T FIFTH LITTER, on PARTIES. /JJrfJptl to the People of the St.Ue of Nov Tori. IN my lift adrlrcfs, I enteied into [nine and practical definitions ill order to present to youreye a preeife jind »liftin£l image of the fnbje£k which I have u idertaken to examine. By p.irfuingthe spirit of parly iti-IF, in its operations, we are belt enabled to judge in i: i etfeitd. 1 ha*e Rated, that ttte species of par tits niolt natural to a regular and free government, is the mixed Jpccies ; in tliillig indeed, in ita temper and cum flexion either to the real or to the per lona!, according; to circumltances con neded with the fpfrit of the laws or the j habits of the people. In this view of 1 the fubjed, therefore, my remarks will piincif>a?!y proceed. In attempting to rtjew that the pre valence of party fp;nt is inconfilfent with the true mterefts of society, we la bout under the fattte difficulty, whieh einbarralfes us, when we apply the rea soning power to fubjefis of univej-fal and lcnfible impreffioti. T4ie illudnui • ons of trgument seem almpft thrown away, when thev limply accord with j the perceptions of the senses. Tliofe I have iiule need to be convinced, who forcibly feel. The unhappy efFects of party spirit are ftiongly vilible : they fl.irid confefl : they are evidenced in t'lt complaints of all virtucAis men ; in the forced acknowledgment of those who labour to support and perpetuate the party system. Mere a (Tertians and finiple deferiptions of the evil influence ot faction meet a ready af'ent in the si leyt and painful confcioufncfs of the fulFererg : btit.filent cwmplaints do not produce reform. The of the prrfs ate.re-echoed by the murmurs of the people 1 ; Hill faction triumphs o ver their bell imprefTions, and holds them fact in her magic circle. Under , this view of the futility of flight a"nd fit- j pevficial applications to a wc*;nd so so deep, I commenced the present en- i cjlliry ; and this (hall be my apology 1 for pursuing it so extenfirely. I expedt no positive or final luccefs from a single effort : but my ambition would be, to open the field of fair examination, and to excite a spirit of general enquiry ; in order, that our ideas and views inay aiTtime a confident and embodied form, and that we may be enabled thereby to make the more vigorous and deeifiveex citions. Let us proceed to (new that the prtyaletu-r of party spirit' is incoti iiftent with the cleared iiitereits of loci ety. In the firft place, party spirit is in compatible with fume of the edential principles of republican government:— One of ihtfe principles is, that all (hall he fnbje<s to the controul of general, Handing laws, and nothing to tiu? occa lional itapulfcs ol arbitrary will. With out this principle free Hates could not fxiil. The people, even in frnall foci cties, if governed by thejrown arbitra ry will, would soon dellroy their own liberty. L*w; which is but the ex pietfion of the steady will of the people, is the pn!y power v.hich can protect them. They cannot rely upon expedi ents, for they have neither the capacity to judge, nor the power to apdly them: Their lafety and welfare will be in pro portion to the exterfive and equal ope ration, and to the permanency of the la\ys. Two objtfts, therefore, are of high importance ; that the hws ftiotild be a j>;tl and faithful expreflion of the public will; and that they Tnould be permanent and Heady in their operati on. This joint principle forms the* perfect union of liberty arid order: it is the secret of an evcilalllhg repub lie. Again, it should be a main design in fundamental institutions, to provide,' that the public will be consonant to the dilates of found reason, as-well as that it shall be truly and faithfully expressed in the councils of government. 13ut how shall the public will be agree able to reason, when the public mind is under the strong itnpulfe of flaflion and prejudice ? Reason forms just ellimates of our fubiljntial iiitereiSs, by a compa rative and calm furvry of objedts, with *11 their attendant i ircumftances. Pafii on creates deceitful vilions, and imposes falfe cflimates, by confining us to fin ale ohjixta. and eo-'fiirplc point* ol view—Reason buujs us to the foclety, by (hewing us the Itrong relations be tween our intciefts, and those of our country ; Passion divides us from it by ohfciiiirtr tliote relations. In a fiate of nvdcrniion and peace, reason alwayi affiimrs her high t'ontronl ; paflion al ways triumphs in times of f. cfton and diffention. There is only one in which a state of violence induces a fa criikcof partial to general inlcrcft : It Isthe eafe'of external wan War in volves otir'partial and joint interelts in •mr common danger. SucH a facnfice is natural. But the tendency of party spirit, is the very reverse. lu party liflentions, to support the partial inte reJl is .the very objedt of the violent ope ration. Fa£lion nmirifhes a felfifhnels of the worlt kind, a lellilhncl# founded on the malignant passions. It follows from these considerations, thai while party spirit prevails, the ge neral will of the people, venerable as it s, can rarely ensure wi dom, purity jnd ju(lice in the public adminiitrati- un. Another great enquiry is, how fhnll the puhHc will be ascertained and colletfed ? fiiia m one of the uioft difficult, as well as most important operation#, in govern ment. It is not a mere matter of nie i cbamcal llciil —Much will depend upon the temper and habits of the people. Wife legislators, when they have provided, in the flruiflure of the system, the most sure and convenient channels, thro* which to convey the sovereign will of the people have done but half thetr work : a greater and nobler effort of genius is to provide in the fame system, a principle of re-a&ion and moral influence upon the people them selves, in order to form and model that will, according to the eternal laws of vir tue. This may indeed be in part accom plished by a mechanical operation. For example, one ot the highest improve ments in constitutional theory, is to divide a state into finall difiriils for the purposes of eleilion : But what constitutes the me rit of this principle ? chiefly its tendency to exclude or.check party spirit. Faction delights'in large combinations under a An gular form j in setting a mass of people in motion : in drawing a thousand points of excitability to the touch of contagion: It derives its firlt infantine nourishment from the more domestic relations ; but as the mqnfter arrives to a more'vigorous growth it requires a stronger aliment, the j pioduifYof a wider harvest. A favorite | ohjeft of 'great legislators has ever been to guard against the dreadful evils of par ty-fpirk. To this end, they have by eve ry poflible means, calculated their institu tions to promote and indepen dence among the people ; to exclude cor rupt influence ; to temper the paffiotis and to improve their habits, by educating them in the moral school of the laws. But to recur to the question, how shall the general will of the people be colledl ed ? It can be done only in times of mo deration and peace : or in particular mo lne.its, when they are fubjeft to some uni- 1 verfal impretfion of common danger, or labor under some palpable opprefiion. T he will of the people to be just, muftbe general, the result of natural impreflion and calm refleflion. When parties pre- ! vail, the general good of tjie whole socie ty, is out of fight ; for this one pielan choly reason, among many others ; a mea sure of iniiverfal utility must embrace both parties in the circle of its benefits ; is to tally inconsistent with that spirit of rancor and hatred, which poffelles the breasts of both. So deadly is this spirit, that an es tablished taction will freely facrifice the 1 pei fonal advantages and enjoyments of the individuals who tompofe it, in order to in- j volve its enemy in the fame facrifice. ; j This is indeed a strong position , but I ask | and the supporters of the party system will ! answer me in the triumph of conscious | re&itnde, or with the blush of guilty re gret, if they have never advocated mea-' fures inconsistent with the general good of the people, betaufe such measures were lie- i ceflary to enable one half of the eommu- • nity to gain a vidlory over the o her ; if ! they have never opposed a measure of ob vious utility, because their political adver firies would participate in its benefits. — True ; the party leaders are ready on all occasions to hold out to the view and em braces of their deluded followers,—an image which they call the public good ; it is the ltandard, round which to rally.— But it is in truth an empty phantom, com pounded of mifchief and error—the eye of reason looks thro' it, and fees the wick ed mechanilm of sorcery under its gaudy garb. The public good and th<> interest of a failion, Itt that ta&ion appear in what shape it will, are totally incompatible.— 7- The public good excludes the idea of a part a! interefl, and with a partial interest a fa&ion cannot exist. When a community is split into two great divifiors, which is the aiflual state of things to which the party spirit system in clines, the public good is a fubjeift justly underflood by those calm and philosophi cal patriots who, retiring from the scene of diflention, are equally free from rhe influence of paflion ai»d the ftimulut of interest. But in such a state, what is called the will of the people is a mere fic tion. The true* ill of the people must approach to unanimity: it mult accord dwith tl«eir true interest*, which are always toe general, esmprehenfive and in definite to be confined to any diftinft por tion of the community. It will avail no thing to fay, that the will of tke people is determined by the voice of a majority. It is an outrage upon »ur common under ftaniting and feelings. That a majority ißonld govern is a rule founded on dire ne cefiity ; and where does this neceflity arise ? from party spirit. Look into all le gislative bod;es, at a period when parties run high, do you not fee all questions of public polity, tho' ever so various, tho' everfo fimpfe, tho' ever so momentous, dneumd in the tone of hostility, by par ties disciplined, officered and drawn out in martial array ? Do tou not fee these ri val armies generally well matched in num bers, in prowess and flcill ? Do you not re v.flory often determined by the treach-- fvof a leader, the loss of a msn, or the capture bf a poll : Whit is the prorefi of coUedtng the public mind, under this Cor rupt fyiiem, but a method of recruiting for the field ? What is legislating by bare majorities but tyranny and usurpation ? It is only a means for one half of the state to triumph over and oppress the other. If it becomes the eftablilhtd system,. it is not to be endured : It-becomes an outrageous and habitual facrifice of the natural inte r'efts of the people to artificial objects with which (hey have no concern. The only remedy for this great evil is the extinction of party spirit. / Again, the measures of government, in order to e.ipreli the true wilt of the peo ple, mull be uniform j for the interests of thcpeople are uniform : they reft on prin ciples and circumstances which are lubje£t to few changes. But, where a state is rent into two' factions* the public measures will fluctuate with the fiigtheft accidents, with the occasional variations in the suc cess of the several parties : instead of being fafe and permanent, they are expoied to all the rifles and casualties ot the ocean and the enemy ; to day a fyttem is eftablilhed, to which the habits of the people may ai fimilate, under which, however vicious it may be, they may find protection, it not felicity : to-morrow, it is levelled to the ground by a fmgle vote. At one moment a measure of general policy is adopted, as just and ntceflary ; at another, it is con demned as dangerous and absurd. Can this be the will of the people ? No ! It is the will of a rival power ; a power unre cognized by the principles of a free state, and unknown to the constitution and laws. It appears then, my fellow-citizens, that wherever party spirit prevails, the mea sures of government can never be uniform and steady; can never reprelcnt fa'.rly the national interest, nor express truly the na tional will it appears then> that the operation of party jpiri: is direikly repug nant to the operation of the law, which delights in ditftiling equal and universal benefits, and abbbrs uncertainty, partiali ty and a fludtuating policy. It appears in fine, that the spirit of party is the moll 1 bitter and dangerous enemy to the princi ple* of reptibli can government. I (hall pursue this brandy of the enqui ry in a fiibfequtnt letter. CONSTANTIUS. \ ' From th't Daily Ahirtifir. IT is certainly very fair to conclude, that as the Democratic Societies have undertaken to-jndify their inditution, the reasons we have seen are the best if not the only ones they had to offer —Of these judications, that of the committees, conventions, and congress es, exiding at the commencement of our revolution, and of the order of the Cincinnati : appear to be their princi pal reliance—lt is therefore proper to consider these fubjcftE, in order to disco ver how far they app'y to' their cafe or whether they apply to it at all. It mult be obvious to every person of common reflexion, that upon the sud den overthrow of a former government there mud necedarily be a certain inter val of time, between that and the orga nization of another fydem, in which for the preservation of common order, and the efficacious operation of revolu tionary measures, the community mull have recourse to some .temporary expe dients, not warranted by the (trifled principles of municipal law—Especially when these operations take place, in the face ot hodilities with an inveterate and powerful enemy. This was precisely the cafe at the separation of the American colonies from the dominion of Qrcat-Britain— 0»r committees, &c. were formed, or exilted only duiing the season of revolu tion, or until a- more regular system could be adppted—The ancient go vernment was totally unhinged—and we were in a date of war. But for the expedients which were applied, we mud have been in a date of compleat anar chy and a certain prey to the enemies of our liberties—lt ought however, carefully to be remarked, that the com mittees and conventions, &c. were as freely and fully clefted, andby as great a majority, as the nature of exiding ca lamities would poflibly admit—And as soon as a regular plan of government wasdigeded and received—we heard no more of committees or conventions Such was the virtue, wisdom, and true I : patriotifmof the whigs of seventy-six I and seventy seven. Now if our coun [ try is again in a date of revolution, or if our national and individual calamities, | aic so insupportable, as to call fpr the J immediate proltration of government a , gain—or b« this as it may, if the socie ties do mean at all events to destroy it why then it mud be acknowledged they have been happy in their allusion or have hit upon the right expedient. But if we are not in a date of revolution — and they-are not resolved to dedroy the government, then their reafoningon the score of our committees is entirely groundless—And as they could not be ignorant of fadts of so recent a date, their fuggedion can be regarded in no other light than an intended deception upon ihe credulous and unthinking p ait of focKty or a poweiful evidence that their objed really i»,or was, the annihi lation of the prefect eonllitution. The obfervationj / of an individual might be received with leJs weight, if they were not supported in the fuileft manner, by the convention of this state in forming the eonllitution, and by de clarations of the provincial congress u feventy-iix In the preamble of the constitution, ve hate the following words : " Whereas, the many tyrannical ufur jations, &c. on the rights and liberties jf the people of the American colonies, iad reduced them to the necejfity of in :roducing a government by CongrefTes and committees, as temporary expedients," Bcc. This clause is very explicit— ind am'ong other things, (hews, that the convention were either fearful that llie committees, See. would attempt to prolong their evidence and influence, after the formation of a regular govern ment—or, that they looked to polteri ty, and meant to give tl<em a caution, or edablilh the principle that societies of a political nature, not founded on the moll prefling national necefiities such as the fubverlion of former govern ment, which is a revolution—ought to be avoided—lt is no disparagement, ti: fay, we have not better whigs at this day, than the members of that cOnven iion—and I am lure there were araonj them men of greater abilities and know ledge, than are to he found in the De mocratic'Societies from one end of th United States to the other. " And whereas many inconveniences, &c. attend the mode of government by Congress and committees, as of neces sity in many instances, legislative. judi cial, and executive powers have been veltcd therein, &c." If the conventions and committees, which were ele&ed by,and acted under the authority of the people Were deem ed even in time of war, improper— what mud be thought of our newly indituted legislators. Thtir conditn tion speaks of Statutes, Laws, Crimes, Trials, Judgments, and Punj/lment.— They are even ftiled a Legijlature and the three cardinal powers which were deemed improper to exid in one and the fame body by our convention, aie all centered in one mass, by the de mocratic focicties—and that not by election, but felf-creation—And conti nued, after thzy have been .denounced, not only by the Reprelentatives of the nation—but also by nine tenths of the combined wisdom, virtue, patriotism, numbers, and wealth of the United States. Of this texture is the condi- i tution of France ; and it is ftridtly con formable to Jacobinical principles—at the fame time there is little doubt that a combination of powers in one fet.of men has been thegreated cause of their unequalled calamities and anarchy. In the partial fupprefiion of the Ja cobins they seem now to have a little respite. But 1 never will believe that such a government will hold together long, until 1 fee it. A very facetious and cunning wight ot Mr. Franklin Bache's correspond ents, declares those societies were ere£t ed, to support government—That's a good one : and is a certain proof that he has not been of tlie cabinet council. This Wight has attempted to introduce a correspondence with me alfo—ln the firlt place he mud pay the podage; otherwise the carrier «ill as before, have his labor for nothing. In the next place he mufl let me know his place of abode, &c. then perhaps by a personal communication he may be saved the trouble and expence of an epidolary correspondence. By an after clause it appears that our provincial Congress, tho by the people were so prudent that they would not further interfere with the concerns of the people without a new authority or another election. It would be well if our democrats had a little of this consideration and delicacy. In faist if they would anni hilate the federal Government at once, and then rule us alone; the thing would be more comfortable; for as any Go vernment is better than none ; so two Governments is worse than any. In the 25th order to' {hew that even where power ;has been exer cised by the representatives of the peo ple and acquiesced in by their condim ents, if it has not received all the for malities of a deliberately organized sys tem, it may be ferupled, they authenti cated the proceedings of the CongrefTes &c. by a conllitutional fiat. I think it mud be very evident that the pretended analogy of the democra tic iocieties to the committees &c. of our revolution, is not only totally un founded ; but by the investigation calls upon them by every argument of social virtue ; political wisdom, and that equa lity which is thekey (lone of democra cy, to adjourn thtir societies as has been done in Vermont •, fine die then, and not till then, w.l! tl kc Ti f t v: - believe that they had it in thei to lap the foundations ccllent system of Governn prop up the totterinjr baf< deralifm. - AnU:t - Wo». WIttCOCKS. 1 ' Latejl News from From the Aurora. Late last evening the Editor was fa vored by capt. Waldron, of the khoi. ner Maria, from Bordeaux, with a file of Paris papers for December comply Copious extradts froirj them will a;,pear iii the Aurora with all expedition.' l„ the mean time, we thought it would be acceptable to our readers to fee a sum. raary of their contents, Which we there fore liow translate. PARIS, December 15. Motion of Lecoinfre against the 26 aflaffing set free by the revolutionary tribunal,: [The-famous revolutionary committee of Nantes J Decree of the Convention on that ftibjcft, ordering those twenty-fix individual* to be again put in prison. Motion of Bourdon de I'Oife against the revolutionary tribunal: decree ordering the juries end judges of that tribunal to be fnfpended and repla ced. A considerable quantity of rtirr. chandize transmitted to Paris hy the reprefentativrs of the people at L'Oii- December 20. All the horrors committed by the infamous tribunal of RoWpien-e re vealed. Infurie&ion in the island of Guadaloup e. ' December 21. Denunciation of Clauzel against Col lot d'Hevbois, Vanllaud and otheis. Decree on the reorganization of the re volutionary tribuxal. Important news from the Vendee and Nantes. Return of the and other rebels, to the (landard of liberty. December 22. Gregoire's fpecch on the necessity of eftabli/bing the liberty of opinion in reli gious matters : decree dii that fubjedl. Departure of the French fleet from Toulon, in otder to figwt the emmics of the republic. Arrival of fev- ,1 French commissaries in Italy. Neg -on be tween England and the Un d :ate Result of the conferences . i; British minister and the Air mi. baflador. Important foreign December 23. Details on the manner in \ juinais [one of ihe moil d charadlers among the n mt scribed by the municipality the 31ft May, 1793] f"><-ei himfelf tinder the protedtion ( tl»e 1 prefentatives near thecoaft of Cherburg. False rumors spread 01) purpose, that the Convention ir,tended to recall the emigrated officers of the ci-devant royal corps of marines. Interfiling defsils of the death of Condorcet. Important ; report on the three committees ; on the abolition of requiti.ioos; on the prohi j bition of exporting cafli ; and the law of the maximum. s December 24. Letter of Pache, the Ex-Mayor of Paris who demandsto be lent before the revolutionai'y tribunal—The law of the maximum repealed—Neeeluty to per mit eveiy citizen, to adore the authoi i.f nature in the manner lie plealts. December 25. Capture of the Dutch fortreli of Grave on the 74th of November. December 26.. Interesting details concerning the lif ter of Charette, the chief of the rebels who remained at Nantes disguised as a seamstress during the whole time of tie war of La Vendee laftt d ; mincnt ser vices rendered by that woman in persua ding the rebels ta return to the republi can family of Frenchmen. Another vidtoiy of the army of the Ealtern Py rennes over the fpaniards. December 27. Decree enjoining the committers of government to present this day their re port on the conduct of Collot, Barrere and Billaud Varennes. The powder magazine of Landau blown up. December 28 Decree ordering that tUe condnfl of Barrere, Collot d'Heibois, Billaud and Vadier, (hall be examined by a com mission consisting of 21 members ap pointed for that purpose by the Con vention—Speech of Barrere an d'Herbois againll tl eir accnfe ; ' of Boifly d'Anglas on the ttr ; make an end tot he revolutions' men*,and fubftitutea governt adapted to the genius of a fr* Decree on that fubje'ft. Angers of one of the princi" of the rebels with a confidcn bcrofhis followers- jV.'JFK V <}£*
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers