4 THE CONFEDERATE HOUSE. How it Retrenched by Adding Thirty' four Employes to the House Pay Rolls. Reduction Confined to ecutlve Departments. Ex Plttsburf Cdmra erclal. 3 The Democratic House of Representatives, at Its last session, cut down the working force of the. executive "departments so much that the necessary work cannot he properly done. The papers and speakers of that party have also as sorted over andi over again that the clerical force of the Hon and the former number of employes were In addition greatly reduced, and a large saving accomplished therehy. But the facts, as compiler! from the official records of the House, show tthat this statement Is utterly false. A comparison of these records shows that the Republican House of 1874-5 had only eighty-one officers, clerks, messengers, and em plbyes, while the " reform" Democratic House of 1875-fi had on! hundred and fifteen. Under the Speakership, the comparison ia as follows, the new offices in itnllcs : Kenubllcsn. 1675. "Reform, ' IflTB. Speaker. Speaker's Secretary, flork. Special Jfctfttnger for .Speaker. Total 4. (Speaker. Breaker- Secretary, Clerk. Total 1. This addition of special messenger to the Speaker was a (totally needless extravagance. In the Clerk's office, the following is the com parison : Kepnhllcan. The Clerk, thief Clerks. 1 Journal Clerks. File Clerk. THslmrsIng Clerk. T.illv Clerk. Vrlntlns Clerk. 3 Reading Clerks, a Engrossing Clerk3, F"t!tlor, Clerk. ew jpai'or 'lerk. 2 MilM"lry Cl'-lkS. a index ' l.'rts. Reform," IS78. I lie I lerk. r hlef ( lerk. ''"irnat ( l-rli. File Clerk. IMslmrsliur Clerk. ;Tnlh- Clerk. ; Vrttitlngf Clerk. i Heading Clerks. :S Knc,ros1n Clerks. Petition ( lerk. Newspaper Clerk. ; stationery Clerks. 4 tinier f leiks. Tota: 2J. rtai i The turuiug out of office cf the assistant journal clerk by the ' Reformers'1 was u blun der. In case the journal clerk is ever sick, even one day, the official journal must stop, unless provided for. In the Sorgeant-at-arms' office the comparison is as tollows : Fepuhliej'l, 17 f "rueant-at-anus. Cl.-k. J!esenger. Total 3. I il Reform.' PTS. ereeant-at-arms. rii-rk. f;iing Teller, Messenper, Total 4. There w as no possible need of a paying teller. The office is simply a Bourbon extravagance. In the. office of the Doorkeeper this is the com- parison Kenuhliean, UTS. ! " Reform, " 1676. 3 Doorkeepers. Sap't Folding Rooro. CMipt'sDoc. Room. Fi!e Clerk. Clerk to Doorkeeper. lt Messengers. Total 23. 12 Doorkeeper?. !?np't Folding Room. 2 Slot's Doc. Iloom. Kile Clerk. ' 'lerk to Doorkeeper. 1 t.'t'rks Folding Room. ?,5 MfenQtr&. Total M. There was no reason whatever for any in crease of clerks and messengers. Enough for the Republican House was enough lor the De mocratic. " reform" House. Iu the office of Postmaster of the Houre, the comparison is : IiepuMle.111, 1675. I "Reform," ls'ti. 2 postmasters. 12 postmasters, ft messe;iyer&. j 14 ntMaenoers. Total. 10. I Total. 16. Here, also, the Increase of messengers wr.s a useless extravagance. In the. clerks to commit tees there was a large increase made by these Democratic " retreuchers." We give the com parison : Republicans. 17S. j "Reform," U76, Clerk to committees. 27. iCIerlcs to committees, a. Below is a complete summary and compari son Republican, 1875. I "Reform," 176. 3 Speaker's office 4 Speaker's office. ier s omce f ergeant-at-arms Doorkeeper .23. Clerk's office 20 . 3 Sergeant-at-arms 4 .23 1 Dooi keener 33 Postmaster.... ..10 Postmaster 16 Committees 27. Committees . Total 80 1 Total lis In the face of these facts what right has any Democrat to talk about retrenchment and re form In the Forty-fourth Congress ? If a Demo cratic Congress and Prcsidenfshould be elected this fall the people will rind themselves saddled with the expense of new office created by the hundred for the benefit of voracious Confede rate office-seekers. Let the taxpayers take warnlDg. On, tes! they always receive Northern men with open arms in the South and endeavor to make their stay very pleasant, especially if the Northern men go there to settle permanently. Here is what the Greenville Enterprise, of South Carolina, says about it editorially : " The Democrats everywhere have by words branded the Republicans with infaniv, and called them thieves and scoundrels. It ill be comes a Democrat who thus speaks to associate with men whom he thus denounces! Gov ernor Vance once asked lien Hill how it wat that Georgia had got so far ahead of North Carolina iii puttingdown Radically. He replied the reason w as very obvious. " When a mau of social position Joins the Radical party In Georgia wc not only brand him with infamy, but we put him in Coventry, and all sociaiyntercourse with him is broken off. But in North Carolina you meet him and treat him as you formerlv did ! In the one ease he feels his infamv and" is de terred, and in the other he does not.'" This re mark is worthy of all consideration, and let every true Democrat act on it. PENNSYLVANIA HOLDS THE FORT I Hdqrs. RrrtTBMOAN State Committer, Philadelauia, October 14, 187(1. To the People of Pennsytmnia I Elcveu years after the overthrow of the re bellion wo flud tho men who forced It upon the country again preparing to seize the Govern ment. It Is the old Confederate army united upon tho old Confederate heresy. They have sever abandoned their cherished idea they still think with Mr. Tllden that ours is a confederacy, and not a nation. They have made lilm their candidate because ho never abandoned the de clared conviction that "the Constitution of the United States is only organized revolution," and that " any State has the right to snap the tie at Its pleasure." This was the heresy that fired the rebel gun from Charleston against Sumter In 1861 J and this is the heresy they are remarehalled In 1878 to re-establish. To this end, thevhavecrushed out Republican opinion in every Southern State. To tula end, they have made the white Republican an out cast, and tho black Republican a vassal. To this end, coercion of Republicans Is their stern discipline. By force, their Confederate heresy is again the cement to make a iSoffd South. The Confederate army is far more united to day in the. new ctrort to seize the Government than It was fifteen years ago In the mad effort to destroy it. They are still aided by their sympa thizers in the North. They have concentrated the struggle upon a single Issue the revolution of the Government. They sink every other ques tion out of sight, and thus they teach vs our duty. Shall they recover by the ballot, conferred upon them by Republican magnanimity, what tlicy lost on tiie battle-field lu conttict with the people they betrayed! We have met and vanquished their assaulting columns five times since the first Tuesday of September, 1S7H In Vermont, Maine, Colorado, Ohio, and Indiana gaining ten 'members of Congress, electing live Legislatures, including that of Indiana, which even the rebel raiders from Kentucky were not able to capture. Democratic, victories in the South are only evidences of Democratic terrorism over Repuli. licaus. Pixty-the thousand Democratic ma jority In Georgia means 65,009 rebel shotguns at the polls. Three weeks only are left, to us to meet the new crisis forced upon us by these men. What mil revnjb m'i elol Our enemies, confident of succeeslul coercion all over the South, have resolved to make another attack upon 'his great State. They leave the South in the safe custody ol the reorganized Confederate army, and the are now, as in IStVl, marching upon" Pep.nsyl unia in determined array, and their rebel yell already is heard within our limits. Let us be prepared for them. Our ereat Commonwealth has always been the stronghold of nationality. During the. war she gave her treasures of men and money to the cause of her country. Standing between the two sections, she has always been the foe of sectionalism. She stood by Lincoln, Grant, Sherman, and Meade during all the struggles of the war. The people believed that when Vieksburg and Get tysburg fell on the 4th of July, lt!6:., the great work of re.itoration was accomplifhed and the rebellion was dead, but they are now brought face to face with a revolution as dangerous as the rebellion itself. When fifteen States can be more unified try the shotgun and the bludgeou than they were by armed secession itself, and when this combi nation is euforced by the suppression of free speech, a free bullot, and free schools, its suc cess must end otir republican experiment. These men tried to fight their way out of the Union at an incalculable sacrifice of human life, and now they are trying within the Union, by new forms of violence and fraud, to re-establish the dogma r supposed to be destroyed on the battle-lield. All they ask is a sufficient contin gent from the free States to complete their pro gramme. It is in this Centennial year, when Pennsyl vania is inviting all the nations to her hospitali ties, and proffering enc ouracement and kindness to her Southern sisters, that the Confederates advance upon her borders to make another effort for the heresy which originated and pro longed the rebellion. Pennsylvania demands "peace and unity," but she demands them as the result of cheerful obedience to just law, and not as the sullen submission compelled by the officers of the Gov ernment. Pennsylvania demands industrial aud com mercial prosperity; but she knows that these are tho fruits of peaceful and orderly society, based upon honesty and right, aud cannot grow out. of the anarchy and chaos threatened by a solid South. Pennsylvania will first have jus tice, then prosperity. Has the country no road to prosperity but that which disgraces the scars of the living soldiers and dishonors the graves of the dead 1 Pennsylvania will have purity in public ad ministration, but she wants none of the illusive promises of " reform" made by Tilden and il lustrated by Tweed and the disciples of Tam many Hall. Men of Pennsylvania, upon you rests the re sponsibility yours is the absorbing obligation. Will you " Hold the Fort" ? By order of the Committee. Henry M. IIott, Chairman. A. Wilson Norms, Secretary. HAYES AND WHEELER. I desire to say a few words upon the record of the two candidates, as illustrating the character of each. In 1860, prior to the election of Mr. Lincoln, Tilden avowed his adhesion to the Southern view of the right of secesbion. He declared our system to be a " compact of con federation between the States," without a com mon arbiter to enforce a just construction and execution of the instrument. He asserted the right of a State to '' snap the tie of confedera tion as a nation might break a treaty; and the right to repel coercion as a nation might repel invasion." Hu thus ranged himself with Frank lin Pierce, who in January of the same year, in a letter to Jefferson Davis, gave " aid and com fort" to the conspirators of secession and dis union. When secession came Rutherford B. Hayes accepted the resulting war as "just and necessary," and " demanding the whole power of the country." When the great war meeting of April, ISfil, was held In New York. Mr. Til den declined to sign his name to the call, requir ing first to know what resolutions were to be passed at It, showing by how delicate a thread bis devotion to the country was suspended. Mr. Hayes said then he would prefer to go into the war if he knew he was to be killed in the course of it rather than to live through and after it without taking any part in it. In 1851,when Mr. Tilden was at Chicago helping to concoct that resolution of surrender passed by the Demo cratic National Convention, General Haves was writing from the field that " the officer who, at this crisis, would abandon bis post to electioneer for a seat in Congress ought to be scalped." It is claimed by Tilden's friends that Lincoln sometimes consulted him. So he toved with other dangerous men in the North corre tponded with them, conferred with them, pleaded with them, argued with them, lested tbem, toyed with them, that therehy ho might mollify them, and measure them, unfang them, or convert them. Lincoln was a diplomatist as well as a patriot, and considered nothing a loss which removed an o:,tacle from the path of the nation, or l lunted the weapon or parried the blow of an er.Kiny. Lincoln may have sent for and con ferred with Mr. Tilden ; but the documentary proof must be furnished before the country can believe that such coui'jrence waa between friends who confided in each other, and were equally intent upon a common object. Like wise the characters of the two men are in marked contrast. Hayes set up for himself a coble standard when, In college days, he wrote in his private diary these words : " Tiie reputation that I desire is not that momentary eminence which is gained without merit, and lost without regret. Give me the popularity that runs after, not that which is sought for." Contrast these words with the spirit shown by Mr. Tilden, whose trainiug begau in the school of New York politics, in the corrupt days of Van Buren, and whose career has been a enn. j tinuous devotion to the methods and princi- iuca iiicnsuici ui mat, uynasiy oi winch Tweedlsm was but the logical aud necessary Issue. The country can, of all posaiuln calami, ties, least afford to endure the overshadowing danger which would come from transplanting to Washington the teeds which have pioduccd as a legitimate growth, the Tammany growth in the city of New York. lion. iUwai d McJ'ur. ion at Newport. FACSIMILE OF H. 44th CONGRESS, 1st Sepaion. IN THE HOUSE OF Febrcaht Bead twice, referred to the Committee on Mr. Riddle, on leave, Introduced the following bill A BILL Directing compensation to be allowod for tbo use and occupation of property by the United States Army during the late war. 1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Bepresentatites of the United Statti 2 of America in Congrei asiembled, That tho Secretary of War be, and he is hereby, 3 authorized to allow reasonable compensation to all citizens of the United Slates 4 for the use and occupation of their property by tho United States Army, or any 5 part thereof, during the late civil war, in the same manner and under the same 6 regulations as compensation is now allowed for quartermaster stores used by said 7 Army : Provided, however, That the affidavit of the claimant, supported by the 8 competent testimony of any reputablo citizen, shall be sufficient proof to estab- 9 lish the fact of the use and occupation of such property by said Army. But it 10 is not the the intention of this act to limit the parties to the amount of proo' 11 herein specified ; but other and additional testimony may be taken to establish 12 the fact of the use and occupation, and the rental value of the property 13 occupied. REMARKS. The foregoing bill and another Introduced by Mr. Wilshire, of Arkansas, and eqwlly sweeping in its provisions, are intended to embrace all claims for property or supplies nf every character used or destroyed by the immense army of the Union, which, dining fourycats, inarched and en camped upon Soutlieeu soil. Their estimated aggregates are Immense, S2.410,3Ji,00o ! But the vast and ruinous schemes of plunder proposed under these bills are greatly increased by the ag gregates of other bills or schemes of like character all proposed by tho Confederate Democracy at the last session, and all for the benefit of disloyal persons debarred under our prercnt laws from relief before the Southern Claims Commission such as the bill of Mr. Scales, of North Carolina (H. R. 3145), to refund to the disloyal States the direct tax collected under the act of August 5, 1S01, amounting to 82,492,100 ; such as H. R. 23, proposing to refund to the cotton planter the tax levied on raw cotton during the years 18(55, 1SI5B, and 1867, amounting to $(iS,072,0$8 ; such as the relief bills in special cases. one hundred and forty-one in number, introduced In the House at the last session, as the proposition of Mr. Johnston, of Virginia, covering the claims of two hun dred and six citizens of Loudon county, Virginia, and that of Mr. Merriinon, of North Carolina, in the Senate, for the repeal of Section 34-S0 of the Revised Staiutcs, for the benefit of claimants to sums accruing prior to April 13, 1861, but who forfeited their claims by their acts of rebellion, and all amounting to 52,181,407. To recapitulate : Refunding dircct'tax under law of 1861 f 2,061,776 Special relief bills 3,181.407 Refunding cotton tax 08,072,088 Property and supplies destroyed or used 2,410.320.000 $2.483,241 ,3T)1 Or, in round numbers, an amount equal to the national debt at the close of the rebellion. And these are but a moiety of what will follow in the event of Tilden's election, necessarily overwhelm Ing the Government and nation in hopeless ruin. GOV. HAYES' SCALP LETTER. The following Is the full text of Governor Hayes' celebrated letter, of which an extract is going the rounds of the country. It was ad dressed to the Hon. William Henry Smith, one of his most intimate friends, then Secretary of State of Ohio : Camp of SnrniDAx's Armt, Near Chaklestown, Va., August 24, 1864. Friend S. : Your favor of the 7th came to band on Monday. It was the first I had heard of the doings of the Second-district Convention. Many thanks for your attention and assistance in the premises. I cared very little, about being a candidate, but having consented to the use of my name I preferred to succeed. Your suggestion about getting a furlough to take the stump was certainly made without re flection. An officer tit for duty who at this crisis would abandon his post to electioneer for a seat in Congress ought to be scalped. You may feel perfectly sure I shall do no such thing. Wa are, and for two weeks past have been, in the immediate presence of a large rebel army. We have skirmishing and small affairs con stantly. I am not posted in the policy deemed wise at headquarters, and can't guess aa to the prospett of a general engagement. The con dition and spirit of this army are good aud im proving. I suspect the enemy are sliding around us toward the Potomac. If they croes we shall pretty certainly have a meeting. Sincerely, R. B. Hates. We are all Interested In the Pacification and Good Government of the South, and must not Surrender to her. From Judge KolUy's Indianapolis Speech. Again, a few words. I have no hostility to the people of the South. They fought out their war. The questions between us could not be settled by peaceable means ; they had to be set tled by the arbitrament of war, and it came, and they were settled ; and I have said to them in their own sunny South, as I have on the floor of Congress, as I have said to my own people, I hope they will cherish every battle-flag or broken flagstaff under which they fought, as evidence of the valor chown when Americans meet Americans in a war for principles applause ; but I have begged them to inscribe on each banner and each staff the number of stalwart men who died or were crippled in Its support; the number of widows and orphans that were made by the courage which hurled the Confederate forces upon the conquering columns of the Union ; so that men, both North and South, should know, through all time, the terrible conse quences that would follow a destructive blow at the life of the ration. Applause. They will not charge mo with being hostile to them, for I have voted in three Congresses for universal amnesty j and I believe it would be better If, in thia Centennial year, no man were disfranchised for political offences. But while I am thus kindly disposed toward them, and perfectly willing that they shall ride with me and counsel with equal voice as to the road we shall travel, I do not think it is quite safe yet to give into their hands the whip and lines, aud let their feet rest on the brake. Applause. I want a little influence iu running the coach myself. There are four millions of men like these stal wart ones w ho sit here, whose skins are not col ered like our own. We have made them free ; we have invested them with all the attributes of American citizenship, and we must 6ee that on every inch of land over which our flag floats supreme they shall enjoy their rights. Pro longed applause. And, young man, If patri otism and philanthropy do not bind you to defend their rights, your own interests aud those of your posterity bind you to. Tlis South is our couutry, and you and all of us have right to go there and epjoy cltUepjhip. The THE OFFCIAt? BILL. Printer's No., 2491. R. 2364. REPRESENTATIVES. 28, 1876. the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed. Constitution provides that in each and every Siate the citizens of every State shall enjoy all the rights, privileges, and immunities of citizenship. Tho South is richer than we. She has all our agriculture, and she has fields of cotton, sugar, rice, and tobacco. She has swamps in which jute grows In as boundless profusion as In India, and fair flolds on which the new fibrous plant ramie may be profitably cultivated. And through yonder range of mountains In Weotern and West Virginia, East Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Texas are deposits of minerals exceeding those of the North ; coal of every shade, including, it is said, anthracite, copper, lead, line, nickel, and corundum. All the tiseful metals and mine rals are there, and they are the inheritance of the American people. You have a right to go and settle in their midst. Your children through all generations will have the right to go, carrying with them their manhood and their political convictions, and so long as a Northern man cannot go there and participate in politics without being socially ostracized and denounced as a carpet-bagger, so long you are deprived of your rights, one and all. Applause. So long as a Southern man cannot proclaim his own honest convictions, and support the Con stitution as ho understands it, and vote with the party of his choice without being denounced as a scalawag aud proscribed, so long freedom Is a stranger to the South. No, no ; keep the whip and the brake at least, if you don't keep the lines ; but for the present I think you had bet ter keep all three. Applause. TILDEN HAS A DREAM. Tilden had a dream the other night. He dreamed that he was elected and w as making up his Cabinet. For Secretary of the Treasury he had three candidates a hard-money Democrat, a soft-money Democrat, and a Confederate general. While he was puzzling over the matter he remembered that he had about eighty thousand offices to fill without of fending the Hards, the Softs, or the solid South. Did he send for Heudricks! Not much. He took a pencil and wrote : " The 8ofts don't count j the Hards must wait ; the solid South, with one hundred and thirty eight electoral votes, made my election possi ble, and I dare not forget it." And then the Softs counted, after all, for the solid South wanted Greenbacks by the bale, and the Hards were left out In the cold, scarcely know ing how their cunning success with platform and candidates had proved their gain. MODEL "REFORMERS." The Harribburg Telegraph says : " In the courts of New York John Morrissey is brought for ward to answer for refusing to account for moneys entrusted to him as the head of a gambling ' policy' business, and he pleads the illegal nature of the business in bar of aprosecu cution to force hiin to disgorge ; and Trenor W. l'ark, president of the notorious Emma Aline, swears that himself, Mr. Soligman, Samuel J. Tilden, and TUden't tv-o brothers, owned the Central Underground Railroad iu New York, and that they had ' put up' f:25,000 to buy additional legislation from the Legislature of New York I M.orrissey's defence took place in New York city. Tilden's disgrace was ex hibited at Poughkeepsie. Thus on the same day we find the Democratic Presidential can didate sworn to as a part of a lobby to corrupt the New York Legislature, and his chief sup porter, the leading gambler of the United States, pleading the rascally character of his doings to escape punishment for defraudina his dupue. Is this tho sort of men to whom tht country can safely look for reform? Is the country awake to the horror Impending over it, when such a mau as Tilden aspires to its Chief Magistracy, supported by such a creature as Morrissey, his trusted lieutenant. Verily, those who are eager for 'a change' would do well to study for a moment the kind of change such a man as Tilde u offers it.. It seems impos sible that such a nameless disgrace as Tilden's election can impend over this country ; but it is the easiest thiug iu tho world to estimate the degradation sure to flow from such calamity." CFrom Jndga Kelley's Indianapolis Speech. ) DEMOCRACY. Deaf to the Appeals of the Working People Unfinished riibllo Buildings. Let me bring to your attention a measure on which the Democratic friends of tho working people were more parsimonious. We usually appropriate about four millions and a half for l public buildings. We have large public build 1 ings standing unfinished. In Chicago alone . $15,000 a year rent is paid for offices which are I to be in the Government building, which is nenny completed, in rnuaueipiua we have ex pended nearly ?3,000,000. Public buildings are standing unfinished in many cities j and your Democratic committee reduced the annual ap propriation for this purpose more than one-half. If they can afford to pay two millions and a half in coin interest every year tor the silver to n.ake subsidiary coin, why could they not in this year, when the working people are so distressed, afford for this ono year to spend the usual amount of money on public buildings? They sympathize, so they say, with the laboring classes. Let us sen how they manifested their sympathy. What is a public building ? It is ninety-five per cent., and more, of labor, and less than five per cent, of raw material, or capi tal. Ninety-five per cent, of the two additional millions would have flowed into the hands of the laboring classes of the country, and would have quickened trade and industry to a consid erable extent. What, I ask you again, is a pub lic building? Why, the making of the hole in which you put the foundation the cellar Is all labor for man and beast. The foundatious are stone iu the quarry of little value, but labor quarries them, handles them, aud embodies them in the wall. The clay lies In yonder field until labor digs and treats and moulds it, until other labor gathers to it fuel, and converts tho soft clay into the enduring brick. Tho granite In the quarries of New England, or marble In those of Pennsylvania, or the beauti ful stone at Jollct, Illinois, is of little value wherever it may be until labor blasts and quar ries and handles and dresses it, and puts it in its place for a structure of permanence and utility and beauty. The public building Is timber in yonder forest of little value, obstruct ing the progress of settlement, until the wood man the s'alwart pioneer woodman with his axe brings down tha monarchs of the forest, floats or hauls them to the mill, and they ore cut into timber, fashioned into forms of beauty for ornament, or moulded into doors and sash. What is iron and ore in the bank ? Coal in tho mine! Limestone in the quarry? Each and oil of little value, as they are there covered up by dear mother Nature, until labor, descending into the dark mine, blasting limestone from the quarry, bringing forth the coal and ore, and bringing the three together at the forge, filling the forge, building lires under it, watching it until the red liquid flows ; and there is the rouh pig-iron, from which labor shall roll the bar, cut the nail, make the screw, fashion it into a thousand forms of utility and beauty. These are the elements of public buildings, and the two millions withheld by this Demo cratic Congress from the continuance of the buildings already begun are 2,0-10,000 withheld from the suffering laboring people of the coun try in this time of depression and want. Ap plause. There is economy that, is extrava gance. There is retrenchment that is waste ful ; and I charge upon the.se men that their boasted economy and retrenchment were waste ful extravagance, and oppressive to the suffer ing poor of the country. Applause. DEMOCRATIC FINANCE. Hard money Fsst, f?Mt mony West, H-'trd money first place, Soft money next. Hard money wltensrer Hard money's lipt; Hitrri money if ever Soft money " bust." Hard money, soft money, Take which you like; Both's In the platform. Very much alike. Both's In the candidates, Take which you will; Hard money, soft money's Democratic still. ITard money if ever Hard money's possible! Soft money whenever ISoft money's plausible. Hard money sometime, Don't caro when. Soft money any time I'p till then. Hard-money object. Poft-money means: Hard money reached by Soft-money men. n.ird-money principle, boft-money tactics, Hnrd-money policy. Soft-money practice. Hard-money canvass, ' Soft-money olfiee: Hard-money chances, Boit-mouey pronts. ITaiclteye. The Tuhimnny Delegation in 1870. Albany (N. Y. ) Kvenlng Journal. For years Mr. Tilden was tho political associate and co-worker of Tweed and Tammany Hall. Every well-informed man in the State knew the character of that corrupt Ring long before its final overthrow. Its rascalities in 1808 had been proclaimed by Horace Greeley and proved before a Congressional committee. Its robbe ries were notorious and transparent. Yet all this while Mr. Tilden was in political co-operation with it. In 1870, after the Young Demo cracy had made their fight against Tw eed, and had declared the crimes of the Ring before tho whole State, Mr. Tilden was in active associa tion and fellowship with its leaders. The Ro chester Democrat revives the names of tho Tam many delegation to tho Democratic State Con vention at Rochester In INiO, as follows : Nicholas Mullcr, Thomas Coman, Magnus Gross. Richard O. Gorman, Thomas J. Creamer, Samuel B. Garvin, SAMUEL J. TILDEN, Michael Connolly, RICH. B.CONNOLLY, THOS. B. FIELDS, A. OAKEY HALL. John Havs, WM. M. TWEED, MICHAEL NORTON, Gideon J. Tucker, Samuel 8. Cox, John Mullaly, Anthony Hart mau, Oswald Ottcndorfer, HENRY W. GENET. Here Mr. Tilden appears side by side with Tweed, Dick Connolly, Tom Fields, and Harry Genet, all of whom are now fugitives in foreign lands. If these delegates had been chosen by districts, It might have been reasoned that Mr. Tilden's election in one district had no connec tion with Tweed's In another. But the delega tion was not thus chosen it was made up as a whole by Tammany Hall, and it represented the will and the power of tho Tammany Ring. Tho Tammany Ring appointing its delegation, placed Tilden on it with Tweed, Connolly, Fields, and Genet. The political aftlllatiou is thus clearly estab lished iu this and in repeated public acts. With full knowledge of its rascalities, Mr. Tilden re mained in the political association with the Ring till long after its stupendous speculations had been demonstrated, and its destruction assured. And yet his friends have the effrontery to claim that he broke up the Ring. Hear the slave-whip crack In that: The good old times once more are rife, Tiie slouch- halted Southern Democrat Regains his rights of ball and kulie. "Hark from the Toombs the Joyful sound," Four (ieoiclan counties free at iat. No nigger lt:!d, no Northern bound Dares there a Yankee vote to cast. The wind that fanned secession's flams From Tammany afronh doth blow; The gmouMerin;; embers catch the same And set their hidden tires aglow. Buffalo Exprtit. While at Winchester Colonel Bob Ingersoll was asked why he did not go for the Sentinel and other Democratic newspapers that were abusing him so heartily. His characteristic re ply was that he was " out to fight the whole jj.-mocratic nog ana had no tune to waste fight ing fleas on iu back." His questioner pursued the matter no further. Edwahd 8. Stokes will "cotneout" for Haves Ea.'. btokes "weut lu " as a Douiocrat, but five yuan' Imprisonment frequently reforms a man makes him resolvs to forsake bis wicked companion. &nd sack tha conin... nf I, ....... uiwu luwini luciti HON. WILUAMJ). KELLEY. Why Ho Chooses Between Hayes, the Pa trior, and Tilden, tho Deuingogne. Judgo Kelley has been frequently asked why It Is that he supports Hayes, differing, as he does, from the Governor's views upon many questions, and ho gives tho reasons for his choice In the following neat and pungent lan gunge t I am here to make choice between the Demo cratic and Republican parties between General Rutherford B. Hayes, the patriot, and Samuel Jones Tilden, tho demagogue. These are thsj candidates for the Presidency before the people of tho country, and I have to choose between the two. And I find no difficulty in making that choice. Applause. Rutherford B. Hayes I know. I served In Congress with him, and messed with him while we served together. He is a scholar and a gentleman, a man of well, balanced mind, and a patriot in every Impulse of his heart. But what is Mr. Tilden ? 1 need not go behind the St. Louis Convention to char acterize him. The term for which he withheld his letter of acceptance, the time that he pro mulgated it, coincidentally with certain dema gogical action in the. lower House of Congress, the double-dealing, Van Buren-like platitudes In which the letter abounds, stomp him as a wily demagogue. Applause. But, let. mo ask, where were he and his for tune in those troublous times to which I have referred ? Rich men evnrywhere contributed their money to create an aruiyund navy, and to maintain the credit of thtsir country, and poor meu by the hundreds of thousands devoted themselves to the same grand purpose. Tilden is a millionaire. Wo boast few, if any such, in Philadelphia; yet our Union League Club con tributed the money, with no hope of repay ment, with which to pnt eleven full regiments in the field. The patriot citizens of New York contributed more largely than we, and I am almost ready to promise to vote for Tilden if you can produce a list of such subscribers hear ing his name pledging the contribution by him of any sum of money. He was not among them. There is a little story afloat I do not know whether it is true or not, but he has sworn to both sides of it, and there must be some truth In it. Laughter and applause. It Is that at that time he was cheating the Govern ment out of his income tax. Applause. I would not refer to this matter on the testimony of any other man than himself, as I do not be lieve in personal politics. Laughter. If they will prove that the Samuel J. Tilden who made the return that his taxa.ble. income In 183 had been only a little over f 7,000 is not the Samuel J. Tilden who has sworn in the Terre Haute Railroad 6tiit. that he received from that com pany two $10,000 fees in 162, 1 will take back what I have just said about one or the other of the Samuel .J. Tildens. Laughter. And if they will prove that It was a third Samuel J. Tilden who received tho $5,000 fee from tha Cumberland Coal Company in 1862, I will admit! that I am in utter contusion on the subject, and fromise to 6ay r.o more about it forever. Laughter. Can any patriot ask for which of the two he should vote, the soldier whn, when urged to re turn to his home to promote his own election to Congress, answered that the man who would leavo the front to electioneer for Congress onght to be. scalped, or the millionaire who, while all around htm were giving property or life or limbs for the support of the Union, was making false returns of his Income under oath in order to cheat the Government of the taxes du" it, not because he. needed the money thus saved, but that it should not he on his con science that he had made any contribution to the support of an army to fight his Southern brethren. Applause. There Is but one choice for a patriot. There is no side issue here. These nre the only candidates before the people of the United States. True, I have heard since I came to Central Indiana that there Is a third, but I had not heard of him anywhere else aa a real candidate. Laughter. There is no Cooper electoral ticket iu any Southern State, none in the broad State of Pennsylvania, noM in New York or ' w England. NOTES AND OPINIONS. It Is said when Tweed was arrested his first words were : " I am for Tilden and reform." Ii won't do William, your old friend Samuel can. not save you now. " There is no drawing of the color line' in this canvass. The. object is to obliterate it, to bring the white and the colored people to. gethcr," says the Charleston (S. C.) X"ewt. Judging from recent events In that State II looks to us as If the object was not only to ob. literate the "color line" but to obliterate the colored people also. The Fhiladelnhia. DiiV'lin calls Tilden's rail, way history " Tilden's Railway Wreckerd." Wanted An Arithmetic which will show bow many times 820,000 goes Into $7,118. Ad dress S. Jones Tilden. The reason Tilden didn't pay his income tax that year was because he loaned his brother'a money and they lost it. If Tilden should be elected, and you loan your brother five dol lars next year and he can't return It, just de duct that amount from your tax next time tfce collector comes around and make the thing even. Iftheylevyon your property appeal to the President. We ought to have a President who can talk well. Hem. Ex. Better have one who pays hii income tax, and talks well, too. Xorr. Iterate The Democratic policy throughout the Soutl Is embraced in this : " Accept the Fifteentl is tho key-note to the Southern situation. The question that will worry the people w U be: "Would a perjurer naturally develop int a reformer?" JJenvtr (Colorado) Tribune. It was on August 0 that Governor Hendricks, then United States Senator, pocketed 83,000 oi back pay, given him by the act of July 28, 1806. Tweed took money out of the public trea. sury ; Tilden prevented money from going lnt the public treasury. That's all the differenc between the two. The Republicans boast of having "swept" Maine. The broom must have been bald, headed. Botton Post. Yes, brother, there wai a good deal of the old Wig element about it. 1'hilet. Bulletin. As an old philosopher wai wont to remark, you have the Post "where thl hair Is short." They call Grant "the silent man," but just try Tilden on the income tax if you want to sea a human oyster. Boston Journal. A Newburg editor wishes to know what pari of tbo St. Louis platform the Kelley gang stand on. Tbo gang plank, of course. A-n-incouie poop Is what tome irreverent eusi falls Tilden. Ciect from item to stern. He's, a condemned revenue cutter. The rebel Democracy asked to be restored to power because it cost so much to whip them. , " A bloody shirt and I lenty of money" cam paign is what the Repul licans rely upon. Til (Un organ. A rebel vote and Southern bullots are what the Democrats upon. It Is announced that Miss Julia Griffin Is mak. Ing a bust oi Governor Tilden. It may be un gallant, but the peoplo had already begun that job, and will complete it iu November. Tilden's income-tax quandary should not be spoken of as the result of Republican charges. He is being ground to atoms between the upper and nether millstones of his own irreconcilahl alhdavits. Boston Journal. " What." inquires an exchnnm" " la tnh. K. outcome oi tnese income tucks on illaoa?" We am nnt pprtnln Itlit. if tin ku.n't Xf TV, tiuirton would sav. a galvanized battery, hp will uouDtiess, nave a conjestea seat. What is Mr. Tilden to-dav ? An linrn.... law an nlri lio Miol.i 1'V.a-a 1. i . v on him than an old umbrella, f ftrent. mo,,-i uieut.) He Is one of those oily attorneys yoi see depicted on the stage ; he is a demurrer (Great laughter.) He never courted a woman uccaus women can i vote. (Merriment. Lately ne has adopted a rag-baby that really be longs 10 iieuancKs. triolongca laughter. ne aaoptco. n. higcrsoll. (Laughter.) Colonel "EM The people Veep asking Samuel T.. "How is it, from 'm ' Clear down to the davs of '73, V got no Income ru'mra !voia you?" And aiuiu.l Tlldaii'a sole reply Is a dry, 1y amilo and a winking eye, And IhehriAf 1. - ...! V .Omar ij tiie gaurriug siona. Lei s change the subject ajri talk of relgria.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers