating parties. When thisis efFcftcd they often find one party ready to deli ver up the other. Having pointed out some of the grounds on which patty spirit appears to be incompatible with the spirit and principles of republicanism. I (hall refer to future communications the consider tioti of ths other evils both political and moral that are incident to the pre valence of the party system. CONSTANTIUS. A Meeting of the Proprietors of WHARVES is requeftcd on Friday Ev ening next, at 7 o'clock at the City Tavern, in Second street, to receive the Report of their Committee, it is hoped,that every Pro prietor,will attend as the Bufinef? is 01 much importatce. ■>' March lb NATIONAL convention. Report & Pnj fio a Deci e, prtfent ed in Nivofe, [the latter end ofDec. J by Johannot, in the name of the com mitteca of Public Safety, General Security, Legiflalion, Comn.erc'c and Finance*.' On the Means of Relloring the Finances and Public Credit. Received ly the Maria and tranjlated for the Aurora. Having dispelled the tempests which darkened the political horizon of France, you wish at length to secure to the na tion," which hat eutrulied in your hands her fate and happintfs, the leign of order and tranquility j you wish to be made acquainted with our situation, our means and resources, and found a just government on an immoveable basis. In order to execute a project so wor thy of you, you will not give your at tention to a few insulated parts of the work but take into view the great whole. Particular laws upon the finan ces, commerce, and agriculture, howe ver wholesome tl\ey might in tUemfrivc* be, would be of little effect, unitfs tend ing to a general fyflem of reform and amelioration. In order that the mnu es of govern ment may all tend to a greet And ufeiul end, it is neceflaiy to embrace at one glance all the objtdis of legiflaiion, and to examine in fucceflion t eir liepend ance on each othtr and relations. all the great oje.aionsof go ernn e its are connected wall the lubjeft of finant/e;—to finance, thcre fore, o-r firll attention flituld be turn ed : Agriculture, commerce and public credit will next deserve confideiation. External relations will then call for our care. The puhlic'opinion, and t! « neceflity. and means of fixing it will le objects worthy of attention. Theft iir.poi lant qtieflions will perhaps lead to.the dilu tion of fevetal othi rs. If we find, that our political evils aiife principally From the unlleady conduct of government, we (hall remedy them I.y giving it more liability.— We do not come to give rife to fears, iror to difcouragc your ge nerous iiite.nlions : All the eriurs can be edfily remedied, and for I his very reason we fear no' to unveil thtm. Europe combined agar ft us flies be fore our liiumphaßt armiej ; we fliall not fear to speak before her of the fault* we may have committed. The avowal announces the intention to repair'thtm. May it be a pie'age of njtw v'fturies to us, and for our cjisiaifiu. fi&nal of new The firft financial question, thar which at thepreient moment occupies the pub lic mind, is that of the'encna'e in the piiee of piovifions and muvl.andize. The general opinion attributes the difagrecable situation we find-ourfelvw in", the depreciation of our exchange and all the inconveniences that follow it, to tbe great quantity of aflignats in circulation. This opinion is grounded on the principle that, as soon as the circulating medium is increased, the value it represents decreafcs in propor tion, and that the price of provilion* rises progressively. Some imagine that the root of the evil may be come at, by withdrawing a certain quantity of aflignats from cir culation ; leaving the circulating niaf» equal to the mas« in circulation in the old (late of things. This Opinion is somewhat founded; it cannot be denied, that'the exCeflive emiflion of aflignats may have a dan gerous influence upon the opinion at tached to their value, and that a good would arise from a diminution ef fected with prudence, by means approv ed by the ftridteft principles of equity. But let us not deceivc ourselves, this partial measure can have but a limited effeA : It can only palliate the effe&s of deep wounds which must be probed in.order to product a complete cure. The aflignats, whatever be the a* mount in circulation reft upon a mqit. gage, the value of which encreafes while they are multiplied. It is to that progreflive and conef pondent encreafe of the republican mo ney and price of national property, that weowethe inexhaustible resources which have astonished Europe, and prepared the triumphs of our 14 armies. Prudence requires, that ue {hould hazard nothing which can- diminish the confidence in our paper, or the value of the property mortgaged for its redemp tion. The least doubt raised may have consequences the mod deplorable. Ex perience hps but too often pioved, 'h,it even in times of tranquility, any blew at the circulating medium of a country produces commotions the most danger ous. Those governments that have d:md to try such mcafurcs, have generally I
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers