ANOTHER EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. TM PRESIDENT VETOES THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL. His Message in Fnil. WAsHINOToN, Marsh 27.—T0 the Senate of the United States: I - regret that the bill which has passed both Houses of Congress, entitled "An act to protect all persons in the United States in their civil rights, and furnish the means of their vindication," contains provisions which I cannot approve consistently with my sense of duty to the whole people, and my obligations to the Constitution of the United States. I am, therefore, constrained to return it to the Senate, the house in which it origin ated, with my objections to its becoming a law. By the first section of the bill all per sons born in the. United States, and not sub ject to any foreign Power, excluding In dians not taxed, are declared to be citizens of the United States. This provision com prehends the Chinese of the - Pacific States, Indians subject to taxation, the people called gipsies, as well as the entire race de signated as blacks, people of color, negroes, mulattoes and persons of African blood. Every individual of these races born in the United States is by the bill made a citizen of the United States. It does not propose to declare or confer any other right of citi zenship than "Federal citizenship." It does not purport to give these classes of persons any status as citizens of States, except that which may result from their status as citi zens of the United States. The power to confer - the right of State citizenship is just as exclusively with the several States as the power to confer the right of Federal citizenship is with Congress. The right of Federal citizenship thus to be conferred on the several excepted races be• fore-mentioned is now for the first time proposed to be given by law. If, as is claimed by many, all persons who are na tive born are by virtue of the Constitution citizens of the United States, the passage of the pending bill cannot be necessary to make them such. If, on the other hand, such persons are not citizens, as may be assumed from the proposed legislation to make them such, the grave question pre sents itself whether, when eleven of the thirty-six States are unrepresented in Con gress at this time, it is sound policy to make our entire colored population, and all other excepted classes, citizens of the United States. Four millions of them have just emerged from slavery into freedom. Can it be reasonably supposed that they possess the requisite qualifications to entitle them them to all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States? Have the people of the several States expressed such a conviction ? I may also be asked whether it is neces sary that they should be declared citizens in order that they may be secured in the enjoyment of the civil rights proposed to be conferred by the bill? Those rights are by Federal as well as State laws secured to all domiciled aliens and foreigners, even before the completion of the process of naturaliza tion, and it may safely be assumed that the same enactments are sufficient to give like protection and benefits to those for whom this bill provides special legislation. Besides, the policy of the government, from its origin to the present time, government, seems to have been that persons who are strangers to and unfamiliar with our institutions and our laws, should pass through a certain pro bation, at the end of which, before attaining the coveted privilege, they must give evi dence of their fitness to receive and to ex ercise the rights of citizens, as contemplated by the Constitution of the United States. The bill, in effect, proposes a discrimina tion against large numbers of intelligent, worthy and patriotic foreigners, and in favor of the negro, tct whom, after long years of bondage, the avenues to freedom and in telligence have just now been suddenly opened. He must, of necessity, from his previous unfortunate condition of servi tude, be less informed as to the nature and character of our institutions than he who, coming from abroad, has, to some extent at least, familiarized, himself with the princi ples of a government to which he volunta rily entrusts life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Yet it is now proposed, bma single legislative enactment, to confer tbli rights of citizens upon allpersons of African descent born within the extended limits of the United States, while persons of foreign birth, who make our land their home, must ;undergo a probation of five years, and can only then becoine citizens upon proof, that they are of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same. The first section of the bill also contains an enumera tion of the rights to be enjoyed by these classes so made citizens in every State and territory of the United States. These rights are to make and 'enforce con tracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property, and to have full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is now enjoyed by white citizens. S.o, too, they are made subject to the same punishment,pains and penaltiesin common with white citizens, and to none others. Thus a perfect equality of the white and colored race is attempted to be fixed by Federal law in every State of the Unionover the vast field of State jurisdiction covered by these enumerated rights. In no one of these can any State ever exercise any power of discrimination between the differ ent races. In the exercise of State policy over matters exclusively affecting the peo ple of each State, it has frequently been thought expedient to discriminate between the two races. By the statutes of some of the States, Northern as well as Southern, it is enacted, for instance, that no white person shall in termarry with a negro or mulatto. Chan cellor Kent says, speaking of blacks, "that .xnarriages between them and the whites are forbidden in some of the States where sla very does not exist, and they are prohibited in all the slaveholding States; and when not absolutely contrary to law, they are revolt ing, and regarded as an offence against pub lie decorum." I do not say that this bill • repeals State laws on the subject of marriage between the two races, for as the whites are forbidden to intermarry with the blacks, the blacks can only make such contracts as the whites themselves are allowed to make, and there cannot, under this bill, enter into the mar riage contr act with the whites. I cite this discrimination, however, as an instance of the State policy as to disCrimination, and to inquire whether, if Congress can abrogate all State laws of discrimination between the two races in the matter of real estate, of mite, and of contracts 'generally, Congress may 'not also repeal the State laws as to the contract of marriage between the two races. Hitherto every subject embraced in the enumeration of rights contained in this bill has been considered as exclusively belong ing to the States; they all relate to the in-' term,' policy and economy of the respective States. They are matters which in each 'State concern the domestic condition of its , people, varying in each according to its own peculiar circumstances and the' safety and, well-being of its own citizens. I do not mean to say that upon all these _subjects there are not Federal restraints. AS for instance, in the State power of legis lation = over contracts there is a Federal limitation tbat 'no State shall pass a law impairing the obligations of contracts; and , as to crimes that no State shall pass an ex ;goat facto law; to money. that no State shah snake anything but gold and silver a legal leader. But where an we find a Federal prohibition against the power of any State' to discriminate as to moat of them between aliens, id citizens, between artificial per sons, 4.dled corporations, and national persons, in the right to hold real estate. If it be granted that Congress can repeal all State laws discriminating between whites and blacks in the subjects covered by this bill, why, it may be asked, may not Con gress repeal in the same way all those laws discriminating between the two races on the subject of suffrage and office. If Congress can declare by law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capacity to make a contract in a State, then Congress can by law also declare who,without regard to race or color, shall have the right to sit as a juror or as a judge, to hold any office, and finally to vote, in every State or terri tory of the United States. As respects the territories, they come within the power of Congress, for as to them the law-making power is the Federal power; but as to the States, no similar provision exists, vesting in Congress the power to make rulesi and regulations for them. The object of the second section of the bill is to afibrd discriminative protection to colored persons in the full enjoyment of all the rights secured to them. By the pre ceding section it declares that "any person who, under color of any law, statute, ordi nance, regulation or custom, shall subject, or cause to be subjected, any inhabitant of say State or territory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act, or to different punishment, pains or penal ties, on account of such person having at any time been held in a condition of slave ry, or Involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of of white persons, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction shall be punished by fine not ex ceeding one thousand dollars, or imprison ment not exceeding one year, or both, in the discretion of the court." This section seems to be designed to apply to some eiisting or future law of a State or territory, which may conflict with the provisions of the bill now under con sideration. It provides for counteracting such forbidden legislation by imposing a fine and imprisonment upon the legislators who may pass such conflicting laws, or upon the officers or agents who shall put or at tempt to put them into execution. It means an official offence, not a common crime committed against law upon the person or property of the black raee. Such an act may deprive the black man of his property, but not of the right to hold property. It means a deprivation of this right itself, either by the State judiciary or the State Legislature. It is, therefore, assumedthat, under this section, members , OfState Legislatures who should vote for laws conflicting with the provisions of this bill, that judges of the State courts who should render judgments in antagonism with its terms, and that marshals and sheriffs who should, as minis terial officers, execute processes sanctioned by State laws and issued by State judges in execution of their judgments, could be brought before other tribunals, and there subjected to fine and imprisonment for the serformance of the duties which such State aws might impose. The legislation thus proposed invades the judicial power of the State. It says to every State court or judge, "If you decide that this act is unconstitu tional; if you refuse, under the prohibition of a State, to allow a negro to testify; if you hold that, over such a subject matter, the State law is paramount, and under color of a State law refuse the exercise of the right to the negro, your error of judgment, how ever conscientious, shall subject you to fine and imprisonment," Ido not apprehend that the conflicting legislation , which the bill seems to contemplate is likely to occur as to render it necessary at this time to adopt a measure of such doubtfully consti tutionality. In the next place this provision of the bill seems tobe unnecessary, as adequate judi cial remedies could be adopted to secure the desired end without involving the immu nities of legislatures, always important to be preserved in the interest of public liberty; without assailing the independence of the judiciary, always essential to the preserva tion of individual rights, and without im pairing the efficiency of ministerial officers, always necessary for the maintenance of public peace and order. The remedy pro posed by'this section seems to be in this re spect not only anomalous, but unconstitu tional, for the Constitution guarantees noth ing with certainty if it does not insure to the several States the right of making and executing laws in regard to all matters arising in their jurisdiction, subject only to the restriction that in cases of conflict with the Constitution and constitutional laws of the United States, the latter should be held to be the supreme law of the land. The third section gives the District Courts of the United States exclusive "cognizance of all crimes and offences committed against the provisions of this act," and concurrent jurisdiction with the Circuit Courts of the United States of all civil and criminal cases affecting persons who are denied or cannot enforce in the courts or judicial tribunals of the State or locality, wherever they may be, any of the rights secured to them by the first section; and the construction which I have given to the second section is strengthened by this third section, for it makes clear what kind of denial or deprivation of the rights secured by the first section was in contem plation. It is a denial or deprivation of such rights "in the courts or judicial tribu nals of the State." It stands, therefore, clear of doubt that the offence and penalties provided in the second section are intended for the State judge,who, in the clear exer cise of his functions as a judge, not acting ministerially but judicially, shall decide contrary to this Federal law. In other words, when a State judge, acting upon a question involving a conflict between a State law and a Federal law, and bound, according to his own judgment • and responsibility, to give an impartial deci sion between the two, comes to the conclu sionl that the State law is valid and the Federal law is invalid, he must not follow the dictates of his own judgment at the peril of fine anthimprisonment. The lative department of the goirernment of the U.S.thus takes fromthe judicial department of the States the sacred and exclusive duty - 9fjudicialfiecision, and converts the State judge into a mere ministerial officer, bound to decide according to the will of Congress. It is clear that in the States which deny to persons whose rights are secured by the first section of the bill any of these- rights, all criminal and civil - cases affecting them will, by the provision of the third section, come under the exclusive cognizance of the Federal tribunals. It follows that if in any State which denies to a colored person any one of all those rights, that persons should commit a crime against the laws of the State —murder,arson, rape, or any other crime— all protection or punishment through the courts of the State are taken away, and he can only be tried and liunished in the Federal courts. How is the criminal to be tried if the offence is provided for and punished by Federal law? That law and not the State law is to govern. It is only when the offence does not hap pen to be within the purview of Federal law that the Federal courts are to try and pun ish him. Under any other law, then resort is to be had to the cc - nmon law as modified and changed by State 'egislation, so far as the same is not inconsistent with the Consti tution and - laws of the United States. So that over this vast domainof criminal juris prudence, provided by each State for the protection of its own citizens, and for the punishment of all persons who violate its criminal laws, Federal law, wherever it I can be made to apply, displaces State law. The question here naturally ariees, from THE DAILY EVENING BULLETIN; PHILADELPHIA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 28,1866. what source Congress derives the power to transfer to Federal tribunals certain classes of cases embraced in:this section. The Con stitution expressly declares that the judicial power of the United States shall extend to all Cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of. the United States, and treaties made or which shall be made under their authority; to all cases af fecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between-to or more States; be tween a State and citizens of another State; between citizens of different States; between ()Wrens of the same State claiming land un der grants of different States; and;between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. Here the judicial power of the United States is expressly set forth and defined, and the act of September 24th, 1789, establishing the judicial courts of the United States, in conferringupon the Federalcourts jurisdiction over cases originating in State tribunals, is careful tienftne them to the classes enumerated in the above-recited clause,of the Constitution. This section ot the bill undoubtedlycomPrehends cases and authorizes the exercise of powers that are not, by the Constitution,within thejurisdic tion of the courts of the United States. To transfer them to those courts would be — an exercise of authority well calculated to ex• cite distrust and alarm on the part of all the States, for the bill applies alike to all of them —as well to those that have as to those that havenot been engaged in rebellion. It may be assumed that this authority is incident to the power granted to Congress by the Con stitution, as recently amended, to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the article declaring that neither slavery nor involuntary servi tude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall nave been dulycon victed, shall exist within the United States, olany place subject to their jurisdiction. It cannot, however, be justly claimed that, with a view to the enforcementof this arti- cle of the Constitution, there is at present any necessity for the exercise of all the powers which this bill confers. Slavery has been abolished, and at present nowhere exists within the jurisdiction of the United States, nor has there been, nor is it likely there will be any attempt to renew it by the people or the States. If, however any such attempt shall be made, it will become the duty of the general goVernment to exercise any and all incidental powers necessary and proper to maintain inviolate the great law of freedom. The fourth section of the bill provides that officers and agents of the Freedmen's Bu reau shall be empowered to make arrests, and also that other officers may be specially commissioned for that purpose by the Pre sident of the United States. It also autho rizes circuit courts of the United States and the superior courts of the territories to ap point without limitation, commissioners, who are to be charged , with the performance of quasi judicial duties. The fifth section empowers the eommis sioners, so to be selected by ttie courts, to appoint, in writing under their hands, one or more suitable persons, from time to time, to execute warrants and other prosecutions desired by the bilL These numerous offi cial agents are made to constitute a sort of police in addition to the military, and are authorized to summons a posse conlitatits, and even to call to their aid such portions of the land and naval forces of the United States, or of'the militia, as may be neces sary to the performance of the duty with which they are charged. This extraordinary nower is to be conferred upon agents irre sponsible to the government, and to the peo ple to whose number the discretion of the commissioners is the only limit, and in whose hands such authority might be made a terrible engine of wrong, oppression and fraud. The general statutes regulating the land and naval forces of the United Stew', the militia, and the execution of the laws, are believed to be adequate for every emergency which can occur in time of peace. If it should prove otherwise, Congress can at any time amend those laws in such a man ner as, while subserving the public welfare. not to jeopard the rights, interests and liber ties of the people. The seventh section provides that a fee of ten dollars shall be paid to each commis sioner in every case brought before him; and a fee of five dollars to his deputy or depu ties for each person he or they may arrest and take before. any such commissioner, with such other fees as may be deemed rea sonable by such commissioner in general for performing such other duties as may be required in the premises. All these fees are to be paid out of the Treasury of the United states, whether there is a conviction or not; but in case of conviction they are to be re coverable from the defendant. It, seems to me that, under the influence of such tempta tion, bad men might convert any law, how ever beneficent, into an instrument of per secution and fraud. By the eighth section of the bill, the United States Courts, which sit only in one place for white citizens, must migrate—the marshal and district attorney, and neces sarily the clerk, although he is not men tioned—to any of the district, upon the order of the President, and there hold a Court, for the purpose of the more speedy arrest and trial of persons charged with a violation of this act; and there the judge and the officers of the Court must remain, on the order of the President, for the time desig nated. The ninth section authorizes the Prettfident, or such person as he may em power for that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as shall be neces sary to prevent the violation and enforce the due execution of this act. This language seems to imply an important military force, that is to be always at hand, and whose only business is to be the enforcement of this measure over the vast region where it is in tended to operate. I do not propose to consider the policy of this bill. To me the details of the bill are fraught with evil. The white race and the black race of the South have hitherto lived together under the relation of master and slave—capital. owning labor. Now, sud denly, that relation is changed; and as to ownership, capital and labor are divorced. They stand nww each master of itself—in this new relation one being necessary to the other. There will be a new adjustment, which both are deeply interested in making har monious. Eachhas equal nower in settling the forms, and if left to the laws that regu late capital and labor, it is confidently be lieved that they will satisfactorily work out the problem. Capital, it is true, has mora intelligence, but labor is never so ignorant as not to understand its own interests, not to know its own value, and not to see that capital must pay that value. This bill frus trates this adjustment; it intervenes be tween capital and labor, and attempts to settle questions of political economy through the agency Of numerous officials, whose in terest it will be to foment discord between the two races. So far as the breach widens, their employment will continue, and when it is closed, their occupation will terminate.. In all our history, in all our experience, as a people living' under Federal and State law, no such system as thut, contemplated by the details Of this bill has ever .before been proposed of. adopted to establish for the security of the / colored race safeguards which go infinitely beyond any that the general government has ever provided for the white race. -In fact, the distinction of race and color is by the bill made to operate in favor of the c o lored and against the white race. They interfere with the municipal legisla tion of the States, with the relations existing exclusively between a State and its citizens or between inhabitants of the same State— an absorption and assumption of power by the general government which,if acquiesced in, must sap or destroy our federative sys tem of limited powers, and break down the barriers which preserve the rights of the States. It is another step, or rather stride, towards 'centralization, and the concentra tion of all legislative powers in the national government. The tendency of the bill must be to resuscitate the spirit of rebellion, and to arrest the progress of those influences which are more closely drawing around the States the bonds of union and peace. My lamented predecessor, in his procla mation of the let of January, 1863, ordered and declared that all persons held as slaves within certain States and parts of States, therein designated, were and thenceforward should be free; and further that the Execu tive government of the United States; in cluding the military and naval authority thereof; would recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons. This guaran tee has been rendered especially obligatory and sacred by the amenament of the Consti tution abolishing slavery throughout the United States. I therefore fully . recognize the obligation to protect and defend that class of our people whenever and wherever it shall become necessary, and to the full extent compatible with the Constitution of the United States. Entertaining these sentiments it only remains for me to say that I will cheerfully co-operate with Congress in any measure that may be necessary for the promotion of the civil rights of the freedmen, as well as those of all other classes of persons through out the United States, by judicial process, under equal and impartial laws, in con formity with the provisions of the Federal Constitution. I now return the bill to the Senate, and regret that in considering the bills andjoint resolutions, forty-two in number, which have been thus far sub mitted for my approval s I am compelled .to withhold my assent from a second measure that has reached the sanction of both Houses of Congress. ANDREW Jouxsox, WASHINGTON, D. C.,March 27, 1866. The Vetoed Bill. The following is a synopsis of the Civil Rights Bill as passed by both Houses of Congress, and vetoed by the President: Saarrots 1. That all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United S-ates, and such citizens, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condi tion of slavery or involuntaryservitude, ex cept as punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall have the sande right in every State and terri tory to make and enforce contracts, to sue and to be sued,and giveevidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property, and to full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property asis enjoyed by:white citizens, and Shall be subjected to like punishment, pains, and penalties, and to nene other, any law, statute, ordinance. regulation, or custom to the contrary not withstanding. SEC. 2. And that any person, who, under color of any law, statute, ordinance, regula tion or custom, shall subject or cause to be subjected any inhabitant of any State or ter ritory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act, or to punishment, pains or penalties on account of such person having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except •as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by reason of his color or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of white persons, shalt to deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, or impri sonment not exceeding one year, or both, iu the discretion of the court. SEC. 3 provides that the District Courts of the United States within their respective districts shall have, exclusively of the courts of the several States, cognizance of all crimes and offences committed against the provisions of this act; and-also concurrently with the Circuit Courts of the United States, of all causes, civil and criminal, affecting persons who are denied, or cannot enforce in the courts or judicial tribunals of the. State or locality where they may be. SEC. 4. That the district attorneys, mar shals and deputy marshals for the United States, the commissioners appointed by the circuit and territorial courts of the United States, with powers of arresting, imprison ing or bailing offenders against the laws of the United Stata, the officers and agents of the Freedmen's Bureau, and every other officer who may be specially empowered by the President of the United States, shall be and they are hereby specially authorized and required, at the expecse of the United States, to institute proceedings against all and every person who shall violate the pro visions of this act, and cause him or them to be arrested and imprisoned or bailed. SEC. 5. That said Commissioners shall have concurrent jurisdictiion with the Judges of the Circuit and District Courts of the United States and the Judges of the Su perior Courts of the Territories, severally and collectively, in term time and vacation, upon satisfactory proof being made, to issue warrants and precepts for arresting and bringing before them all offenders against the provisions of this act, and, on examina tion, to discharge, admit to bail or commit for trial, as the facts may warrant. SEC. 6 defines the duties of the Commis sioners appointed under the bill. And that it be obligatory on all the United States marshals and deputy marshals to obey and execute all warrants under the provisions of this bill. And imposes a penalty of $l,OOO on such marshals as shall refuse or neglect to perform the duties prescribed aove. It further grants the Commissioners full power to carry out the provisions of this act. SEC. 7 provides for the punishment of person or persons who shall knowingly or wilfully hinder or prevent any officers in their execution of any warrant or process issued under the act. SEC. 8 prescribes the emoluments which shall accrue to all officers for their services in carrying ont the various provisions of the bill, and their mode of payment. SEC. 9. That whenever the President of the United States shall have reason to be lieve that offences have been, or are likely to be, committed against the provisions of this act within any judicial district, it shall be lawful for him, in his discretion, to di rect the Judge, Marshal and District Attor ney of such district to attend at such place within the district, and for such time as he may designate, for the purpose of the more speedy arrest and trial of persons charged with a violation of this act, and it shall be the duty of every judge or other officer, when any such requisitions shall be received by him, to attend at the time and place and for the time therein designated. SEC. 10. That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, or such per sons as he may empower for that purpose to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as shall be necessary to prevent the violation and enforce the due execution of this act. SEC. 11. That upon all questions of law arising in any cause under the provisions of this act, a final appeal may be taken to the Supreme Court of the United States. GEORGE PLOWMAN, CARPENTER AND BUILDER, • 232 CIiRTER. STREET& And DOCK BTRIKET; Wieling Wc* and billivirlihtint Plu zi 2 Pirs? ended to . triNrea O) 5K11001 4 19 CUIRACCAB INDIGO now landln_ g .L.fd from Bark WHITE WING for sale by JOHN DiaMETT. & 00. 129 Walnut street. rtIRIATIN. TaPIOCA AND SAGO.—Cua's Scotel 43 Gelatin, Rio Tapioca and East India Pearl Sago, landing and for Bale •by J. B, BUSKER & (cow S. Delaware Avenue FEWANCLAX. 5-20 g 7 _ 3-10. COMPOUND INTEREST NOTES WANTED. PE HAVEN & BRO., 40 Smith Third Street, P. S. PETERSON ds CO. P. S. PETE SON & CO., 39 South Third Street. Stooks, Bonds, dm. &e., Bought and . Sold at Board of Brokers. Liberal Premlam paid for COMPOUND INTERIM' NOTES. Interest allowed on Deposita. neii•if et;i SPECIALTY. 11 SMITH, RANDOLPH - 14 CO. BANKERS AND BROKERS, 16 South Third st., 3 Nassau street, Philadelphia. I New York. STOCKS AND GOLD BOUGHT AND BOLD ON 00AncrksTOR ALLOWED ON DETCISIIII. al *20.000 TO N W 111.0A a TC E IN. Jr.. ru102,5..1t* 625 Walnut street. 1100Ait. CrHAD. A. COOKS, IS FELLING PRESTON COAL, Whirh is the very best Schuylkill Coal coming to this market. per teeny cif an and tree of slate, del iverab e to rmy part of the city. at r Der ton. Egg and stove sizes. Also, the genuine EAGLE VEIN, same sizes, same prices. Orders received at No. 114 S. THIRD Street. Emoprium No. 1314 WASHINGTON Ave. mhl3 lmj Jr- .L.YIL.F., COAL YARD. .• S. E. core Thirteenth and Willow Streets, PIITLADELPHIA. ,'Orders thankfully received and promptly exc el:Red. Panel/smiths' Coal constantly on hand. tolals-lmi MM:MM= rEICE UNDERSIONEDIi'MC A 1 - .1. 21.2C1i0N TO 1. their stock of Buck Mountain Company's Coat Locus Lehigh Mo Navig astain, at ion Company's Coal, and t which they are prepared to sell at the lowest market rates, and to deliver in the best condition. Orders left with S. MASON SINES, Franklin Inst. tote Building, ELEVENTH !street, below Market. will be promptly attended to. BINDS dr SICSAFF„ see,tl Arch Street Wharf, SchuYlktii. Cf°e-611GAR LOAF. BEAVER MEADOW ANL ing Mountain, Lehigh Coal. stud beet Locust biountain froca Schuylkill, PreP_Med M 3 reegiiiar . timEly use, Depot, N. W. corner EIGHTH. and LOW streets. Office, No. IV. South SECOND street, mho J. WALTON at CO. P.II.I.LAI)ALP.IIIA Window GLASS Warehouse BENJ A MIN H. SHOEMAKER, Aams - r FOP. rite. FRENCH PLATE GLASS COMPANID. IMPORTER OF English, French and German Window and. Picture Glass And Looking Glass Plates. mararßaminlEß, OF American Window, Picture and Car Glass Ornamental and Colored Glens. 205 and 207 North Fourth Street, ism PRMADELPELIA. A.BIL 1!!LJ!!1!IU!A 115 • CHESTNUT STREET THEATRE.N EW CHEST.: , .. - UT Street. above Twin. RTE. LEONARD GROVER. and WM. E. SINN. Lessees and Managers. war. ..Resident Manager Doom open at 6.11.5. Curtain rises at 7.45. THIS EVENING, BENEFIT Mr. A. J3irgfeld, (Leader of the Orchestra.) The performance will begin with THE THRILLING NEW DRAMA In a prologue and Three Acts, from Miss Braddon's celebrated No ESQ:, and en vel. ONLYtitled A CLOD, by JOHN B CAUGHT IN THE TOILS. To be followed by a GRA.ND MUSICAL owe, In which MRS. et, pErrE GIKEIER KUHN. O BIR(iFEL 8 • Will appear. The whole to conclude with the screaming Eiree, WANTED...3.OOe MILLINERS. THDRE T ADAY EVENING, March with, BETRAYER AND BETRAYED. FRIDAY h VEXING, March DILL BENEFIT OF MISS ANNIE WARD. BAR lIRDAY AFTERNOON. March 103 h GRaND FAMILY MATINKE. MONDAY EVENING, April2,4l, Charles Beade's Great Work. NEVER TOO LATE TO MEND. Admission to Evening Perk rroance. 25e., 50c. and' WALNUT STREET THEATRE. N. E. corner NINTH and WALNUT Streets. GLORIOUS TRIUMPH! BENEFIT and last appearance of the beautiful and accompllshed Actress and Vocalist, - MISS N OEMIE DE MARGIJERITTES, who will appear Tlll;(Wednesdav) EVENING in two Marimba . Miss De Marguerittes hat been es pecially successful In her great impersonation of • FANCHON, THE CRICKET, in which. on its first r ,, presentation. - she elicited from a faehionable and crowded house the most flattering indications of especial favor, FA,h,cHoN, THE CRICKET. Fanchon ' Miss Noemie De Marguerittes To conclude with the musical Comedietta of THE LOAN OF A LOVER. Gertrude (with songs) Miss De Alargnertrie JOHN 'DREW'S NEW ARCH STREETI THEATRE. Begins at n‘ o'clock. POSITIVELY LAST NIGHT BUT TWO OF Mit. CHARLES DILLON. TO-NIGHT (Wethmsday) March 2S, IEO% VISOINIUS. 'Virginias, the Roman Rather Virginia, nis daughter AN ins /milts To conclude with Craig's Burlesque, HAMLET; TRB WEARING OP TICE 'BLACK Hamlet. wah songs .Stuart Robson Ophelia, with songs ......Mrs. C. Henri Friday—Farewell Benefit of Mr. DILLnn SATVRDAY—BeneIit of E. L. TILTON. MONDAY next—Mr. J. E. MURDOCH. ki:Fn.y j (: lY~?,y 4 ~~i:fiy~~~~1SY=l a►KM:7-Flcl ~~ CHOICE SEATS , To all places of amon e xaent may be Iliad up to 656 o'clock any evening. mb29.tf CHOICE SEATS AND- ADMISSION TICMCCS can be had at _ . THE PROGRAMVI 7 OFFICE, 481 C.H.ASTNUT street, opposite the Post Office, for the ARCH, CHESTNUT. WALNUT and ACADEMY' OF MUSIC, up ta 6 o'clock every evening.' aen.tr NEW CHESTNUT ST. THEATRE:. GRAND GALA NIGHT. Wednesday Evening, March 28t4 FIRST BENEFIT A. - Bust G.-Fut:lD, Musical Director. en tuverful new Drama by Rio. Brougham, Eeq.,. Only a Clod; Or, Caught in the Toils.. To be followed by a GRAND MUSICAL OLIO. Loi WHIM MRS. SOPHIE GIMBEB KUHN, THE 112CNNERESHOR VOCAL SOCIETY. and other' artists will appear, commencing with the OVERTURE TO "WIT.LTAAr TR.LL," by Rossini. by BIRGPELD'S GRAND ORCHESTRA, assisted by the principal performers of all Ifusimi:lt Organizations in the city. and ending with the . cele• - brated MARCH AND FANFARE, from "FAUST." performed by the M/EIsINERCROR - AND B.IERGFELDI3 MILITARY BAND TICICETS AND RESERVED SEATS may be had at BOX OFFICE of the Theatre; C. W.- TRUMPLEBT'S Music Store, and I. C. ItI.SLEIPS,,:. Continental Hotel. mh26 AMERICAN THEATRE. 'Si wAISIIPI street. above Eighth. WONDERFUL. ATTRACTION. 1 EVERY EVENING AND ON wirost•PolAYA_ND SATURDAY AFTERi• NOONS.. EL NINO EDDIE, the Child Wonder, on the Tight Rope, THE CELETISATED FOW. ER SISTERS. = 'Grand Ballets, Songu, Vannes, Burlesques, &c. Brilliant Contbinatiori of Artists mh2S-tf FoR THIS WP ONLY. WOOD'S mmvsTßiers AT Df 17111I'AL FUND MALL. OP.r.r4ING NIGHT A GREAT SUCCFSS. THE PREMIER BAND OP sT.BE WORLD. Introducing an entire change of prod-ammo nightly,- as performed by them throughout the United states, and at Wood's dilnstrels' Hall, 514 Broadway, New York, for the past lour years; received with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of applause o:crowded ard fashionable audiences. Everything original. albal.4t COOL WHITE, Manager. BURGESS. PRENDERG A.ST, HUGHES AND LA RUE'S MINSTRELS, - MINSTRELS, ASSEMBLY BUILDING, TENTH and Cti.EsTXUT. COMPLETE SUCCESS. CROWDED HOUSES: REMAIN FIVE NIGHTS MORE! • MONDAY EVENING, March 2(8.h, AND EVERY NIGHT DURING THE WEEK, (Except Wednesday. March 28th,) The Great Contederution or Distingtdshed ETHIOPIAN ARTINTES. 'nib, MASTER BAND OF THE WORLD. In a Minstrels' Grand Carnival of New Acts, New' Songs, New Jokes. c mission, 25 cents. Reserved Seats, 50 cents. Doors open at I; commence at 8 o'clock. Seats secured at Turner Hamilton's Book Store, No. 106 South TENTH street Assembly Building.. noitt6-st, CONCEItT HALL, CHESTNUT street, above 17NVELPTH. Commenri g :lONDAYEVENLNG, March 2sth,l:. 'I HE GTIF aT KaLEIDOPHOTOSCORE AND ()EFT MiTERPAINALTNT. Tick& s for sale at Trumplees Music Store, corner of Seventh and Chtnut. streets. Admission. f.?-.5 cents. Reserved seats, 50 cents. Doors open at 7 o'clock. Commence at s o'clock. MATT .ESOv WEDNESDAY AND :SATURDAY j AFTERNOONS. miz26 Doors open at 'Li -4 o'clock. Commence at al,: o'clock A' LI( BUILDINGS SIGNO : if• : = • : •_ - SIGNOR BLITZ'S DOUBLE SPRYNX Is still thegreat attraction at his TEMPLE OF WON DERS. Alll the best feats, including the LOPE DAN - CFR, GRAND TURK. CANARY BIRDS and VIiNTRILOQUIS3I. are also given EVERY EVEN ING at 75.:, I and WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY AFTERNOONS at 3 o'clock. Admission.' 25 cents—Children, 13 cents. Reserved Seats, 50 cents. inhl9 MMV::IM F° Y E OF ACADEMY. CHAS. H. JARVTS'S FIFTH N ATINEE, THURSDAY, March `29th, 1536, At Four o'clock. Single Admis.inn One Dollar Tickets and Programmes at the Music Stores.mb'24.-4* flF4tik ANIA OSCHEESTIta...—PnbIic Rehearsals LT every Saturday adternoon at the Musical Fund Hall, at ball-past three o'clock.. Engagements made by addressing 44E0BGE BASTEZST, agent, lga. Mon. erey street. between Mace and Vine. oclitt ACA iz _D EMT OF FINE ARTS, CtihiT.NOT, sboTO Tenth street, Open from! 9 A. M. till 6 P. M. lEie.uj. West's great Platire o I CHRIST Still on exhibition, HARNESS, SADDLES, &c THE OLDEST AND LARGEST SADDLE &, HARNESS Manufacturing Establishment in the Country.. LEY,MEEKER & Co No, 1216 CHESTNUT STREET OFFER OF TE[Eat OWN 3LINLFACTUB,E; BUGGY HARNESS, from LIGHT BABOUCRP from HEAVY EXPItIS.BRASS.I:IOI7.NTF.D HAILNEEs-27 50 to 96 WAGON and SELF-ADJUSTENG 15 CH) to 30 STAGE and TF lt do 30 00 to 50 LADIES' SADDLE do ....... 00 to 150 (DUCTS' do do' s 300 to 7'5 Bridles, mountings, Bite, Rosettes,. Horse Covers, Brushes, Combs, Soaps, Blacking, Ladles' and Gents' Traveling :Inn Tourist Bags and Sacks, Lunch Basket's Dressing and Shirt Cases,TiunkiandValises. mhlo.6na No. 1216 Chestnut Street. PA:3B2OII.TS PROCURED.— JOHN H. FRICK, NOTARY PUBLIC. CONIMIIONER FOR ALL STATES, PENSION AND PRIZE AGENT, No. 2 4 .2 DOCK btreet. Acknowledgments, Depositions, Affidavits to Ac counts taken. mlus-3m! 628 HOOP SKIRTS, 628 NEW SPRING STYLES NOW READY, of Hopkins' " own make , "at No. 628 ARCS Street . TheseßW. rta are gotten up expressly to meet the wantn of first-class trade, and embrace every elm and style for Ladles, Misses and Children, which, for finish and durability, have no equal in the market, and warranted_ to give satisfaction. Also, constantly on hand, a full assortment of good Eastern made Skirts, from 15 to 40 springs, at very low prices. Skirts made to order. altered and repaired. Wholesale and retail. nolZi-Smf C.. KNIGHT & CO., WHOLESALE GROCERS,E.S. E. Cor. WATER. and CHESTNUT streets, Phil adelphia. Agents for the sale of the Products of the Southwark Sugar Refinery and the Grocers'. Sugar" House, of Philadelphia. Jal.lyr GEORGE SHARP . Patentee and manufacturer of" • the •RAT.T PATTERN SILVER WARE, PTO. 41 Prune street. jgrx,,,•mo• NAMES A. WRIGHT. THORNTON ITER. OREM:ENT 46,- GRISCOIf. THEODORE WRIGHT. FRANK L. NEALL, PETER. 4t bON S, • Importers of Earthenware, and. Shipping and Commiwon Merchants, 115 WAM:MT Street, Philadelphia. ICE ! ICE t • ICE I Chas. S. Carpenter..lno.Glendening. Jos.M.Tr.mianjr - CHAS, S. CARPENTER & CO, Have REMOVED to their NEW DEPOT, 717 WILLOW, ABOVE FRANKLIN,., Where their enlarged facilities will enable them to attend to all who way need A r: , 10.0 PURE ARTICLE OP ICE, which will be famished either WHOLES'ALE OR RETAIL • at 'lair rate.; and in a satisfactory manner. =alarm w•l2t* .Mr. DILLON ..ALlse E. Price E. L. Tilton McKee Rankin riA.NA_RY IBEED.-.Twentytlye WORKMAN Prime Os n ary seed in store and formic, by 111 r Co. No ma Wahmi atrcuat SOROHUM.—Cbincsa Bngar cane Syrup, handsome article. for sale by JOS. B. BDB9I3uR & co.. los Booth Delaware avenue. AMUSIUnMMI. BIJSINESS .t..t 50 to f,,ISD SO 00 to .WD .75 CO to 500
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers