THE PRESIDENT AND CABINET SERENADED, SHORT SPEECH FROM MR. JOHNSON. Speeches of qecretaries Stanton and IdoCulloch. Address by the Postniaster General. Letters from Messrs. Harlan , and Speed. WASICENGTON, May 23.—The President and the various , members of his Cabinet were serenaded to-night by the National Union Club, attended by a very large con course of citisena,"numbering several thou sands. _ The President was the first to be compli mented in this way. In acknowledgment of it he came out in front of the 11xecntive Mansion, and stand ing on the coping of the balustrade, he made very brief speech. His appearance was the signal for enthusiastic greetings. His words were as follows : The President's Speech. Fellow-citizens : In appearing before you this evening, it is simply for the purpose of tendering to you my thanks, my sincere thanks, for this demonstration and for the approbation which you have manifested on ibis occasion Rid on many occasions before. Buch approbation is peculiarly gratifying and encouraging to me under existing cir cumstances. All that will be necessary is to persist in the support and maintenance of 'correct principles, and the day is not dis tant when the American people will satisfy you that the good work you have-com menced is right, as it will so prove in the end. [Cheers.] I repeat my thanks for your approbation of my conduct as a public man and a public servant. , The President then retired amid hearty applause. The party next proceeded to the resi dence of the Secretary of State. In the absence of Mr. Seward, the compliment was acknowledged by Mx. Fred. Seward, who said: Bice eh of the Assistant Secretary of State. FELLOW CITIZENS behalf of the Sec retary of State I thank you sincerely for this manifestation of your kindness. I re gret that he is not here to-night, for I am sure it would give him pleasure to witness and share in yopr demonstration of patri otic feeling of fidelity to the Union, and of appreciation of the wise and earnest efforts. of the President for its restoration. [Cheers] The Secretary of the Navy was next called upon. In acknowledgment of the compliment Mr. Welles said: Speech of Secretary Welles. I thank you, gentlemen, for this compli ment, which I suppose is to the Adminis tration and its policy, which we one and all approve. [Cheers.] You need not expect any remarks from me, for I do not intend to make any. You are, one and all, I 'sup pose, for the Union and for the establish ment of the rights of the States. [Cheers.] These are my views. [Cheers.] The Secretary of War was next called upon, the band playing "Rally round the Flag," "When Johnny Comes Marching Borne," and other airs. Secretary Stanton seplied as follows : Speech of Secretary Stanton. GRNTLEMEN : On the afternoon of Thurs day, the seventh of this month, I received a note from the Secretary of the National 'Union Johnson Club, telling me it was the design of they association to serenade the President and his Cabinet, and that I would be called upon at my residence. Immedi ately on the receipt of this note, reply was sent to the Secretary expressing my thanks for the compliment, and (declining ;the honor of the serenade. A similar compli ment from the patriotic association of the - Soldiers' and Sailors' League, had previ onely been declined. Two reasons induced my action. The last time a public speech was made from this spot in answer , to a serenade, was on the night of Friday, the fourteenth day of April, 1865, At that moment, when we were rejoicing ,over the downfall of the re bellion, one of its instruments was murder ing Mr. Lincoln. You will not think it strange that a complimentary occasion, fraught with such associations, should not be coveted. Besides, as the head of a De partment, my public duties have been sim ply executive, and it has always been my aim to avoid trenching upon duties devolved upon others, and to avoid mischief by the premature discussion of matters entrusted to the legislative branch of the Government and under its consideration. But the call of this evening relieves me from any imputation of intruding my opinions upon you. I shall, therefore, de viate them briefly and plainly. To the end that they may be neither accidentally mis understood, nor wilfully misrepresented, what it is my purpose to say on this occa thou, has been written. - After four years of war, the authority of the Federal Government was established throughout the whole territory of the United States, at a sacrifice of over three hundred thousand lives of loyal soldiers, and a cost of more than three thousand millions of dol lars. Nearly every household in 18 loyal States is mourning its loved ones slain by rebels. A tax, which may last for genera tions, is laid upon the food and raiment and necessities of every family, and in the price of their daily bread the 20,000000 inhabitants of the loyal. States feel, and will long con tinue to feel, what it cost to uphold their Government against rebellion. The office of President devolved upon Mx- Johnson at the death of Mr. Lincoln, on the 15th day of April, 1865. Thirteen days before that time, Richmond, the seat of the rebel government, had been captured, and six days later the rebel commantier-in-chief, R. E. Lee, routed and vanquished, surrendered, his army, as prisoners of war, to Gen. Grant and the forces under his command. By these rapidly succeeding events the rebel govern ment was overthrown, its strength and hope exhausted, and in every State its arme d ' . forces and official authorities gave them selves up as prisoiaers of war. The Presi dent's annual message to , the present Con-_ gress thus clearly states the condition of the country and the question thereby impressed upon him "I flziund the States suffering from the ef fects of a civil war. Resistance to the Greneral Government appeared to have ex hausted itself._ The United Seates had re covered possession of their forts and arsenals;, and their armies were in the oc cupation , of every State which had at ,temPted to secede. Whether the territory within the limits of those States should be held as conquered territory, under military authority 'emanating from the President, as head 'of the army, was , the first question that iiresented itself for decision." After stating the objg4tioits to the contin tirice of merely ••fifilitao. rifle, the alterna five course chosen S'Yrbim: and supported by his Cabinet is thus crearly Set forth: "Provisional Governors have been ap ffioliited 'foiitha State.% ponventions called, `Goverricirkelected, Legislatures aisembled, and Relaresentatives'ehosen tothe'Congress 'Of the'United 'Stales: At the same time the Courts-orthe United States, as r far as coulri be done, have lieenk. , Xe-opened, so that the laws of the United States may be enforced through their agency. !`The blockade ben been removed and the custom houses re-established in the ports of entry, so that the revenue of the United States may be collected. The Post Offle,e Department renews its ceaseless activity - , and the General Government is thereby enabled to communicate promptly with its officers and agents. The Courts bring se curity to persons and property, the opening of the ports invites the restoration of in dustry and commerce, the post offices renew the facilities of social intercourse and of business." - No one better than Mr. Johnson under stood the solemn duty imposed upon the National Executive to maintain the National authority,r,vindicated:at so great a sacrifice, and the obligation not to suffer the just fruits of so fierce a struggle and of so many battles and victories to slip away or turn to ashes. In many speeches to delegations from loyal States, in, despatches to the pro visional governors "acting under his autho rity, and in declarations made to the public for their information, there was no disguise of his purpose to secure , the peace and tran quillity of the!' country on just and sure foundations. These measures received the cordial support of every member of the Cabinet, and were approved by the senti ments declared in Conventions in nearly all of the States. One point of difference presented itself, namely, the basis of representation. By some it was thought just and expedient that the right of sullrage in the , rebeL States should be secured in some form to the colored inhabitants of these States, either as a universal rnle, or to those qualified by education or by actual service as soldiers, who ventured their lives for their Govern ment. My own mind inclined to this view, but after a calm and full discussion my judgment yielded to the adverse alguments, resting upon the practical difficulties to be encountered in such a measure, and to the Piesident's conviction that to prescribe the rule of suffrage was not within the legiti mate scope of his power. The plan of organization embodied in the proclamation to the people of North Caro lina, and the instructions to the Provisional Governor of that State, exhibit the system and principles prescribed by the President for the substitution of civil authority in the place of universal military rule in the in surrectionary States. In this plan, two things presented by the. proclamation and the President's instructions are worthy of special notice. First—That the exercise of the organizing power is specifically and absolutely re- stricted to the people "who are loyal to the 'United States, and no others." This is in accordance with the views often expressed by Mr. Johnson from the commencement of the rebellion and under the most impressive circumstances. Secondly—The choice of delegates was not only limited to loyal people, and no others, but constitutional guaranties were require& in - respect to the emancipation of slaves and the repudiation of the rebel debt. A. sound reason for such guaranties in re spect to slavery is stated by the President in his message, namely, the necessity of "the evidence of sincerityisi thefuture main tenance of. the Union." These views, et pressed by the President in his message, received and continue to receive my cordial acquiescence and support. Who are loyal people ? is a question that ought not to be difficult of decision. After a full explanation of the steps taken by him to restore the constitutionalrelations of the States, the President, in his annual message, proceeds to state with equal dis tinctness what remains to be done, and to whom the authority and duty of doing it belongs, in the following words: "The amendment to the Constitution being adopted, it would remain for the Slates whose powers have been so long in abeyance to resume their places in the two branches of the National Legislature, and thereby complete the work of restoration. Here it is for you, fellow citizens of the Senate, and for you, fellow citizens of the Rouse Of Representatives, to judge each of you for yourselves, of the elections, returns and qualifications of your own members." Whoever doubts that the authority and duty of judging for itself of the elections and quacations of its members belongs to each House of Congress, may have his doubt removed by the Federal Constitution, which declares, in the fifth section of the first article, that "Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifi cations of its own members." In thus dis tinctl3P recognizing the constitutional right of each HOMO of Congress to judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, the President has conformed to the plain letter of the Constitution. It being the function of each Howe to judge of the election returns and-qualifica tions of its own members, the obligation is implied of taking testimony, weighing evi dence and deciding the question or member ship. What testimony has been taken, or what evidence has been presented on the question to either branch of Congress, or what judgment will be given is not known to me, nor have I the right ofinquiring. Besides the steps taken by the Executive to restore the constitutional relations of the States, his annual message called the atten tion of Congress to the necessity of insuring the security of the freedmen, reminding Congress that while he had no doubt that the General Government could not extend the elective franchise, it• is equally clear that good faith requires the security of the freedmen in their liberty and their property —their right to labor, and their right to claim the just return of their labor; and ob serving further that the country is in need of labor, and that the freedmen are in need of employment, culture, and protection. In connection with this subject the Presi dent further remarks, "Slavery was essen tially a monopoly of labor; and, as such, locked the States where it prevailed,against the incoming of free industry. Where labor was the property of the capitalist the white man was excluded from employment,or had but the second best chance of finding it,and the foreign emigrant turned away from the region where his condition would be so pre carious. With the destruction of this mon opoly free labor will hasten from all parts of the civilized world to assist in developing the various and immeasurable resources which have hitherto loin dormant. "The eight or nine States nearest the Gulf of Mexico have a soil of exuberance and fertility, a climate friendly to•long life, and can sustain a denser population than is found as yet in any part of our country,and the.future influx of population to them. will be mainly from the North, or from the most cultivated nations of Europe." The views of the President in relation to the freedmen received and continue to .re ceive my hearty concurrence. They have guided the action of the War Department and were substantially adopted in its annual report. • In what I believed an honest desire to conform to them, a bill was passed by Con-, gress regulating the Freedmen's Barectu,, but the provisions of the bill did not meet the President's approval, because he be lieved the powers conferred upon him and upon:the agents to be approved by him to be illegal and unconstitutional. Concurring in the objects of the bill and regarding the. power as temporary and safe in his hands, I advised its approval, but having been re turned to Congress with the President's ob-, jections, and having failed theneedful sup-. port, it is no lenger a living measure, nor the subject of debate' or difference of opin ion. Another Congressional measure, called the Civil Rights bill, has been the subject of conflict. That bill, now a law, has for its object, the security of civil rights in the insurrectionary States. It was well observed by the President in his annual message that ''peaceful emigra tion to and from thatportion of the country (the Southern States) is one of the best means that can be thought of for the resto ration of harmony." its possible interfer- THE DAILY EVENING BKILLETIN ; PHI ence with such emigration was one of the chief objections to military rale, and by some it is thought that the influence of class- legislation in favor of, the slaveholding mo nopoly, heretofore existing in the Southern States would still -be strongly exerted to prevent peaceful emigration into those States, andwould exclude the laboring pop ulation of the. North from that soil of exu berant- fertility and friendly climate, that productive region, embracing the eight or nine States nearest the Gulf of Mexico, and that hence civil rights in those States should be vigilantly, ptotected by Federal laws and Federal tribunals, Although the measures enacted by Congress for this purpose failed to receive the Executive sanction, yet hav ing been adhered to by a two-thirds vote in each House, they have now passed to the statute book, and cease to be the subject of debate. Another measure, or series of measures, of prime importance now pending before Co ngress, merits a brief; remark, namely, the plan of restoration, or reconstruction, as it is sometimes called. To the plan reported by the Joint Committee I have not been able to give my assent. It contemplates an amendment to the Federal Constitution, the third section of the proposed article being in these terms : SEcnori 3. Until the fourth day of July, in the year 1870,` all persona who voluntarily adhered to the late, insurrection, giving it aid and comfort, shalibe f=ctuded from the right to vote for representatives in Congress and for electors for President and Tice .Pre sident of the United States. It is urged by the advcoatea of this plan that this third second is the vital one , with out which the others are of no value. Its exclusive action will, no doubt, commend it to the feelings of many as a wise andjust provision, but lam unable so-to regard it, because for four years it binds Congress to exclude from voting for Representatives or Presidential Electors "all persons who vo luntarily adhered to the late insurrection giving it aid and comfort." No matter whatmay be the condition of the country, nor what proofs of present and future loy alty may be given, au absolute constitu tional bar is to be SFected for four years against a large class of persons. Change of circumstances and condition often works rapid change in political senti ments, and nowhere with more marked re sult than in the South. It is believed that elements of change are now at work there, stimulating on one side to loyalty, and on the other tending to continued hostile feel ing,s. In my judgment every proper in citement to union should be fostered and cherished, and for Congress to limit its own power by a constitutional amendment, for the period of four years, might be deplo rable in its result. To those who differ, I accord the same honesty, and, perhaps, greater wisdom than I can claim for myself. As the pro posed plan now stands, I am unable to per ceive the necessity, justice or wisdom of the measure; but having no place nor voice in the body before which the measure is pend ing, I disclaim any purpose to interfere be yond the expression of my own opinion. Having thus declared my views, as they have heretofore been declared, to those who had the right to know them, on the material questions that have lately arisen, or arenow pending, I trust that your purpose on this occasion is answered, and I shall be glad if their expression may have any beneficial influence on questions, the right disposition whereof is a matter of solicitude to every patriotic man, and is deeply important to the peace and tranquillity of the country. Recognizing the co-ordinate branches of Government, legislative, judicial and execu tive, and entertaining for each the respect which is due for every loyal citizen, they are entitled to and shall receive, acoording to my beat judgment, the support which is required by that Constitution, which, after unexampled conflict, has been upheld and sanctified by divine favor, and through the sacrifice of so much blood and treasure. The Secretary of the Treasury was next called on, and said: Speech of Hon. Hugh McCulloch. Fellow-Citizens—Yon are aware thatl am not in the habit of making speeches, and take it for granted, therefore,that in making this call upon rue you intended only to pay me a passing compliment, and not to elicit from me any extendedremarks. Ishall not disappoint you; I shall not be so ungrateful for your kindness as to inflict upon you a speech. My position, gentlemen, in refer ence to the issues which are now engaging the public attention are not, I apprehend, misunderstood by you. [Cheers.] I took occasion last fall among my old friends in Indiana to define my position,and since that time I have seen no occasion to change, much less to abandon it. I will say,therefore, as I suppose I must say some thing on this occasion, that the general policy of the President in reference to the Southern States, au d the people recently In arms against the Federal Government, has commended itself to my deliberate judg ment, and, although it has been violently— in some cases vindictively—assailed, I have an abiding conviction that it will be ap proved by the people when they shall be al lowed to pass judgment upon it at the bal lot-box. This plan is fairly stated in the platform of the Club, which many of you represent. I need not say, therefore, in regard to that platform any more than that I subscribe to all its doctrines fully and without reserve. I suppose, gentlemen, that some of us ex pected that at the close of this great war, in which much bad blood had been shed, we should have blue skies and calm seas. I take: it for granted that most of us ex pected that at the close of this war there would be passion, pique, and perhaps vio lence, which it would take time to bring into proper subjugation, but although we anticipated this, we knew that the people of the United States would be prepared for whatever might come up; we anticipated that at the close of this war great questions would come up for settlement, the discus sion of which would be likely to agitate this country, and to, shake it, perhaps, from cen tre to circumference; but we know also, that the . people had not, been wanting in any previous emergency, and we had con fidence that they could be prepared to cope with and settle satisfactorily any questions that might be presented in-the future. That ' faith is with us now. It is strong with us to-night. We have faith in the people, and we have faith in that good Providence which, having -led--the nation through the Red Sea of battle, is - not likely to desert it now that the dreadful passage has been accomplished. The President of the United States, gen in - tlemen, stands before the country no doubtful attitude. His voice gave utterance to no uncertain language when it denounced treason. Atjhe outbreak of the rebellion, In the Senate, of the United States, he showed no faltering fidelity. When count ing everything else as of no value, as mere dust in the balance in, comparison with the Union and the. Ctonetitu tion, he went back to Tennessee to fight treason and secession iii their strong holds and peril his life and the lives of his family. His policy is straightforward, in telligible and practical. If a better policy can be presented, one more in consonance with the principles of the. Governmerit, better calgulated to pre serve the supremacy, of Federal authority,- •while it trenches not on the reserved and le gitimate rights of the States—more just,i more humane, better fitted to bind the peo ple of this great, country in a common bro therhood, at the :same time• that it, places just condemnation, on treason and vindicates indicates the majesty of the law. ,It ,such a policy can be presented there is no man in the United States who will more wil lingly embrace it - than Andrew Johnson. [Cheers.] But until that better policy be presented, be must be false to himself; false to his record, arid must, in fact, cease to be ADELPJIIA.,, THURSDAY; MAY Andrew Johnson, if he does not "adhere to his'policy, and sink or swim with it. [Cheers:l It is pretty good evidence after all, gen stlemen, of his correctness• of policy, that Congress, after having been m session nearly six long weary months, has been un able to present one which they can, agree upon as a. substitute. It once said, I think, by John Randolph, that "of all tink ers the Constitution tinkers were the most to be depredated." If the old man could rise from his grave, what would he say to the present Congress, in which every third man, at least, is a Con stitution tinker. [Cheers and laughter.] But they are not wise enough to amend that grand old instrument, the work .of our patriot fathers of the Republic, the glory of the United States and the admiration of the world. , My . fellow citizens, there is but one pro position that has been presented which stands even the ghost of a chance of accept ance by the people of, the. North, and thatis the proposition- basing representation on voters, and whose fault is it that that is not part of the Constitution to-day? Why was it not submitted with the amendment abolishing slavery?' Whose fault was that? [Voices, "the Copperheads." -Other voices, "Thad. Stevens."] Mr. McCulloch—Was it the fault of An drew Johnson? [Shouts of- "the fault of Congress." "Thad. Stevens," and counter cheers for Mr, Stevens.] If the course which the President was pursuing was obnoxious to the charges made against it in the recess of Congress, how happened it that there was no denunciation of it until the meeting of Congress? ilow happened it that these Jupiter Tonans of Congress were as silent as though they had been dumb? V Those men whose duty it was to stand on the ramparts of the Constitution, and alarm the people of approaching danger, why did they not denounce that policy, and demand of the President a Convention of Congress. No such demand was made; no such denun ciation was then heard. We did hear a voice from Pennsylvania, I believe, and, perhaps, a response from Massachusetts [Laughter], but the people weresilent, if not approving. Fellow-Citizens, I did not intend speak ing so much. I have only this to say: I have desired and hoped for a continuance of this great - Union party, with which I have been ever identified. But if its leaders can present nothing better than the programme of the committee, I am greatly apprehen sive that its days will be numbered. I trust, fellow-citizens, that this will not be the case; that it will discard its hostility and its attempt to continue alienation between the two sections of country, and that it will embrace those principles which look to luir monv, to restoration arid to peace. If it should do this, it will still continue to be the great and controlling party of the country, and cover itself with imperishable glory. If it does not, its days are num bered, and the epitaph that will be written on it will be "It knew how to prosecute the war with vigor; but it lacked the wisdom to avail itself of the benefits of victory." The serenadin party next proceeded to the residence of Postmaster-General Denni son, who, after repeated calls, appearedand spoke as follows: Speech of Postmaster-General Dennison, FELLOW CITIZEN 4.: I am not the less grateful to you for Mist call because of its being made on me in my official character, and as a member of the. Cabinet; and yet, I am admonished by this fact, as well as by the lateness of the hour, not to discuss many topics of public interest on which. under other circumstances, I might be glad to express my views. I may say, however, that we have much reason to felicitate ourselves on the general condition of the country, in view of the perils through which we have so recently passed, atd to congratulate ourselves upon the promising future that awaits us. It is true that the restoration of the Southern States to all their constitutional relations to the General Government is notyet accomp lished. So far as that duty or that con summation has devolved on the executive branch of the Government, it has.been fully performed. I cannot now recall any failure in this re gard; with all these things yon are familiar, and the country knows what has been done and what is doing. The close of the war brought with it the necessityof re-establish ing the Federal authority in the insurgent States, as rapidly as possible, and connected with it the duty of encouraging the reorgan ization of local governments in each of these States. To this subject, my fellow-eitizens, the at tention of the ?resident and the Cabinet was early directed, with what success I need not point out -to you. I think I venture not too far in saying that history furnishes no parallel to such success. The Federal authority has been established, re cognized and obeyed in every state south of Mason and Dixon's line. The local goiern ments in these States have been reformed substantially to meet their changed condi tion, resulting from the abolition of slavery and are now being peaceably administered. Doubtless there are provisions in the Con stitutions of some of these States, as there are in the laws enacted by some of their Legislatures, that are not in conso nance with the views of the moral and liberty,loving citizens of the nation; but we cannot reasonably doubt that these will give place to better provisions and better laws under the influence of the Federal Go vernment, and, their own material neces sities. But one thing remains, my fellow-citi zens,to complete the work of restoration and to clothe the Southern States with all their Constitutional privileges, and that is, their representation in Congress. [Applause.] Upon this, with the loyal millions of the country, I regret, deeply regret, that there is any difference 'between the President and our friends in Congress, but you will have observed that this difference is not as to who shall represent the Southern States. Their loyalty is to be tested by the taking of the oath prescribed by the Constitution and the laws,- required alike by the Presi dent and Congress, and for every Senator and Representative from every State North and South. The difference, then, is not as to who, but as to when these States shall be represented. The whole theory of the Exe cutive programme for the restoration of the Southern States looks to the early admis sion of loyal Senators and Representatives from those States, while the -Congressional programme, as far as it has been de veloped, looks to delay conditioned on the adoption of certain amendments to the Con stitution. Now, my friends, we must not overlook the fact that if this difference be not ad justed it may lead, and it will lead, in all probability, to tinfortunate results, not only to the Southern States, but to the whole country, and, I may add, the Union party, in whose interest, I learn, your association has been organized. I need not tell you or those who inti mately know me, that it is on• the con tinued ascendancy of the Union party that I rely for the peace and happiness of the country. [Applause.] I need not -tell you it was that party in the field and at the ballot box, which saved the nation from the assaults of armed rebellion. [Applause.] I will only iuld that it is to that party founded on the principles of the Baltimore platform I look to establish indestructibly on the basis of justice 'and constitutional equality, the rights of all the States of our common country. Let me refer one moment to a difference < between the , President and Congress. I want, to deal plainly with you when I say that. I do not believe that these differences are irreconcilable. I do not believe there is any causeof sepa ration between the President and the ma jority in Congress. Nay, if I am not greatly at fault, time and discussion are bringing 24,1866. the President and Congressrapidly together on the basis;of a common platform of action. Certain it is thei. are not`as wide apart as at the opening of Congress. Then prominent Senators and Represen tatives argued that the insurgent States by the act of rebellion had committed suicide, and should be treated as conquered pro vinces. Then it was argued by some distin guished Congressmen that the public safety imperatively demanded that this condition should be imposed upon them all, but these propositions are .not now argued in Con gress. I do not think that in the future we shall hear them debated. I see in this fact a steady and encouraging advance toward practical adjustment, and may we not rea sonably hope these concessions were made to the end of securing reconciliation, satis factory and full, that shall be alike consis tent with the dignity and patriotism both of the Executive and of Congress, and every consideration of patriotism and wisdom favor Such a result. The work of restoration calls for every concession authorized by, the Constitution.l I will not doubt that this concession will be made, and the results of the war by which the nation was preserved will be secured and perpetuated on the basis of peace and concord between the people of all sections of our tonntry. I have said , much more than I expected, and return my thanks again for this friendly call, and now bid you a very good night. Le!Lters from Secretariat Harlan and Speed. The party next proceeded to the retddence of Attorney General Speed„ but that gen man, although called for, did not make his appearance. Several persona said he was not at home, but that - he was at the club oom. The band afterwards played before the re sidence of Secretary Harlan, but that gen tleman also failed to appear. - The Hon. Green Clay Smith, who was a prominent actor in the serenading demon stration, mounting the steps, said Secretary Harlan had written a letter to the Club, which could be read at the Club room. This ended the proceedings attendant on the serenade. The letter of Secretary Harlan is as fol OWS : . _ Secretary Harlan's Letter. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASH INGTON, D. C., May 23, 1868.—Sir: Several days since I received a note signed by you, as President of the National Union Club, informing me of their intention to serenade the President and his Cabinet officers on an evening which you then named, and a note from the Secretary of this organization, an nouncing its postponement on account of the character of the weather. I have to-day received i f third note, signed by the Cor responding Secretary, informing rue that the serenade will be tendered this evening, at S o'clock. After tendering to you and the Club my thanks for the compliment of including me in the number to be thus honored, I regret to be compelled to add that my official en gogements render it impracticable forme to be present. This circumstance gives me less pain as I am not. conscious of having done anything which entitles me Personally to the honor of such an ovation; and if the proposed "call" is intended, as the newspa pers assert, to furnish the officials, connected with the Executive department of the Go vernment an opportunity to announce their opinions on political subjects, I am inclined to think it a pardonable egotism for me to suppose that my opinions are fully known to all who may consider them of sufficient consequence to merit a passing notice, as I have frankly proclaimed them on the floor of the Senate and from the rostrum, for ten consecutive years next preceding the com mencement .of my service as Secretary of the Interior, and have not at any time since, when occasions required it, failed to express my views with equal candor. As my political affiliations in the past have not been doubtful, I do not intend that they shall be so in the future. I have been four times elected to a seat in the United States Senate by the Legislature of lowa, as a rep resentative of the Union Republican party, and as a memter of that political organza tion I was appointed to the office I now hold. To betray the confidence thus re posed in me would be a manifestation of in gratitude so glaringly dishonorable, that I am sure no intelligent member of your or ganization expects it. Nor can it be ex pected that I will do, or say anything which would, in my opinion, tend to divide, weaken, or demoralize the great Union or ganization until the purposes of its creation shall have been fully accomplished. I have the honor to be, very respectfully. your obedient servant, J.A.MES HARLAN. To Hon. A. W. Randall, President of Na tional Union Club. Attorney-General Speed's Letter. The following is Attorney-General Speed's letter: ApronNEY-GENERAL's OFFICE, WASH nvivrolc, D. C., May 23, 1866—Dr. Ferguson, Corresponding Secretary National Union Club.—Sin: Late yesterday afternoon I re ceived your notice that I would be serenaded this evening, at S o'clock. As you have seen fit to notify me of this intended compliment, I presume that an address will be expected. It is right, therefore, that I should say be forehand that the shortness of the time and pressing engagements will not permit me to prepare a fitting address, and I most respect fully state that I must be, excused from speaking on the occasion. Your obedient servant, JAMES Srma:t. u':i'p i_ j 3: DIAMOND 1 "L I BWIR LADO.MIys , . DIAMOND DEALER & JEWPI,ER, WATCLIES, .TRIVELRY Jr SILVER DARE, WATCHES and JEWELRY REPAIRED. 802 Chestnut St...Phila. Owing to the decline of Gold, has made a great reduction in pries of his large and well assorted Stook of Diamonds, Watches, Jewelrv. Silverware, &a The public aye respectfully Invited to call and ex amine our stook before purchasing elsewhere. AM! i.e. HOWARD'S AND TEM AIORRICAN WATCH COMPANY'S WATCHES at__ 11:ENRY 'RAPPELS'S aDYI2-tra US Arch street. R ociFiatsp P.T..A.TED SPOONS AncFottn roynam • 540 Archstreet. 833.mi-wham ran2-Im 0:11/CAPF.ST IN THE 4 (1 - ct Call asd see. Second and New streets, . - FRIES. m 3,17-1111 [ ...- • ee , J. jSZE, 4 6 4. 1?.. T . „1"..1\7. . ...,")..... Baconian'. to deo. W. Gray, .." t - - 24, ' 26, 28 and 30 South su ch gt., Philad!u; . . - . ...6..i. j ,. r. Fme Old Stock &lint-rovnAles, - . , -..,, -_. _ 8 47 fOrVitia • aita. atedtems):o3-• GLATIN, TAPIOCA AND SAGO.--Clox's Scotch Gelatin, Rio Tapioca and East India Pearl Sago, landing and for Bale by J. El Knaialigt. M.,108 B. relaware Avenue ~f=l+~~t'Y=[S~).`MY~ai:~;YV~~q.~:a~_~;ws:(~i:~r'R7.r~l To all places of amusement may be bad up to to o'clock any evening. ONOI be OIL ha d a EATf3 AIM ADMISSION TIO& can t - 'nil.. PROGRAMME 017337.08, 1 IMIIIMETNUT street, opposite the Post 0 for the ARCH, CHESTNUT t WALNUT and AOADEMy OF 3:07010, up to S o'clock - every evening. gely.42 NEW CHESTNUT STRE...e, V THEATRE. 1.11 CHESII4IIT street.a boveT L. GROVER &wax. E. SINN w a KE 'IIi TIL Doors open at 7.1.5. Essees Managers Curtain: rises at & LAST W Of the Popular Young American Tragedian, MR. EDWIN ADAMS:, MR. EDWIN ADAMS, MB;. EDWIN ADAMS; MR. ED WIN ADAMS, MB. EDWIN AD tliS, Who will appear TBI EvENING. FOR 'Lein ONLY TrMy, FOE THE ONLY TIME, In Drawer's beautiful Play, in five acts entitled THE LADY OF LYONS. THE vat Dy OF Lyt. THE LADY OF LYONS. THE LADY OF LYONS. THE LADY OF LYONS. THE LADY OF LYONS. THE LADY OF LYONS. CLAUDE M.ELN0TTE..............Nr. EDITXT ADAMS, To conclude with the favorite Farce, A QUIET FAMILY. SATURDAY AFTERNOOff, Nay 26, SATURDAY AFTERNOON. May 26, LAST EDWIN ADAMS MATINEE. LA ST EDWIN 4Tosaisma , MATINER. .Admission 25 cents, 50 cents and $l. NITAINUT STREET THEATRE, N. F. corner TY NINTH and WALNUT Begins at Ai to S. THIS (Thursday) EVENING. .May 24, 1866, Twenty-eighth night of the brilliant engagement of MM. EDWIN BOOTH. Who will appear on this necasion IA GO. In Efhsli Tree, in dye acts, of ic MOOR OF VENICE. Charles Barron .. I H. Taylor FEIDAY—BENEFITOF ME. EDWIN BOOTH, Who will appear for the third time as CARDINAL RICHELIEU. SATITBDAY—Edwin Booth as Rickard 111. MONDAY—Sixteenth Night of MB. EDWIts BOOTHAS HAMLET. In ;ehearaal, Tom Taylor's Tragedy of • THE FOOL'S ItvVENGE. - MB. EDWIN BOOTH AS 'IRE DUKES MEMEL AAR& JOHN DREW'S NEW ARCH STREET .111. THEATRE. Begins at Ri to s o'clock. Lest night but two of the brilliant engagement of the beautiful English omedlenge. KISS LUCY RUSHTON. Her only appearance ea Bulwer's FAITLINE. THIS (Thursday) EVENING. May 24, 1808, rite. LADY OF LYONS. Miss LUCY RUSHTON PA II L II RE Claude ............._..._...Magee Rankin To conclude with THE LA.UGHING HYENA. FRIDAY—BENEFIT OF LAZY RUSHTON, THE BLACK DOMINO and - BORBA FURIOSO. SATURDAY—Hiss LUCY RUAHTON'S last night. MONDAY NEXT—Mrs. JOILN DREW will appear in the "N HENRY HARPER, 520 reh street. CHOICE BRATS A STRANGE FREAK OF NATURE. A THE CAROLINA -TWINS. MTT , T.W AND CHESSMEN A., AGED 14 YEARS. Two distinct persons as one. Two distinct Taloal. AT ASSEMBLY BUILD.D.TG, LARGE w a T.T. All pronounce them the Wonders of the World. Master J. W. 'W JANICE, the Youthful Pianist, ac ..rnpanies them at each levee and concert. DAY LEVEES frJm 10 A. M to SP. M. Evening from Bto 10. Admission, 25 cts. my24-8t NEW JLIEEEIC.AN THEATRE, WALNUT street. above EIGHTH. NEW MANAGEMENT. Sole Lessee and 7Sfanager-.............H. A_ EARNSEEAW WILL OPEN FOR. THE SUMMER SEASUN On SATURDAY EVEN - MG, June 4,1866, and will be conducted as a FIRST -CT. A SQ, THEATRE. Improvements wilt be made at an expense of FIVE THOUS DOLLARS. myl9-Ott larel9M SIGNOR BLITZ'S DOUBLE SPHYNX. Is still the greet attraction at his TEIK.P.LE OF WON DIMS. AD the best feats, Including the HOPE DANG - era, GRAND TURK, CANARY BIRDS and VENTRILOQUISM. are also given EVERY EVEN ING at 734, and - WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY AFTERNOONS at 8 o'clock. Adintssiort, S ioercetto.--Children, 15 - watt Reserved Bests, 50 cents. reble 1. Is ORMEESTRA.—PabIin lbgunarnato la every Satarday afternoon at the linalealltrnd Haft, at half pant tares o'clock.' Malmo:l:Lents made between by adarisdng 01:03GB Itaae and BAErr ylne. RRT,agent,ls2l sent: Moni way stmt. A LLILDMICY OF FENE th .A.RII3, 08:999729 UT. Open tem 9 A. M. till 6 lowa sT ioromb rem netiore o sun on eibibitiort.-- F: DQ.l.llry. II 13.010:f5r,71 THE OLDEST AND LARGEST SADDLE & HA SS Mannthaturing Establishment in the Country. LA CEY,MEEKER & Co No. 1216 CHESTNUT STREET OFFER OF THEM OWN ILLIYUFACTUI3III: BUGGY HARNESS, from--.---in W to MO' LIGHT nemovaam from.. re 00 to ISEr do .—..—..—.75 09 to MO HEAVY do 2101JNTED WAGON and SELF-ADJUSTING.----35 00 to 30 STAGE and TEAM do" »» 80 00 to • 50 LADIES' SADDLE do ----it 00 to 150 GENTS' do do -- 00 to 75 Bridles, Mountings, Bits, Bosetta, — Horse Covers, Brushes, Combs, Soaps, BIar•kl or, Ladisa' and Gents' Traveling and Tourist Bars and Sucks, Lunch BaSkets Dremlag and Shirt Cases,Trnnks and 'Valises. mhlo.sto No• 1216 Chestnut Street. rt) :4 PHILADELPHIA Window GLASS Warehouse. BENJAMIN H. SHOEM.AKEB, AGENT FOB T FRENCH. PLATE GLASS COMPANDIS. =TORTEN 011 English, French and German Window and Picture Glass And Looking Glass Plates, MANUFACTURER 031' America Window, Picture and Car Masa Ornamental and Colored Glam. 205 and 207 North Fourth Street, .ft6-12M PECCILADNEXIEW BROWN & AIAGEE, NANUFACTUREIS OF 'd2 e , gifignlro , ••••• - B.&ISI p ........, ICP • 144M1011,10i Irvlgtilt2.o i : 1.11 7j 444 4 R: -•- Ele. ~--,-..• '7o€4 Chestnut Streets; AND CO MA_IirSTERS, PHILADELPHIA.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers