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A. J. GERRITSON, Proprietor.
For the Democrat
A History of the Great Struggle in
America between Liberty
and Despotism.
That great statesman, Thomas Jeffer
son, who in 1776 was inspired from Heav
en to write the Declaration of Indepen
dence—was inspired in Jane, 1824, to
write the followiug truths respecting the
party which now rules these United
States of America:
" MoYncELLo, June, 1824.
" TO MARTIN VAN BITREN
"Your civility in sending me a copy oU
Timothy Pickering's diatribe, induces me
to address this contradiction of his false
hoods to you. The truth is that the Fed
eralists, pretending to be the exclusive
friends of Gvieral Washington, have ever
done what they could to sink hircharac
ter by hanging theirs on it, and by rep
resenting as le enemy of the Republi
cans (Democrats), him who, of all men,
is best entitled to the appellation of the
Father of the Republic, which the Feder
alists were endeavoring to subvert and
Republicans to maintain.
"They cannot deny, because the elec
tions proclaimed the truth, that the great
body of the nation approved the Republi
can measures. Gen. Washington was
himself sincerely a friend to the republi
can principles of our Constitution, and he
repeatedly declared to me that he was de
termined it should have a fair chance for
success, and that he would lose the last
drop of his blood in its support against
any attempt which might be mae to
change it frost its republican form. He
made these declarations the oftener, be
cause he knew my suspicions that lex:
ander Ffamilton bad other views, and he
wished to quiet my jealousies on the sub
ject. For Hamilton frankly avowed that
he considered the British Constitution,
with all the corruptions of its administra
tion, as the most perfect model of gov
rrnment which had ever been devised by
the wit of man, confessing, however, at
the same time, that the spirit of this
country was so fundamentally Republi
can, that it would be visionary to think of
latroduein monarchy here, and that,
thtrefore, it was the duty of its adminis
trators to conduct it on the principles
their constituents had elected."
In another letter; describing the beau
tiful character of Washington, which will
be published hereafter, Jefferson saes:
"These are my opinions of Gen. Wash
iz,gtou, which I would vouch at the judg
ment seat of God, having been formed on
acquaintance of thirty years. I served
,ith him in the Virginia Legislature from
1769 to the revolutionary war; and again
a short time in Congress, until he left
ns to take command of the army. During
the war and after it, we corresponded oc
casionally, and in the four years of my
continuance in the office of Secretary of
State, our intercourse was daily, confiden
tial, and cordial. After I retired from
that office, great and malignant, pains
were taken by our Federal monarchists,
and not entirely without effect, to make
him view me as a tbeorist,!bolding French
ptinciples of government, which would
lead infallibly to licentiousness and anar
chy. And to this be listened the more
casi!y, from my known disapprobation of
the British treatyG I never saw him af
terward, or these malignant insinuations
should have been dissipated before his
judgment as mists before the sun. I felt
on his death, with my countrymen, that
`verily a great man bath fallen this day in
Israel.'
Here, the most sacred and solemn
truths of history, affecting the west or,
woe of the American people forever, are
presented to their view. The first of
these truths is, that Gen. Washington
never was a Federalist, as that monarchi
cal party has ever clued him to have
been, but a patriot of the same political
principles as Jefferson.
Second, that the Federalists of the
Hamilton school endeavored from the ve
ry first to subvert the free government es
tablished by Washington, and the Demo
crate to maintain it.
Third, that if Gen. Washington should
now rise from his grave, as suggested by
the Republican governor of Pennsylvan
ia, he would instantly draw his sword in
defence of the old Constitution, against
the attempts of these Federal monarch
ists to change it from its Republican form
by the passage of theirliew amendment.
Fourth, this amendment is but carry-,
ing out the policy\of the. Republican par
ty adopted -at the \commencement of this
civil war. As long ago as Ang. 1866,
Col. John W. Forney, the leader of that
party in Pennsylvania, says:
" Another principle must certainly be
embodied in our re-organized form of
government. After the war is over, the
problem with the men who shape the leg
islation of the country, will be, to combine
the forms of a Republican government
with the powers of a monarchical govern
ment."
Their new amendment embodies this
new . rinciple, not embodied in the Con
stitution signed by Washingtoii, ,which
lacks " the powers of a monarchical gov
ernment."
Gen. Washington theiefore, were he
now living, "would loseithe last drop of
his.blood" before he would see the free
government he founded, changed by the
Republicans into a monarchy. Jefferson,
were he alive,_ would fight with him. All
the friends of free government, North
and South, would join them. Who would
refuse td rally under the banner of Wash
ington? The "loyalists" of the Sonith,
with their torches and turpentine, under
the lead of Parson Brownlow, and the
" loyalists" of the North under the lead
ership of Gen. Butler. The victory would
assuredly be with Gen. Washington the
second time in fighting against monarchi
cal power, as it was when he fought
against the British monarchy. If God
.wag with him then, lle would be with
him now. President Johnson stands in
Washington's place. He declares in fa
vor of the Father of our country against
the host of tyrants and monarchists who
are leagued together against him. He
holds the: banner of Washington in his
bands, and pleads for the Union and the
Constitution as he formed them. All who
shall array themselves on his side in this
great sfituggle for liberty, array them
selves on the side of Washington as tru
ly as though he now sat in the Presiden
tial chair, or was leading the armies of
the Revolution against the hosts of Geo.
111, and this the leaders of the Federal
monarchists know, while contending
against him. -
Another great truth is revealed in the
writings of Thomas Jefferson, which are
quoted above, and this truth is,
that he
never held to the principles of the French
revolutionists, as clarged by the Federal
ises from that day to this. In these few
sentences we find an utter repudiation of
the principles of the Abolitions of France
and America, by both Washington and
Jefferson. Washington was estranged
from Jefferson by the malignant false
hoods of the Federalists that . :he sympa
thized with Robespierre, Denton and Ma
rat.; that be was a Jacobin of the same
school as these French infidels. Wash
ington abhorred these revolutionists in
his very soul, and Jefferson no less than
Washington. Yet the enemies ofJeffer
son endeavored to prove that he was a
French infidel, because of the very phrase
in the Declaration of Independence " all
men are created equal," which the Feder
alists refused to apply even to all white
men, while the revolutionis of France ap
plied it to white men and black men, and
incited the negroes to rise and obtain
their freedom through the blood of the
white racs.
To prove that these falsehoods against
Jefferson were perpetuated from one gen
eration to another, we quote the follow
ing from the National Era of 1848. It
says:
"Thomas Jefferson.was the friend and
admirer of the ultra Abulitionists of rev
olutionary France. He was for the equal.
ity of human rights, irrespective of any
conditions of birth, or climate, or color,
like Gregoire, Brissot and Robespierre."
By these falsehoods of the Federalists
and Abolitionists, who are strong fur the
same end, they have succeeded in making
the people believe that Washington was
both a Federalist and an Abolitionist,and
that Jefferson was a French revolution 2
ist.
Hamilton and Robespierre were ene
mies of a Republican government. One
was for monarchy, the other for despo
tism. The followers of Hamilton and the
followers of Robespierre have conspired
together. for the overthrow of our free
government. The Puritans, who yet be
lieve in Cromwell, are also for despotism.
These are thelpeople who want President
Johnson impeached and deposed from of
fice for refusing to be a despot, and obey
their commands to overthrow our Re
publican government. Let us listen again
to a description of the immensity of the
power which this monarchical party of
fered him,
and from which he turned
away with disdain, as Washington did
before him.
Henry Ward Beecher, a member of the
Republican party, says :
"It is a most extraordinary spectacle
of the times to see Congress passing a
bill, and-putting it into the hands of the
President, and. thereby clothing him with
a power greater than any monarch 'ever
wielded, and the President vetoing, and
returning it, saying, cannot give my
assent to it!' •Vetoing a bill that makes
him so strong..: Do you think you will al.
ways have a President like Mr.dobnson? I
am mistaken in my judgment it there has,
since the earliest and best days of our
presidency, been a man mote honest--
more single-minded for liberty, who with
out bias of feelings, or the heart—with
out bias of any kind—endeavored to do
that which he thought best for the inter
ests of the country, and the whole coun
try. Not another man. While you crit
icise, do not forget that you have an able
statesman, and an honest, and pure man
and patriot in the presidential chair. I
hold it'dangerotts to place too much pow
er in the central government. There
should be great jealousy of accumulating
power at the Centre."
IL J. Rayzuond, also a ,Republican,
says:
"'We may have one in power at Wash-
MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, FEB. 5, 1867.
iogton who shall be called simply a Presi
dent, but you will find that the likeness
of a kingly crown will sit upon his brow,
and be will wield more than kingly pow
er, unless tho principles laid down by
President Johnson continue to form the
basis of. bur government. Republican
governments are rarely, if ever, over
thrown by open and hostile force."
— Secretary Seward says: " Why, fellow
citizens, the power offered to the Presi
dent might tempt a Maximillian—a Louis
Napoleon—but, my friends, it is insuffi
cient to tempt Andrew Johnson. When
the time shall come when there shall be a
President who' will accept the power
which Congress offered to President
Johnson, then, I tell you the time will
have come for the rolling of an imperial
throne into the White House, and sur
rounding it with imperial guards."
President Johnson is to be impeached
and driven from the White House, if
Congress has the power, because he re
fused to be seated on an imperial throne,
and to be surrounded with imperial
guards, to do the bidding of these trait
ors to the American government.
Robespierre and his fellow conspirators
took off the head of Louis XVI, and as
sumed the reins of government. Crom
well and his followers beheaded Charles
and usurped the power over the Brit
ish nation. So their followers in Ameri
ca, are bent upon the deposition or death
of the head of the American government,
that they may hold the reins of power,
and bind the Elation in the tyrant's chains.
Reflections for February.
GOD'S LOVE TO MAN DAILY MANI
FESTED.—To enumerate all the blessings
which the mercy of God has bestowed
upon us from the first moment of our ex
istence to the present period, would be as
impossible as to stand on an eminence
and count the stars of lA.aven. How ma
ny benefits have we received in our infan
cy which are now entirely forgotton ?
From how many dangers, open or con
cealed, have we been delivered ?
From how many impending evils have
we escaped, and how often has God pro - -
vided for our wants, and confounded the
incredulity of those who regarded assist
ance as hopeless ?
Each day of our lives adds to the sum I
'of favorg we received. Each time that I
the sun illumines the Eastern horizon, and
that his departing beams leave a radiance
of glory in the West, the goodness of God
is manifested. And what greater and
Imore striking proofs can we have of His
Divine Love than our being redeemed,
I through the sufferings of Jesus Christ—
! that we have the Holy Scriptures of truth
to point out those certain rules which
lead to life and happiness, and that from
our earliest infancy we are permitted to
imbibe the pure principles of Christiani
j ty, safe from the machinations of bigotry,
and the terrors of persecution ?
From these considerations it will appear
to be wholly impossible to number the
blessings we receive from God.
Let us confine ourselves to a single day, I
and endeavor to compute the mercies we
receive in that short space : Light, air,
food, strength, a habitation, friends, a
musements and pleasures, and the re
newed pleasures and powers, activity of
mind, with a thousand others each indi
vidual may enumerate.
May our minds be impressed and our
hearts softened by these daily instances
of God's love, and by frequently medita
ting upon them may our gratitude be elic
iited, and our virtue strbngthened and im
proved.
The more we employ ourselves in such
reflections, the more we shall be disposed
to reverence the power of the Almighty,
and be delighted in celebrating his praise.
—Sturm's Reflections.
The Split Pig.
Somewhere near Camden lives a man
who is not smart enough for Jersey.
Last fall ho wanted to leave home for
a month or more, bat had no one to take
charge of his pig ; so he proposed to a
neighbor that he should take the animal
home and fatten it, and then keep one
half when it was time to kill.
.. The bargain was agreed to. The pig
was transferred to Smith's pen, and off
went our friend on his journey.
He was gone only a week, and the day
of his return walked over to Bee his pig.
He found Mr. Smith with his shirt
sleeves rolled np, hard at work dressing
a hog.
" Haller - cried our friend, and a slight
suspicion entered his mind that be bad
been sold. " What are you killing ?"
" Our pig," answered Smith, as cool as
an iceberg.
" Our pig," faltered the victim.
" Yes; I thought it fat enough to kill.
But you needn't be alarmed; you will get
your half."
Our friend returned borne a sadder and
a wiser man. He had paid about twenty
five dollars for a week's board for his pig.
—Tbe school books published at the
South are very much like the people.
Here is an example in mental arithmetic,
copied from one-of them:—" Seven Confed
erate soldiers captured twenty-one Yan
kees and divided tbem equally between
them ; how many did each have?"
Partisan Eisrepreaentations,
TEE STOCK LIT TRADE OF TUB RADICALS.
It appears to have become a prevailing
custom among the advocates of extreme
Radical measures of public policy to mis
take facts, and then, however often and
authoritatively these misstatements may
have been corrected, to persist in making
them the basis•of arguments in favor of
their hobbies, or the pretext for denuncia
tions of the President and the people of
the South. Some reckless, or perhaps
unscrupulous, newspaper correspondent,
merely to produce a sensational itetorin
vents a falsehood, generally "out of Whole
cloth." This is seized with avidity by
partisan editors and politicians as the
theme for their comments. Notwith
standing the prompt tenial of its truth, it
is twisted and•perverted and exaggerated
in every way in which I,t can be used to
poison public sympathy and mislead pub
lic opinion. This disposition to invent,
perpetuate, and build upon sheer false
hood—this proclivity towards inexcusable
mendacity—shows either a lamentably
low standard of morality among Radical
politicians, o'r a pitiable weakness in a
i cause which needs to be bolstered up by
bald misrepresentations, prevarications,
perversions of truth, and unblushing false
hoods.
A few days ago paragraphs were thus
put in circulation, professing to state the
substance of supposed conversations be
tween President Johnson and Mr. Eggle
ston, of Ohio; in one case, and Colonel
Weatherby, of South Carolina, in anoth
er. These statements were immediately
denounced as untrue and incorrect in ev
ery particular. This denial of their truth
was Tubliahed bere and elsewhere. It
was denied authoritatively that any such
conversatious as those reported bad oc
curred: yet these pure inventions of an
excited partisan imagination are made by
the radical journals the pretext for out
pourings of the coarsest, meanest, and
most violent denunciations of the Chief
executive of a nation that ever disgraced
American journalism.
A correspondent of the Cincinnati Gra
zett, traveling, or presumed to be travel
ing,.with the coongressioual excursion
ists to New Orleans, has been furnishing
abundant food to this morbid appetite for
partisan misrepresentatlims. In one of
his dispatches he reported the speech of
Senator Wade, at the banquet at Nash
ville, as follows:
"Senator Wade, of Ohio, was next call
ed upon to respond to this same toast.
Ile remarked in substance that while he
had always held that kindest measures
consistent with our safety as a nation
should be extended to the Southern peo
ple, he had not throughout., in his South
ern tour heard such expressions of love
for the Union as would satisfy him in de
viating from the course that he had mark
ed out from the beginning of this session
of Congress. Those who participated in
the rebellion hissed this sentiment, while
the Unionists applauded."
In regard to this statement the Nash
vide Press and Times, the Tennessee or
gan of the radicals, indignantly says :
"We have no doubt that Senator',
Wade entertains the opinions respecting
the reconstructed loyalty of the South
(Johnson Unionism) attributed to him in
the foregoing paragraph. We would
have a poor opinion of his perception and
judgment if he thought otherwise. But
be certainly expressed no such opinion at
the banquet. He refused peremptorily
to make a political speech, or, indeed, one
of any kind. Atealons Republican who
sat close to him at the banquet says that
he declared with vehemence, when called
upon for a speech, declared that he had
set out on the trip with the determina
tion to make no speeches, and all the men
and women North and South could not
change his determination. ' whereupon, the
gentlemen clapped their hands, but there
was no hissing."
The • Nashville Union and Dispatch
adds : "If Senator Wade said anything
of this sort, we (and we set next him at
the; table) heard nothing of it. Mr. Wade
in the outset of his remarks, which were
very brief, positively declined to make a
speech, or to refer to political questions.
What he did say in regard to the purely
social character of the tour of himself and
companions, and of his gratification at
the generous reception they had met, was
applauded. There was not a hiss, or the
symptom of a manifestation of disappro
val at what he said. We make this state
ment in full confidence that it will be cor
roborated, if necessary, by the Senator
himself; and every person in the hall at
the time.
"We have no further comment to
make upon such reports as that in the
Cincinnati Gazette. Every one can draw
a right conclusion as to the reliability
. of
the journal that gives its readers such in
formation."
The reliability of this panderer to the
Radical craving for falsehood may be
judged by his report in the same dispatch
of the remarks of Hon. John L. Thomas,
a radical member of Congress from Mary
land. We quote from the Nashville Un
ion and Dispatch :
"Speaking of the Hon. J. L. Thomas,
of Maryland, who is known throughout
thit country as a thorough radical, but
whose speech at the banquet and whose
general deportment was snob as to stamp
him as a gentleman of sense, this corres
pondent says : • Hon. J. L. Thomas
next responded. He is. froth Mississippi,
and spoke complimentary of the people of
Tennessee for their hospitality. Apart
of his remarks smacked decidedly of rah
elism. The author of this dispatch seem
ed so bent on perverting the affair that
mistook his friends for his enemies.
Mr. Thomas will be surprised to learn
that he is from Mississippi and will be
still more surprised to learn that he so
forgot the proprieties of the occasion as
to allude to politics after this style. His
constituents will be equally surprised to
learn that under the influence of 'Tennes
see hospitality' he bad turned rebel."
Upon such stuff, such barefaced, unmit
igated falsehoods, are based nearly all
the arguments uttered, even upon the
floor of Congress, against the restoration
of the South to its representation in that
body, and all the appeals to the passions
of the populace in the North to approve
the most outrageous and unconstitutional
measures of oppression that partisan hate
can invent.—National Intelligenter.
The Girdle about the Earth.
The Legislature of the State of New
York, in 1864, chartered a telegraph com
pany to construct and operate a telegraph
line the Chinese empire. This company
is now organized under the direction of
many of the heaviest capitalists and mod
enterprising men in present telegraphic
companies. It has a capital of 85,000,000,
and it offers $500,000 in this country.
This undertaking seems stupendous,
but it is really only a single link in the
chain that girts the world.. Starting at
New York as a center, the telegraph line
is completed far away into Russia and
Asia. Then comes the link of the "Col
lins route," which is to cross Behring's
straits. At New Westminster, in Brit
ish North America, the line is again ta
ken up, and is completed back to New
York. The East India Telegraph Com
pany propose to operate from Irkoutsk,
in Siberia, across to Pekin and Shanghae,
and thence down to Canton, whence an
other line across to Calcutta will unite
with the British wires via the Persian
Gulf. This latter line presents the great
est difficulty, as it would cross territories
with whose rulers telegraphic connection
seems improbable at present. There then
remains to the East India line the mag
nificent prospect of connection' with the
lines to Europe through Russia, and with
America via Behring's straits. When
'the vast population of China and the en
ormous trade of this portion of the east
are considered, the probable results of
electric communication with that empire
are calculated to startle and amaze.—
Whatever other connections are formed,
this east India line does the busit.ess be
tween China and the rest of the world.
Our Minister at Pekin, Mr. Burlingame,
aided by the representatives of the other
powers having treaties of commerce and
friendship with China, obtained for this
company from the Chinese government
the right to la x cables connecting the sea
port cities from Canton to Shanghae, and
to construct an inland line from the latter
place, by way of Nankin, to Pekin. The
Russian government have by treaty se
cured the privilege of building two lines
from Pekin—one to the Amoor, the other
to Irkontek. The east India line is in the
hands of the parties who have already
obtained concessions from Russia, so that
their relations with this great power are
friendly and favorable.
If we strip the map covering from the
terrestial globe and place it in a plane,
we have the North Pole at the center,
London is in the direction of the top of
the map, New York at the right side,
Bebring's straits at the bottom, and Ot
omsk, in Siberia, at the left side. Through
all these places the girdle about the earth
passes, forming an irregular figure, but
really encircling the globe. So the prob.
lein of the poet is solved, and the circuit
of the earth is made in a moment. With
in two years this work will be accomplish•
ed, and the nations of the earth will be
in immediate communication.
Them's 'Em."
We often bear of remarkable cases of
" absence of mind." Here is one equal to
anything we have seen lately. The man
was doubtless a very interestink head of
the family :
" I say cap'n," said a little keen eyed
man, as he landed from the steamboat
Potomac at Natchez. " I say cap'n, this
here ain't all."
" That's all the baggage you brought
on board, sir," replied the captain.
" Well, see now, I grant it all 0 K ac
cording to list—four boxes, three chests,
two ban' boxes, a port maty, two hams—
one part cut—three ropes of inyons and a
tea kettle; but you see, cap'n, I am duber
som, I feethere s something short. Tho'
I've counted 'em nine times, and never
took my eyes off 'em while on board,
there's somethia' not right somehow."
" Well, stranger, the time is up; there
is all I know of; so bring your wife and
five children out of the cabin, nod we are
off."
" Them's 'em darn it : them's 'em I I
know'd I'd forgot something."
Subscribe for the Montrose Democrat
i VOLUME XXIV, NUMBER 6.
Four creditors started from Boston, in
the same train of cars, for the purpose of
attaching the property of a certain debtor
in Farmington, in the State 'of Maine.
He owed'each one separately, and ele:4-
otteNyas suspicions of the object-of-the
other, but dared not say a word about it.
So they rode, acquaintance; all talking
upon everything except that they bad
most at heart. When they arrived at the
depot at Farmington, which was three
miles from where the debtor did business,
they found nothing to " put 'em over the
road" but a solitary cab, towards which
they all rushed. Three got in and refus
ed admittance to the fourth, and the cab
started. The fourth ran after,. and got
up outside with the driver. He asked the
driver if he wanted to sell his horse. He
replied that he did not want to—that be
was not worth more than fifty dollars,
but he would not sell him .tor that. He
asked him if he would not take one hun
dred dollars for him." " Yea," said he.
The fourth man quickly paid over the
money, took the reins and backed the oap
up to a bank, slipped it from the harness,
and tipped it up so that the door could
not be opened, and then jumped upon the
horse's back, and rode off lickety switch,
while the insiders were looking out of the
window, feeling like singed cats. He
rode to a lawyer's and got a writ made
and served and his debt secured, and got
'ack to the hotel just as the " insiders"
came up puffing and blowing. The cab
man soon bought back his horse for fifty
dollars. The " solid" men offered to pay
that sum if the fortunate one, who found
property sufficient to pay his own debt,
would not tell of it in Boston.
A gentleman of fortune visited the lu
natic asylum; where the treatment consis
ted chiefly in forcing the patients to
stand in tubs of cold water—those' slight
ly affected up to the knees; ethers, whose
cases were graver; up to the middle, while
persons very serionsly-ill were immersed
up to the neck. The visitor entered into
conversation with one of the patients,
who seethed to have some curiosity to
know how the stranger passed his time
out of doors.
" I have horses and greyhounds for
coursing," said the latter, iu reply to the
other's question.
" Ah ! they are very expensive ?"
"Yes," they cost me a great deal of
money in the year, but they are the best
of their kind."
" And they cost a great deal, too ?"
" A great deal. And I have birds for
hawking."
"I see; birds for hunting birds. And
these swelfip the expense, I dare say ?"
" You may say that, for they are not
common in this country. And then I
sometimes go out with my gun, accompa
nied by a setter and a retriever."
"And these are expensive, too?"
"Of course. After all, it isnot the ani
mals of themselves that run away with
the money; there must. be men, you know
to feed and look after them, houses to,
lodge them short, the whole spor
ting establishment."
"I see ! You have horsee„ how*,
getters, retrievers, hawks, men—and all
for the capture of foxes and birds. What
an enormous revenue they must cost you.
Now, what I want to know is this: what
return do they pay ? What does your
year's sporting produce?"
" Why, we till a fox now and then— .
only they are getting rather scarce here
abouts—and we seldom bag less than fif
ty brace of birds each season."
"Hark!" said the lunntic,
looking.anx
iously around bun. "My friend"— in an
earnest whisper— , "there is a gate behind
you; take my advice, and get out of this
while you are safe. Don't let the doctor
get big eye upon you. He ducks us to
some purpose, but as sure as you are a
living man, he will drown you."
The gentleman looked serious as he
passed on. Perhaps ho thongs that he
was as mad as the inmate of the asylum.
The Creditor's Stratagem
Keep Clear of the Doctor.
" Have you anything more ?"
"I have a pack of hounds for hunting
he fox."
—President Lincoln used to tell this
story of himself. He was riding oue day
on the stage coach in Illinois, when the
driver asked -him to treat.
"I never use liquor," was Mr. Lincoln's
reply, "and I cannot induce others to do
so. '
"Don't c) v, neither ?"
" No, sir." : . 7 .
"Nor smoke ?"
'• No, sir ; I never use tobacco in any
form."
44 Well," replied the disgusted John,
" I bain't much opinion of you fellers
with no small vices ; I've fillers noticed
they make it up in' big ones."
—The editor of the Republican papaw,
in Worcester Massachusetts Lays he
not ashamed to acknowledge , the negro
as his equal." But, sir, how is it with
the negro ?
—At Lancaster, Vermont, ' last. week,
there was a triple murder. A woman was
at the bottom of the difficuly, and ayr
man shot two rivals, and ended the '
ness by shooting his wretched self. .