4. r. dartrirrsoN 4 popoieT,
IN IMPORTANT PAPER I
Psotest of Leading Republicans
. renter "
Dictatorial -MioitrpaUc•ns
A IMphOi
Senotoi Wade, of Mite, molitopesentotivo
47014,4 - 0-3farytand., Add Asp Lineobs'e
trsiopatioa of Power to tb &proton=
and scorn of the Anoint of the United
Stem
To Tan sorpozrEns opi.ncie oatnosstsitt.
We ince read without surprise but not
without indignation, the , proclamation of
the President of the Sth of July, 1864.
The supporters of the administration
an responsible to the country for its con
-
d and it is Abel; right =Canty to
check the encroachments of the Execu
tive on the authority of Coiagreis, and to
require it to confine itself to its proper
sphere. •
It is impossible to pass in silence this
proclamation without neglecting that du
i and, having taken as much:rsvotisi
bility as any others in supporting the idmiin
istration, we arenot disposed to fail in the
ether duty of asserting the rights of Con
gress.
The President did not sign the bill " to
guarantee to certain States whose gov
ernments haiie been usurtied a republican
form of government," passed by the sup.
porters of his administration in both
Houses of Congress after mature delibera
tion.
Thebill did not, therefore, become a
law, and it is, therefore, nothing.
The proclamation is neither an approt
al nor a_veto of the bill; -it is, therefore f a
document unknown to the laws and Con
stitution-of the United States: -
So far as it contains an apology for udt
signing the bill, it is a political manifesto
against the friends of the goiernment.
'So far as it proposes to execute the bill
which is not a law, it is a grave Execu
tive Usurpation.
It is fitting that the facts necessary to
,enable the Mends of the' administration
to appreciate the apology and the usurpa
tion be spread before -
- Tho proclamations:us:.
and whereas the said bill was presents' to the Presi.
Mean of the United States for his approval less than ens
hoer before the sins die adtjaarnateat of said session,
and was not signed by him—
If that be accurate, still this bill was
presented with other bills which were
aigned.
Within that hour, the time for the nine
die adjournment was three times postpon
ed by . the votes of both Rouses; and the
least intimation of a desire for more time
by the President to consider this bill
would have secured a farther pcstpone
meat.
Yet the Committee sent to ascertainif
the President had any further communi
cation for the House of Representatives
reported that he had none; and the
friends of the bill who had anxio_ualy wait.
ed on him to ascertain its fate, had aim
dy been informed that the President bad
resolved :not to sign it. '
The time of presentation, therefore,had
nothing to do with his failure to approve
it.
The brill bad been disCassed for more
than a month in the House ofßepiesenta
tives, which it passed on the 4th of May.;
it was reported to the Senate on the 27th
of May without material amendment, and
passed the Senate absolutely as it came
from the House on the 2d of July.
Ignorance of ita contents is out of the
question.
Indeed, at-his request a draft of a bill
substantially the same in all material
points, and identical-in taints ol4eisted_to
b 7 the proclamation, bad been lard befOte
him for his consideration in the winter of
1862-1863.
There is, therefore, no reason to imp . -
Rose the provisions of the _ h ill took the
Prdent by surprise. _
On the contrary, we hale `renown to be
neve them to have been so well known
that this method oat preventing the bill
from becoming a law without the consti
tutional responsibility of a veto, had been
resolved on king before the bill poised the
Senate.
We are informed by a gentleman anti.
tied to entire confidence, that before the
224 of June in New Orleans it was stated
by a member of Generarßank's staff, in'
the presence of other gentlemen in official
position, that Senator Doolittle bad writ
ten a letter to the department that the
House re-construction bill would be staved
off is. 'the Senate to a period too late in
the session to require the President to ve
to it in order to defeat it, and that Mr.
Lincoln would retain the bill, if necessary,
and thereby defeat it.
The experience of Senator Wade,in his
various efforts to get the bill considered
in the Senate, .was 'quite in accordance
with that plan, and the fide of • the bill
was accurately predicted' by letters re.
ceived from New Orkins before it bed
peened the Senate.
Had the proehunation stopped there, it
'ould have 'been only one other defeat of
the will of the people by an Ezeoutiyo per
vensioa of the Meditation.
Bit it . goes further. The .rsosident
nye: ,
whereas, the sits Ma coati! nit. Sin= other
ittbripk &plan Yo n, rartaLitirs the elates to irsbefflon to
their proper nonetted relation in the 13111012. whichplan
thesenso .ramo upon that autdect, an
ir=its blneweits tow betas Us pecias d
tbsur eonsideratlon • '
By what auttority of titte' Constitution?
Iti,wlMtforms The result to be dealer
ed by W hom t With sat effect viheri .
ascertained?
Tait to be bribe approistof the
peep!, le, *shout tlsimproral:Of Copgresa
*Wee; will Of the eat!;Pl
Preifident, cm his opinion of
O
the rbs'. approval, execute it as law P
Orm,thie merely a device to avoid the,
serious responsibfifty of defeating a law
on *Wks* many hearts reposed for. se
aunty ?!;
,But the reasons now assigned for not.
approving the bill are full of ominous sig
nificance.
The President next proceeds :
Now. therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, nresiikte of the
United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known,
that, while I ant (as I was in December last, when by
proclamation I propounded a plan for restoration) en.
Prelim/1, by • ibrmal apprtvar of this In, to bOintlex
tidy committed to any stare phitof restoration—
That is to say, the President is resolv
ed that the people shall not by law take
any securities from the rebel States against
a renewal of the rebellion before restor
ing_their power to govern us.
Ms wisdom and prudence are to be our
sufficient guarantees !
Re further says :
while I am also unprepared to declare that the
Free Btate.Conßitutions and Governments already
adopted and installed in Arkansas and Louisiana
'Smith° set aside and held for naught, thereby repelling
and discouraging the tonal citizens who have set up the
same as to farther effor t—
That is to say, the Presidentersists in
recognizing those shadows ofGovern
, ments in Arkansas and Louisiana, which
Congress formally declared should not bo
recognized—whose Representatives and
Senators were repelled by formal Notes of
both Houses of Congress—Whith it was
declared formally - shotdd have no elector
al vote for President and,Vice Presid‘nt.
They are the mere' niesturei Of bit! ill.
They cannot live a day without his sup
port. They ate mere oligarchies, impos
ed 'on the petiplabl Militaryorders under
thefOrms. of election, at which generals,
provost-marshali, soldiers and camp fol
lowers were the chief actors, assisted urg b e i
a landfill of_ resident citizens, and
on to preinature action by pivote letters
thePtesident '
2 in neither Lanigan's - iiiii - Arkaesas,lie- -
tore Bank's defeat, did the United States
control half the territory or half the pop
dilation. In Louisiana, General Banks'
proclamation candidly declared : ‘The
fundamental law of the State is martial
law." '
On that foundation of freedom, be area.
ted what the President calla " the free
Constitution and Government of Louis
iana"
Bat of this State, whose fundamental
law was martial law, only sixteen parish
es out of forty-eight parishes were held by
the United States ; and in five of the six
teen we held only our amps.
The eleven parishes *e substantially
held bad 233,185 inhabitants; the residue
of the State not held by us, 575,617.
At the farce called an election, the offi
cers of General Banks returned that 11,.
348 ballots were cast ; but whether any
or by whom the people of the United
States have no legal assurance,. but it is
probable that 4,000 were cast by soldiers
or employees of the United States, mili
tary or municipal, but none according to
any law, State or National, and 7.000 bal
lots represent the State of Louisiana.
Such is the free Constitution and Gov
ernment, of Louisiana • and like it is that
of Arkansas. Nothini but the (allure of
a military expedition elarived us of a like
one in the swamps of Florida; and be
fore the Presidential election, like ones
may be organized in every rebel State
where the United States have a camp.
Thejtivogdent by preventing this bill
from becoming a law, holds the electoral
votes of the rebel States at the dictation
of his personal ambition.
If those votes tarn the balance in his (a
ver, is it to be supposed that his compet
itor, defeated by such means, will acqui
esce ?
If the rebel majority assert their supre
macy in those States, and send votes
which elect an enemy of the government,
will w , e not repel his claims?
And is not that civil war for the Presi-
dency, inaugurated by the votes of rebel
States ?
Seriously impressed with these dangers,
Congre.ss, ",the proper constitutional an
thonty,"..formalfy declared that there are
no State Governments in the rebel States,
and provided for their erection at a prop
er time ; and both the Senate and House
of Representatives rejected the Senators
and Representatives chosen under the an
thoriq of what the President calls the
free Constitution and Government of Ar
kansas.
Thu President's proclamation "bolds
for usught" this judgment, and discards
the authority of the Supreme Court, and
stridee headlong , towards the anarchy his
proclamation of the Bth of. December unut
prated. .
If electors for President be allowed to
be choien in either of those States, a sin
later light will be cast on the motives
whichindnced the President to "bold for
nanghi" the will of Congress rather that
. •
•
'MONTROSE, P/., THUS DAY, 44.1:1G.,180:1864.
hia government in Louisiana and Arkan•
Batt
'The judgment df Congress which the
President defies was the exercise of an
authorityy exclusively vested in Congress
by the Constitution to determine what is.
the established government in a State,
and in its own nature and by the highest
judicial authority , binding on all other de
partments of the government '
The Supreme Court his formally do
<dared that under the fourtksection of the
fifth'article of the Constitution, requiring
the United Statedto guarantee to every
State a republican form of government
"it' rests with Congresito illOcide what
farm of government is theilltablished one
in a State ;" and "when Senators and Reli.
resentativs of a State are admitted into
the councils of the Union, the authority
of the government under hich they are
appointed, as well as its republican char
acter, is recognized by the proper Consti
tutional authority, and its decision ' is
binding on every other department of the
government, and could not be questioned
in a judicial tribunal. It is true that the
contest in this case did not last long en
ough tit bring the matter to this issue;
and as no Senators or Representatives
were elected under the authority of the
government of which Mr. Dorr was the
head, Congress was not called upon to de
cide the controversy. Yet the right to
decide it is placed there."
Even the President's proclamation of
the Bth of December, formally declares
that " whether members sent to Congress
from any State shall be admitted to seats,
constitutionally rests exclusively with the
respective Houses, and not to any extent
with the Executive."
And that is not the less true because
wholly inconsistent with the President's
assumption in that proclamation of a
right to institute and recognize State gov
ernments in the rebel States, nor because
the President is unable to perceive that
his recognition is a nullity if it be not
conclusive on Congress.
Under the Constitution, the right to
Senators and Representatives is insepara
ble from a Suite government.
If there be a State government, the
right is absolute.
If there be no State government, there
can be no Senators or Representatives
chosen.
The two Houses of Congregs are ex
pressly declared to be the sole judges of
their own members.
When, therefore, Senators and Rep
resentatives are admitted, the State gov
ernment,under whose authority they were
chosen, is conclusively established; when
they are rejected, its existence is as con
clusively rejected and denied ; and to this
judgment the President, is bound to sub
mit.
The President proceeds to express his
unwillingness " to declare a constitutional
competency in Congress to abolish slave
rpn States" as another reason for not
signing the bill.
But the bill nowhere proposed to abol
ish slavery in the States.
The bill did provide that all slaves in
the rebel States should be manumitted.
But as the President. - had already sign
ed three bills manumitting several classes
of slaves in States, it is not conceived pos
sible that be entertained any scruples
touching thatprovision of the bill respect
ing which he is silent.
He had already assumed a right by proc
lamation to free much the larger number
of slaves in the rebel States, under the au
thority given him by Congress to use mil
itary power to suppress the rebellion ;
and it is quite inconceivable that the
President should think that Congress
could vest in him a discretion it could not
exercise itself.
It is the more unintelligible from the
fact that, except in respect to a small part
of Virginia and Louisiana, the bill coveted
only what the proclamation covered—ad.
ded a Congressional title and judicial rem
edies by law to the disputed title under
the proclamation, and perfected the work
the President professed to be so anxious
to accomplish.
Slavery as an institution can be abol
ished only by a change of the Constitu
tion of the United States or of the law of
the State; and this is the principle of the
bill.
It required the new Constitution of the
State to provide for that prohibition; and
the President, in the face of his own proc
lamation, does not venture to object to
insisting on that condition—yet be de
feated the only provision imposing it
But when he describes himself , in spit e
of this great blow at emancipation as
" sincerely hoping and expecting tilt a
constitutional amendment abblishing slav
ery throughout the nation may be adopt ;
ed,' we curiously inquire on , what his
pectations rest, after the vote of the House
of Representatives at rocent session,
and it) the face of the political complexion
of more than enough ofthe States to pre
vent the possibility of its adoption within
atfy reasonable time ; and why be did not
indulge his sincere hopes with so large an
installment of the Me:Worm his approv
al of the bill wotild have scoured:
After this assignment of his reason for
preventing the bill from becoming a law,
the Presideit proceeds to decisrelds par=
pose 0 acetate kft a lev,:by Al! pielecry
&Mimic? power,
He' me
Nevertheless, Tara tally saddled witionto *item the
restoration contliinedin the 011,sur pan Off!, nroVer
plantotthe kryal people Of aby Biala choosing to adopt
t ; and that I am, and anti timer stud! be, proposal to
givo ths.Enccotitepldtpd assolotanco, to anrountfpft•
pleas soon as tiro military resistance to the united
States shall hats been summed molar such Statn.a 2l 4
the people thereof shall have adliclently returned to
MU obedient:lto the Constitution and the laws of the
United Rotas ; Which casco Military Governors
Do Oppointed, with diroothmo to' proceed according to
tits
A more studied outrage on the legisla
tive authoritg of
W e peoplehas never been
peryetratiik
pealed abill Lthe President
refused to approve it, and then by procla
mation puts as much of it in force as , he
sees tit, and proposes to execute those
parts by alders ,unknowt to the laws of
the United Stateii and - not subject to the
confirmation of the Senate I
The bill directed the appointment of
Provisional Governors by and with the
advice and consent of the Senata.
The President., after defeating the law,
proposes to appoint without law, and
without the advice and consent of the
Senate, Military Governors for the rebel
States!
He has already , exercised this eictatori
al usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeat
ed the bill to prevent ite limitation.
Henceforth we must regard the follow
ing precedent as the Presidential law of
the rebel States.,
• &moms Msitirox,_
Wisawrwron, March 15,_1954 f
/fie Eteeelleng,ifichad Hahn . Governor V.Xotristaito:
Until further orders, you are herein , invested with the
powers exercised hitherto by the Rutter, Governor of
Yours,
Annuls.* Locate.
This Michael Hahn is' no officer of the
United States, the President, without law,
without the advice and consent of the
Senate, t by a private note not even counter
signed by the Sec'y of State, makes him
dictator of LOuisiana !
The bill provided for the civil adminis
tration of the laws of the State—till it
should be in a fit temper to govern itself,
repealing all laws recognizing slavery,
and making all men equal before the
law.
These beneficent provisions the Presid
ent has annulled. People will die, and
marry and transfer property, and buy and
sell—and to these acts of civil life courts
and officers of the law are necessary.—
Congress legislated for these necessary
things, and the President deprives them
of theprotection of the law
The President's purpose to instruct his
Military Govefnore to proceed accord.
ing to the bill"—a' makeshift to calm the
disappointment its defeat has occasioned,
is not merely a grave usurpation but a
transparent delusion.
He cannot " proceed according to the
bill" after preventing it from becoming a
law.
Whatever is done will be at his will
and pleasure, by persons responsible to no
law, and more interested to secure the in
terests and execute the will of the Presid
ent than of the people • and the will of
Congress ri to be " held for nought," "un
less the loyal people of the rebel States
choose to adopt it."
If they should graciously prefer the
stringent bill to the easy proclamation,
still the registration will be made under
no legal sanction ;it will give no assur
ance that a majority of the people of the
States have taken the oath ; if administer
ed, it will be without legal authority, and
void ; no indictment will lie for false swear
ing at the election, or for admitting bad
or rejecting good votes; it will be the'
farce of Louisiana and Arkansas acted
over again, under the forms of this bill,
but not by authority of law.
Bat when we come to the guarantees
of future peace which Congress meant to
enact, the forms, as well as the substance
of the bill, must yield to the President's
will that none should be imposed.
It was the solemn resolve of Congress
to protect the loyal men of the nation
against three great dangers, (1) the re
turn to power of the guilty leaders to the
rebellion, (2) the continuance of slavery,
and (3) the burden of the rebel debt.
Congress required assent to those pro
visions by the Convention of the States ;
and if refused, it was to be dissolved.
The President " holds for naught" that
resolve of Congress, because he is unwill
ing "to be inflexibly committed to any
one plan of restoration," and the people
of the United States are not to be allowed
to protect themselves unless their enemies
agree to it.
The order to proceed according to the
bill is therefore merely at the will of the
rebel States ; and they have the option
to reject it, accept the proclamation of the
Bth of December, and demand the Presid
ent's recognition!
Mark the contrast! The bill requires a
majority. the proclamation is satisfied
with one-tenth; the bill requires one oath,
the proclamation, another; the bill -mart
ains voters by registering, the proclama
tion by guess ; the bill exacts adherence
to visting territorial limits, theproclema
don admire of others ; the bill governs
the rebel States by law, equalizing all be
fore it; the proclamation commits them to
the lawless discretion of military Gover
nors and provost marshals.; the bill for
bids electors for President, the proclama
tion and defeat -of the bill threaten us
with civil war for the admission or exclus
ion of such votes ; the bill exactedexclus
ion of dangerous enemies from power
and the relief'of the nation from the rebel
debt, and the prohibition of slavery. for.
P. ; • 13.
•
.3(1 r
;i . ; ;.:, :.•
4: •i
•, . !., .
. •
tens- n- - .10 - r 7.
ever, eo that the apppreisjog, ufthexel4l-,
ion will !livable our, resources , to, henr.o.r .
pay the ',national debt; free - the' Masses
from the; old' domination 'to'the rebel
leadeis, and eradicate-tl4 taus° of the
war ; the proclamationAccuresfneitherof
these gaimAties., • •,. •
It is s;l9at respecting the rehpl 4E14 and
the
. political exclusion of rebel "leaders;
leaving slavery exactly ithereit wall by
at the outbreak of the rebellion and
adds no...guaranty .evea of the freedom of
the slaves he undertook to manumit.
It is summed up in an 111910 oatNyvith
out a sanction an therefore void:
The oath is to support all proclamations
of the President daring the( rebellion hav
ing reference to slaves.,
Any Government is to be accepted at
the hands of one-tenth e the people not
contravening 'Skit 'Oast
Now that oath neither secures the abo
lition of slavery tior adds- security to the
freedom of the slaves the- President de
clared free.
It 'does not secure Abolition of alitvery ;
for the proclamation of freedom merely
professed to free certain slam while it re
cognized the Institution. -
Every Constitution of the rebel States
at the outbreak
_of the rebellion,may be
adopted without the change of a,letter •
for none of them contravene thatproclama:
Lion ; none of them establish slavery.
It adds no security to the freedom of the
slaves.
For their title is the proclamation of
freedom.
If it be unconstitutional, an oath to sup
port it is void. Whether constitutional
or not, the oath is without authority of
law, and therefore void.
If it be valid and fobserved, it exacta no
enactment by the. State, either in law or
Consitiution, to 'add a State guaranty to
the proclamation title ; and the right of a
slave to. freedom is an open qiiestion be
fore the State courts on the relative with
ority of the State law and the proclama
tion. '
If the oath binds the one-tenth who
take it, it is not exacted' f the other nine.
tenths who succeed to the control of the
State G9vernment, so that ilia annulled
instantly by the act ief recognition.
What-the State courts would say of the
proclamation, who can doubt.
But the master would not go into court
he would seize his slave.
What the Supreme Court would- say,
who can tell ?
When and how is the question to get
there.
No habeas corpus lies for bim in a Unit
ed States court, and the President defeat
ed with this bill its extension of that writ
to this case.
Such are the fruits of this rash and fatal
act of the President—a blow at the friends
of his Administration, at the rights of
humanity, and at the principles &repub
lican government.
The President has greatly presumed
on the forbearance which the supporters
of his Admisistration have so long practic
ed, in view of the arduous. conflict in
which we are engaged, and the reckless
ferocity of our political opponents.
But he must understand that our sup
port is of a cause and not of a man ; that
the authority of Congress is paramount
and must be respected • that the whole
body of the Union men & Congress will
not submit to be impeached by him of
rash and unconstitutional legislation ; and
if he wishes our support, he must confine
himself to his executive duties—to obey
and execute, not make the laws—to sup
press by arms armed rebellion, and leave
political re-organization to Congress.
If the supporters of the Government
fail to insist on this they become responsi
ble for the usurp ation which they feat°
rebuke, and are justly liable to the indigo
nation of the people whose rights and
security, committed to their keeping, they
sacrifice.
Let them consider the remedy for these
usurpations, and, having found it, fear
lessly execute it.
B. F. WAD;
Chairman Senate Committee.
H. WINTER DAVIS,
Chairman Committee House of Rep.
sentatires on the Rebellious States.
ilgr'Old Abe's story about " swappi i n4
horses when crossing a stream," is lilt
to prove rather an unfortunate one for
him. The Fremont men ridicule it with
out mercy. At their recent monster do.
monstration. in St. Louis no less than a
dozen of the emblems were devoted to
the horse swapping question. One of
them, which was peculiarly happy, "rep
resented Lincoln as a worthless old horse
ridden by the Goddess of . Liberty, and
crossing.a stormy , river,, visibly exhaust.,
ed. At,his side, and a little ahead, was
proud Arabian horse, swimming with
ease. Near the Goddess was the Spirit
of Ruin, crying , out in a stentorian voice,
Donk swap horses"
'The candidates oil the Demotiratie
State Ticket in Wham, ban addressed
t, 43 ,, the Chivernor of Wit' state it *eat
that, he use biejefitteace Ali the Prat&
cen t 6 permit the'ledi e rut volenteers
retail! toile 'to participate in the Cleo'
tion: , Present° tbleja aaeihtsr s
deuce of “ cieppeitekl
,Ogigisity 4 timeassoi
the soldiarq."
VOLUME- NtXßiEi32
The th m it ution. ....,
- Tr'the - Podsigeiii 4 the4reiit'l r Anhae
often-break tip**ltingle night; TM klat
before they may have.seemed -, firmi and
solid, but , when morningeomea 4 0 1 bing -
is seen fume jostling and - crumbling fran ,
codas. The Republican party is falling
to pieces in very much the mane
There is no great breach in iterranks; ne
sundering (into two or more hostile, pit
compact ,finitions but there ia ,sprocess
of disorganization
i apd decomposition at.
work, like that seen n the icedeld, whi c h
enddenly loses -- its coherence, and floating
under• warmer aktinrioon melts sway ea
disappears forever. Every one has an
experience of his own to relate; , and eon
tell how his old friends; who have been
the most thorough-going in their support
of Mr. Lincoln, , have` 'at last yielded to
the " login of events," and are ready'to
renounce the President and all his works.
These changes are not made at the beck
of any leader. They are in no sense fact'.
ons. They are'notproduied by sympathy
'with any popular ezeittemt orpas.—
The simpte.explatiations is that the pm
le—ncl man for himself—find that no
dependence can 'be placed in the mum.
ces of those in office, and that having had
all and more than they asked for, they
have done and can do nothing to restore
the Union. The long-suffering path:cos
which has endured one disappointment
after another is at last worn out, and the
most h opeful are giving away to despair.'
The war is apparently no nearer its end
than it was three years ago ; the people
of the South are more defiant and des
perste then ever; our fictitious prosperity
is rapidly collapsing, while bankruptcy,
anarchy and ruin stare us in the face. It
is no wonder, then, that men are every
where emancipating themselves from their
prejudices, and anxiously searching for
the truth. Those who have been the most
credulous, and have blindly believed just
what they were told to believe, are be
coming skeptical, and the most thought
less are beginning to think. -These indica
tions of mental activity are, it seems to•
us, of vastly more importance than any
dissensions among the leaders of the Re.
publican party. Commanding such a
patronage as this war puts into his hands,
Mr. Lincoln need not feel very much dis
couraged, although Mr. Sumner berates
him in private, or Senator Harris flies
from his obscene jests, or even though
Metiers. Wide and Davis rend him with
their protest; but when , the people begin
to abandon him of their own accord, his
fate is sealed. The same causes which be- ,
gan the movement will continue it; and
he will soon be left with no supporters
but office-holders and shoddy -contractors..
Sash a spontaneous popular movement is
one of the revolutions that never go back
ward ; and it has already advanced far
enough to ensure his defeat. Whatever
other evils the future may have in store,
for us, the re-election of A. Lincoln is not,
one of them.
Wine Starke county Democrat pub.
Halted at Clinton, Ohio, says :
" A preacher in this city, last Sabbath,.
took for his text the 12th verse of the
14th chapter of Hebrews. It reads is-fol
lows :
"Follow peace wit hall men, and holi
ness, without which no man shall see the,
Lord."
The reverend gentleman read this verse
as follows
" Follow holiness, without which no MX
can see the Lord 1"
The words, " peace with all men," were ,
not acceptable, and hence were omitted." -
So it seems that the abolitionpreachers
are going to take the same liberty with:
the Word of God that Old Abe does with,
the Constitution.
Captain Charles E. Robinson, for some
time past acting in the capacity of Com
missary of Subsistence of volunteers in
this city, was recently tried by court-mar .
tial, found guilty of dishonest practices
and conduit unbecoming an officer, and
dismissed from the service of the United
States with forfeiture of pay. (Had be•
any due?) The dishonest practice char
ged against the captain was the secret
trknefer to a "loyal" firm in this city, of
100 barrels of flour belonging to the gov
ernment. Whether innocent or guilty,
we have reason to believe that parties
mush letter known in this commimity.
should share the penalty. " Mae at last
sets all things even," and justice may yet
demand a flirther investigation in this
case.-Harrisburg Patriot.
fiddling was going on *Ai
Washington, and Chambersburg watt, on fire, the following false and insulting di&
patch was, after due inspection at' the war
department, sent oat from Waehbgtos
to qpilet and deceive the pnblio:
,"No uneasiness , whatever is felt by the
government brielaticm to afftdrs'in Penn,
Sylvania. The preparations made, togeth , '
er with the militia of that State, are am,
pie to jgive the invaders a severe punish.
_There were no "preparations," and Ow-
Om militia raised bid taken away t,
so the rebels escaped unharmed: •
Now."the government" will lie,
=MZZ!III
A „
k ~,f,
- 11‘ 0 li 0 Ilith'P
,
1
Dismissed from Service.