GIBSON PEACOCK. Editor. VOLUME XIX.---NO. 266. EVENING BULLETIN. PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING, • (Sundays excepted) at 390. 329 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia BY TlO3l • "Evening Bulletin Association." I'EOPRLETOBS. GIBSON PEACOCK, 1 CASPER SIMMER, Jr., Z. L. FETHERSTON, 1 ERNEST 0. WALLACE. THOMAS J. WILLIAMSON. The Burmarrer is served to subscribers in the city at ig cents per week, payable to the carriers, or iitt co per annum. MARRIED_ HAMILL—CONAWAY—On the evening of the 22d instant, at the residence of the bride's parents, by the Rev. T. S. Shepherd. James L. Hamill to Virginia Conaway, all of this city. . HANSON—TINGLEY—On the 20th instant, by the Rev. Daniel March, D.D„ Mr. Wm. W. Hanson to I.iszle, daughter of Benjamin W. Tingley, Esq., all of Ihis city. poomill BANCKER—Suddenly, on the 22d instant, 'James W Bancker. Due notice will be given of the fimeral. REDNER—On Wednesday morning, 21st instant, Joseph Justiceßedner, in the 30th year of his age. His male friends are invited to attend his thneral from his• late residence, No. 324 South Twenty-first street, on Saturday afternoon, 24th instant, at two o'clock. Funeral services at St. Clement's Church, -a,t 3 o'clock. - **. . . . _ BURR—On the morning of the 72d instant, of pneu 3rtonia, Mary Ann Burr. The relatives and friends are respectfully invited to -attend the funeral from the residence of her bro ther-in-law, Daniel R. Knight, No. 1211 Arch street, on second day morning, the 26th instant, at 10 o'clock. Interment at Friends' Southwestern ground. *S DECOSTEB—On the 22d instant, at Claymont, Dela ware, Joseph Warren, infant son of A. Warren and Mary B. Decoster, aged 5 months and 22. days. ** DIVINE—On Thursday morning, the 222 instant, :Alexander Moore, youngest son of Wm. Jr., and Mary ..A. Divine, aged 2 years. Funeral on Saturday, 24th instant, from his parents' residence, No. 336 South Twenty-first street, at two o'clock, P. M. EMPLARDP—On Friday morning, the 23d instant, Frederick Emhardt, in the 56th year of his age. The relatives anti friends. aiso kitchen 'Lodge, A. •Y.'M., No. 296. and the Custom House Officers, are re -spectfully invited to attend the funeral from his late residence, Germantown avenue, near School street, 'Germantown, on Monday, Feb. 26th, at two o'clock. P.M *4, GRAHAM—On the 20th instant, at Pittsburgh, Mrs. 7 Eliza C., wife of John 'Graham, Esq., and daughter of the late Hon. Wm. McClay, of Franklin county, Pa. in the Mt' year of her age SHA_RPLESS— On Fourth day, the 21st instant, -Joshua B. Sharpless, in his 67th year. His relatives and friends are invited to attend the funeral. without further notice, from his late req -deuce at Downingtown, on Seventh day afternoon, at o'clock. Persons in Philadelphia and vicinity, can .attend the funeral by leaving the city on the Penna. Railroad at 8 o'clock, A. M, and 12 o'clock, 31., re turning to the city in the afternoon. 6TEVEDISON—FeII asleep in Jesus on the morning , sof the 21st instant, Elizabeth R., youngest daughter of John B. Stevenson.. The relatives and male friends are respectfully in vited to attend her funeral from the residence of her father, 443 York avenue, on Saturday, the 24th instant, at one o'clock. SCHIVELY—Suddenly, on the morning of the 20th instant, -Juliann Schively, in the 75th year of her age. The relatives and friends of the family are in vited to attend her funeral from her late residence, No. 119• North Eleventh street, on Saturday, the 24th instant.. at 10. o'clock, A. M. Interment at Laurel SEIIII Cemetery. lam' MECHANICS' NATIONAL BANE; Rams 2)Faxims, I Pb. 2341,1865. At a meeting'of the Directors of this Bank, held this day, the following Resolutions were unanimously adopted : Bet eae, In the ordering of an all-wise Providence. Nr. Robert Steen, late aDirector of this Bank, has been removed from earth, and witereas, our intimate acquaintance with him in that capacity renders it fit that we should place' upon record our sense of his - worth, and tem sorrow at his demise—therefore, Resolved, That the Board en:firer-tors of this Bank - have; in the decease of Mr Steen, lost a•faithfhl and efficient colleague. who was eminently ' fitted by his business qualifications, high integrity, perseveringand punctual attendance to the duties of his position and his kind and genial disposition, for the performance of the'duties which, as a Director of this Bank for four teen years, he so faithfully discharged: Resolved. That our appreciation of the services ren dered by the deceased in the interest of this institution for so long a time, is evoked by a knowledge of those - traits of character which. as a merchant, and sabse quen tly as a-Director of this Bank, he brought to the discharge of his duties. Resolved, That we - attend the funeral of our departed friend in a body. Resolved. That a cop of these resolutions be pre sented to the family of the deceased, and published in - thedaily papers. lc J. WIEGAND, la., Cashier. WHITE HOREMNS FOR SKIRTS. VII • Green Watered Moreens. 6-4 and 5-4 Green Baize, White Cloth Evening S. White Silks. EYRE & LANDELL, Foarth and Arch UNION STATE CONVENTION. A Stated Convention will be held In the Mall of the Houße of Representatives, in -Harrisburg, Pa., on WEDNESDAY, THE SEVENTH DAY OF MARCH, A. D. 1866, at 12 o'clock, M., for the purpose of nomi mating a candidate for Goverrior, to, be sup ported by the friends of the Union: The ordeal of war has tried the strength of our Government. Its fire has purified the nation. The defence of the nation's life - has demonstrated who were its friends. The principles vindicated in the field mast be preserved in the councils of ,the nation. The arch-enemy of freedom must be struck once more. All the friends of our Government :and all who were loyal to the cause of the ;trnion.in our late struggle are earnestly re quested to unite in sending delegates to 'represent them in said Convention. By order of the Union State Central Com =Mee. JOHN CESSNA, Chairman. GEo. W. HAMMEBSLY, Secretaries. A. W. BENEDICT, HOWARD , HOSPITAL. Nos. 1518 and We 2 g Ca. Lombard street, Dispensary Department. Died : treatment and medicines Mrnished gratuitously Ito the poor. sea NORTH AMERICAN MINING COMPANY. Office, No. 827 WALNUT street,.(Second Boor.) 100,000 tiIIARE.S, CAPITAL STOCK. 'Par Value gio eo This Company owns in fee simple several valuable (Silver Mines in Nevada. 50,000 Sir A 14.79 FOR WORKING CAPITAL. 25.000 TO BE SOLD IN 25 LOTS AT $5,000 EACH. Subscrip :BYORDER or OF ' ved at toe office until March 14th. fe22-18trp T. S. EMERY, Treasurer. [OOFFICE OF THE MI:I4RM COAL AND NAVIOATION COMPANY, PHILADELP.HIA, cDecember 218t,1865. LOAN FOR SALE. IN BUMS TO SUIT PURCIAIIERS. The Loan of this Company, due April Ist, 1884, inte rred payable orlarterly, at the rate of six per cent. per This Loan is secured by a mortgage on all the Com- Many's Coal Lands, Canals, and Si ackwater Navigation tin the Lehigh river,and all their Railroads,constructed mind to be constructed, between Mauch Chunk and Wilkesbarre, and branch roads connected therewith, 'and the franchise of the Company relating thereto. Apply to- SOLOMON SHERHERD, Treasurer, de2.l.rptli • 122 South Second street. SEVEN HUNDRED AND FIFTY TECOUSANa 7DOLLA_RS is the estimated cost of the Ma :xiassas Gap and Winchester. and Potomac railroad connection, and this sum is to be -.subscribed by the Baltimore and Ohio Rail road Company. Of this amount, it is said dour hundred thousand dollars will com -plete the proposed connection, leaving three hundred and fifty, thousand dollars to be -expenaed in rebuilding and refurnishing the Manassas. Gap Railroad. TIEEISE IS it difficulty in Kansas between Vquatters and holders of lands obtained from the 'Pacific Railroad Company. The squat ters have ordered the persons holding the lands to leave by a certain day. The Go vernor, on the 2d, sent his private secretary to the spot, intrusted with proper powers to prevent diaturbanc9i. All was quiet up to 4atest accounts. _ THE QUESTION OF THE DAY. GREAT - JOHNSON MEETING IN NEW YORK. Call for the Admittance of "Loyal" Southern Representatives, Speech of Secretary Seward—lie Sets Forth the President's Policy, &c. Cooper Institute, New York, was crowded to suffocation last evening, by those who sustain thepolicy of President Johnson and who endorse the views contained in his re cent veto messagp. Hon. F. B. Cutting, presided, assisted by a large number of Vice Presidents and Secretaries. During the evening:speeches were made by General P. M. Wetmore, D. D. Field, Postmaster General Dennison, Hon. H. J. Raymond and others. Letters were received from Hon. D. S. Dickinson, R. J. Walker and others. The speakers and letter writers all sustained the President, and an address was adopted by the meeting expressing a desire that the Southern States should be represented in Congress. The address argues that the blacks have no natural right to vote, and that they are sufficiently pro tected without a Freedmen's Bureau. It closes with a eulogy of President John son's patriotism. The great oration of the evening was )?y Secretary Seward. We give= it in full below : Speech of Secretary Seward. I was at home in this our old and hon ored State of New York in October, and I spake then what I thought would be perti nent to public affairs for a whole year. The summons of friends in the City of New York krings me back after the expiration of only three months. Their demand is, I confess, rather hard upon me, under the circumstances. Nevertheless, I obey. I am no Secessionist. I profess to under stand how to obey the commands of the people of my own State without violating my allegiance to the United States. Now what shall I speak of or about ? The call of. your meeting specifies the subject; but first let me say that I am not here as an alarmist ; I am not here to say that the nation is in, peril or danger—in peril if you adopt the opinions of the President; in peril if you reject them; in peril, if yon adopt the views of the appa rent or real majority of Congress, or if you reject them. Itis not in peril any, way; nor do I think the cause of liberty and human freedom, the cause of progress, melioration or civilization, the cause of national ag grandizement, present or future, material or moral, it is in danger of being long ar rested, whether you adopt one • set of politi cal opinions or another. The Union—that is to say, the nation—has been rescued from all its perils. The noble ship has passed from tempests and billows into the vdrge of a safe habor, and is now securely riding into her ancient mooring, without a broken spar or a leak, starboard or larboard, fore or aft. There are seme small reefs yet to pass as she approaches those moorings. One pilot says that she may safely enter directly through them. The other says that she must back, and, lowering sail, take time to go around them. That is all the difference; it is merely the difference of opinion betwen the pilots. I should not practise my habitual charity if I did not admit that I think them both sincere and honest. But the vessel will go in safety. one way or the other. The worst that need happen will be that, by taking the wrong instead of the right passage, or even taking the right passage and avoiding the wrong one, the vessel may roll a little and some honest, capable, and even deserving politi cians, statesmen, President or Congressmen may get washed overboard. 1 should be sorry for this ; but if it cannot be helped, it can be borne. If lam one of the unfortu nates, let no friend be concerned on that ac count. As honest, as good, as capable poli ticians, statesmen, Congressmen , and President will make their appear ance hereafter, faster than needed, to command the ship, as well and as wisely as any that have heretofore stalked their hour upon deck, in the alternations of calm and tempest that always attend political navigation. Nevertheless, although I do not think that we are in a crisis, the question to-day is worthy of deliberate examination and consideration. It is always important in going into a port or in preparing for a new departure, to take accurate observa tions, in order to ascertain whether the ship and crew are sound and in good fasten ings and in good sailing condition. The sub ject before us is a difference of opin ion that reveals itself but too clearly be tween the executive administration of the President and the legiblative counselors of the nation. The President, as we all see, is a man of decided convictions, the legislative leaders, if we may judge from their resolu tions,-are trying to decide not td conicide with him in opinion. They have appealed to us, outsiders as we are, to pronounce be tween them. I will try to show you what the nature and character of the difference is. Some of you, few or many, have been occasionally in a theatre. You may re member a play that had some populariiy some years ago, entitled "The Nervous Man and the Man of Nerve." Both of these characters were well-to-do country gentle men. They had been friends in early life. Their friendship grew with their years. They lived in distant parts of the country. The nervous man had a hopeful son; the man of nerve had a lovable daughter. By some freak of fortune, or some more capri cious god, these young people had accident ally come together at a watering •place, and there formed. an attachment unknown to their parents. In the meantime the nervous man and the man of nerve had cone to one agreenaent, to marry the two young people together, under a belief that they were en tirely unknovw to each other. Each parent made the announcement to his child in a mysterious manner. The nervous man's ii ii son was told that -he was to be arried to one unknOwn lady with whom he was sure to fall in love at first sight, but whose name must be withheld until the dayko the cere mony. The daughter of the man of nerve receives a similar pleasant ' timation. Each lover ' protested, each parent was peremptory, each lover i imprac ticable. As a natural consequence both ran away, and, as was quite natural, both came together and they were clandes tinely married. When the nervous man . '1" ) : ; ) • : VARY 23, 1866. beard of his son's contumacious- disobe dience he denounced him, disinherited him, disowned him, and declared he' would never see him again. When the man of nerve beard of the flight of his daughter he imme diately summoned his defendants, who sought to restore her to her father. One parent was all passion, the other was all de cision. While they were comparing their mutual and common grief and dis appointment, the married lovers came trembling into their angry pres ence, and kneeling down, asked forgive ness and parental blessings upon what was now irrevocable. What was the parents' surprise to find that.the runaway match was Just precisely the one they had planned and the supposed failure of which had so deeply excited them. The man of nerve ac quitted himself with becoming resignation, and since it bad all ended right,he extended to the lovers the boon they begged. The nervous man refused altogether to be com forted, propitiated or even soothed. He re fused, and declared that he would persist forever in receive back again the son who had been so disobedient. When his outburst of passion had somewhat 'subsided. the man of nerve said—" Well, now, old friend, why won't you forgive him? Have you not got the matter all your own way after all?" "Why, yes," replied the nervous man, "I have got it all my own way." "Then, why will you not forgive him?' said the man of nerve. "Why, damn it, I havn't had my own way of having it." This, I think, is the differ ence between the President, who is a man of nerve, in the Executive chair at Wash ington, and the nervous men who are in the House of Representatives. Both have got the Union restored as they originally planned it should be. They have got it, restored, not with Slavery, but without it ; not with secession, flagrant or latent, but without it ; not with compensation for emancipation, but with out it; not with compromise, but without it; not with disloyal States, or representa tives, but with loyal States and representa tives, not with rebel debts, but without them ; not with exemption from our own debts for suppressing the rebellion, but with equal liabilities upon the rebels and the loyal men not with freedmen and refugees abandoned to suffering and per secution, but with the freedmen, employed in productive, self-sustaining industry, with refugees under the protection of law and order. The man of nerve sees that it has come out right at last, and he accepts the situation. He does not forget that in this troublesome world of ours the most to be secured by anybody is to have things come out right, Nobody can ever expect to have them brought out altogether in his own way. The nervous men,on the other hand, hesitate, delay, debate and - agonize—not because it has not come out right, because they have not individually had their own way in bringing it to that happy termina tion. I have said that I apprehend no serious difficulty or calamity. This confidence arises from the conviction which I enter tained that there never was and never can be any successful process for the restoration of union and harmony among the States, except the one with which the President has avowed himself satisfied. Grant it that the rebellion is dispersed, ended and ex hausted, dead even at the root, then it fol lows necessarily that the States sooner or later must be organized by loyal men in accordance with the change in our funda mental law, and that, being so organized, they should come by loyal repre sentatives and resume the places in . he family circle which, in a fit of ca price and passion, they rebelliously vacated. All the rebel States but Texas have done just that thing, and Texas is doing the same thing just now as fast as possible. The President is in harmony with all the States that were in rebellion. Every Executive Department and the Judicial Department are in operation, or are rapidly resuming he exercise of their functions. Loyal re presentatives, more or less, from these States—men whose loyalty may be tried by any constitutional or legislative test which will apply even to representatives of the States which have been loyal through ,,ut—are now standing : at the doors r Congress, and have been standing there for three months past, asking to be admitted to seats which disloyal represen tatives, in violence of the rights and duties ,f the States, as well as of the sovereignty of the Union, had recklessly abandoned. These representatives, after a lapse of three months, yet remain waiting outside the ,hainber, while Congress passes law after aw, imposes burden after burden and duty after duty upon the States which, thus against their earnestly-expressed desires I are left without representation. So far as can judge of human probabilities, I feel sure that loyal men from the now loyal States, will, sooner or later, at this session cr at some other, by this Congress or some other, be received into the Le gislature f the nation. When this shall have been done, the process of restoration will be complete; for that is all that now remains to be done. It, in this view of the subject my judgment is at fault, then stune of those who uphold the opposite one can show some other process of restora tion which is practicable and which can be and will be adopted, and when it is likely to be adopted. Does any person pretend to know such a plan? Other plans have, in deed, been mentioned. They were pro jected during Mr. Lincoln's administration; they have been projected since. Briefly described, these plans have been such as this: that Congress, with the President concurring, should create what are called Territorial Governments in the eleven States which once were in re bellion, and that the President should ad minsster the Government there for an inde finite period by military force, and that after long purgation they should be admitted into the Union by Congressional enactments. This proceeding was rejected by Mr. , Lin coln, as it is rejected by the President. If it ever may have been practicable it is now altogether too late. It the President could be induced to concur in so mad a measure at this date, it would be impossible to exe cute it. ay what you will or what yoU may, the States are already organized, in perfect harmony with our amended National Constitution, and are in earnest co-opera; Lion with the Federal Government. It would require an imperial will, an imperial Powers greater than the Emperor of France possesses, to reduce any one of these States with the consent of all the other States, into what you term a territorial condition MaXiMilian's task, though his engages two Emperors and two imperial organizations; with their forces, is thought not the most wise and hopeful political enterprise of the day. On' the other hand, we have no Emperor, but only a stern, nni compromising, radical Republican, a Democrat, Call ' him wha t you wit, ,for President, who refuses in every way tei , be a party to any imperial transactions, and he would hand them back to Congress, if they were to offer him the men, and money OUR VMEOLE COUNTRY. to prosecute such imperial enterprises. Suppose that he could give place to another President, whether by election, or even assassination, where will you nd in the United States a man who would want to be elected to that high place to , plunge this country lute civil war for a politial chimera? If there be such a one, what chance is there there that ha would be elected for such a purpose? That scheme, then, is at an end, and is not now even seriously men tioned. Is these any other plan? Congress has bad a Reconstruction Committee, as it it called, composed of fifteen members, who. have stopped the wheels of legislation three months to enable them. to submit a process or plan different from that wlikh is new on the eve of a happy consummation. And what have they given us? . One proposed amendment to the Constitution, to compel the excluded States to equalize suffrage upon the penalty of an abridgment of repre sentation. 'I do not discuss its merits. Either the amendment will or will not be adopted. The expectation is, that it will tail even in Congress. It any case it im plies a full restoration of the Southern states. It is thererefore no plan or process of reconstruction at all. The Committee prove this to be the true character of the proceeding, because they fall back upon a process not of restoration but of obstruction 6 The resolution which tbey submitted Tuesday last, and which has passed the House of Representatives di rectly declares that loyal representatives shall not be admitted from loyal States un til Congress shall pass a law for that pur pose—which law it would seem that every member who voteo for it must know can not be enacted without the President's ap proval, which cannot be consistently given in view of the opinions that he is known to entertain. This last concurrent resolution, then, is not a plan for reconstruction, but for indefinite postponement and delay by the concurrent action of the two Houses of Con gress. - I know that the scriptural instruction is not always accepted as an infallible guide of faith and practice in these latter days. I do not therefore ask you whether the United states Government ought not now to slay the fatted calf and invite our prodigal brethren to so luxurious a feast;: but I do venture to say that when this nation became disorganized five years ago by flagrant se cession and rebellion we did determine to humble the rebels triad bring them back again to their constitutional seat at the family table. I know that we have hum bled them, and have brought them back with humiliation and repentance cueing for restoration. I know that when Congress was convened, and when the last elections were held, which gave utterance to the popular voice, it was their expectation that witholit unnecessary delay that table would be set, and that all the members of the family, however prodigal theyhave- been, would be received at the board. There being, then, no further plan of re storation, what are the chances of carrying out the system of obstruction, to which I have.referred? It is as impracticable in its character as I think it is vicious. If I have read the history of this country correctly, it has settled these three things: State can keep itself t out of the Union or keep itself in a Territorial condition under the Union . In the very beginning four States refused to enter; with wry faces they all came in afterward—making ' the whole number of States thirteen instead of the nine first consenting. All the region east of the Mississippi rushed rapidly through a brief Territorial privilege into. the Union. We bought • provinces from Spain, from Franca, from Mexico. I. rom the Mississippi to the Pa cific they have rushed or are rushing with railroad speed, after brief Territorial exist ence, as States into the Union. If it were possible we might acquire still more pro vinces, North or South. You cannot easily go further West. Every province that there might be gained, whether white or black, ola or young, alien or native-born, would be immediately rushing, as with rail road speed, as States into the Union. An other thing which our national history eaches is, that the States which are in the Union cannot be taken or kept out of its units; and that is the great lesson of the rebellion. The third thing which this eventful war teaches us is that the Stairs which are in the Union cannot keep any States that are outside from com ing in. Congress is habitually inclined to his experiment. It hesitated about Michigan and Missouri; it reeled and -taggered before Texas and California, and it convulsed the nation in resisting Kansas;, yet they are all in the Union, all now loyal, and most of them cheerful and happy. How many Committees of Conference did we have? now many Joint Committees did went have on this momentous question? How many joint resolutions, denying that Congress ever would consent to the admission of such unwelcome intruders? How many earn promises, securing guarantees for freedom, securing guaran tees for slavery, were broken and scattered, when one after the other these States came in, as if by a headlong thrust and hurled by an Almighty Providence, who was determined that the people of this continent shall be not many discordant na tions, but one united and harmonious na tion. I entered Congress in 1849, when the Joint Committee of fifteen was skilfully, and it is but just to say, honestly framed to obstruct the admission of California until the majority of the nation should compro mise and silence forever the debate upon slavery. The committee. succeeded in ex cluding California for a period of eight months and no longer, and eventually ob tained,.in broken • fragments, the compro mise which it sought. Thatcompromise was by its terms to be perpetual. The compro mise o flBsolingered,ho we verj ust four years and perished, giving place to the incipient and now happily consummated adjustment of the slavery question, by the complete and universal abrogation of that institution. I left Congress in 1861, when committee and convention clustered in and around the Capitol, demanding stipulations (which Congress refused), that fetters should be put upon New Mexico, Nevada and Colo rado. You can never keep States out of this Union, never, no 'never ! If we do not like them, we may, in the words of the old proverb, "lump them." The present distrusts of future States or of ex isting States have no substantial ground. They are begotten of miserable perishing fears and factions. California was suspect ed of secret or ultimate complicit? with Slavery! All the men in the Union knew the bard feelings her people entertained to us free-soilers, 'who were their most earnest advocates. We gave her ten years of pro slavery, Democratic rule. The ten years are now up and she is calm, perhaps distrustful' of some of us yet, because we are .willing to admit the States that have sinned and repented as she did, If ever this thing of keeping out States by joint resolution of Congress could have had any chance Of permanent :success, that time bas pageed away. No State hag ever teen hindered in coming into the Union except upon questions growingont of the system . of African bondage. But African bondage has now gone to the dogs, and they haVe made a sure finish of it. Not even enough of its shriveled skin or disjointed limbs re main to sharpen the cupidity of the race that were once called siavebolders, or of that other race which was known to the country •as "dough-faces.' No State, therefore, will ever, here after,be hindered or delayed in coming_ back into the Union upon the ground of Slavery. You may think that the irresisti ble tendency to union which I have de i scribed may have something alarming in it. This would be a grave error. Il think no such , thing. Therpeople in any Territory want to be a State oecause it is a pleasant thing and a good thing to have the muni cipal powers and faculties which belong to a Slate within the American Union, and to provide by its own laws for the mainten ance and security of life, liberty and pro perty. A Territory wants - ,to be a State and a member of the Federal trnion because it is a pleasant thing and a good thing lb have its protection against for eign enemies, and to possess the privil-- eges and immunities guaranteed to a State• by the ..N`ational Constitution. I therefore would not consent to hold a State in a terri ' tonal condition, or to deny it the advantages of fellowship in the Union arday longer than I should be compelled. Nor do I see any thing calculated to excite alarm, anything transcending the political ability of our statesmen, in the present situation of the freedmen. In the beginning,. practically, every State in the Union had slavery. We abolished it in several States without dis order or civil commotion, until slavery raised itself in rebellion against the Gov ernment of Union. When it took that atttitude, we abolished it out and out, through and through, completely and effec tually forever, This is what the American people have had theaagacity and the courage to do in a period of ninety years. These American people are a great deal better and a great deal wiser to-day than they were ninety years ago. Those of the generation that is now crowding us will be a great deal wiser and a great deal better than we who are on the stage to-day. Do I think, therefore, that we shall lack the wisdom or the virtue to go right on and continue the work of me lioration and progress, and perfect in due time the deliverance of ? labor from restric tions, and the annihilation of caste and class. We have accomplished what we have done, however, not with an Imferial Go vernment—not with a Pro-Conn ar or Ter ritoral -system. We have done it in States, by States, and through States, free, equal, untrammeled, and presided over by a Federal, restricted Government, which will continue to the end the consti tutional principles with which we so-wisely began. They are settling the whole case of the African in the West Indies just as.we are, and it will be done with the same re sults and the same beneficent effects. I have not given prominence in these re marks to the conflict of opinion between the President and Congress in reference to the Bureau for the relief of Freedmen and Refugees. That conflict is, in its conse qtiences, comparatively unimportant, and would: excite little interest and produce little division if it stood alone. It is because it has become the occasion for revealing the xliflerences that I have already described that it has attained the importance which , seems to surround it. Both the President and Congress agree that, during the brief transition which the country is making from civil war to internal peace, the freedmen and refugees ought not to be abandoned by the nation to persecution or suffering. It waster this transition period that the Bureau of Freedmen was created by Congress, and was kept and is still kept in effective opera non. Both the President and Congress, on the other hand,agree that when that transi non period shall have been fully passed, , ind the harmonious relations between the States and the Union fully'restoreci, that bureau would be not only unnecessary, but unconstitutional, demoralizing and danger ous, and therefore that it should cease to exist. The President thinks that the transi tion stage has nearly passed, and that the original provision for the bureau is all flat is necessary• to secure the end in view, while the bill submitted by Congress seems to him to give it inde finite extension in time of peace and restoration. He vetoed it for that reason. He declines to accept, as unnecessary and uncalled for, the thousand or ten thousand agents, the increased powers and the aug mented treasure which Congress insists on pine ng in his bands. Congress, on the other hand, thinks that the Freedmen's Bureau is not adequate, and that more patronage, more money and more power would, like Thompson's door-plate, purchased at auc tion by Mrs. Toodles, be a good thing to have in a house. I agree with the Presi dent. in the hope that the extraordinary provision which the bill makes will not be necessary, but that the whole question may be simplified .by a simple reference to the existing la,w. The law of March 3, 1865, which created the Freedmen's Bureau, provides that it shall continue in force during the war of rebellion and one full year thereafter. When does that gear expire? In the President's judg ment, as I understand the matter, the war of the rebellion has been coming and is still coming to an end, but is not yet fully closed. It is on this ground that he maintains an army, contin ues the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and exercises martial law,,whon. these things are found to be necessary in rebel States. The existence of the rebellion was legally announced by F•xecutive pro clamation in 1861. The end of the rebellion ought to be, and may be expeeted to be, announced by competent declaration of the President anti of Congress, or of both. For all practical purposes, the rebellion will, in iaw, come to an end if the President or Congress, one or both, officially announces its termination. Mow, suppose this an nouncement is to be made by the. President and by Congress, or by either of them, to morrow. In that case, the Freedmen's Ita rean is continued by virtue of the limitation prescribed in the act of March 3, 1565, one year after such prorlamation shall have been made. Thus the Freedmen's Bureau would continue, by the original limitation, until the 22d day of February,. 1867-a very proper day on which to bring it to ,an end. If Congress should then find it necessary to prolong its existence, it can at once take the necessary steps, for it will at that date have been in session nearly three months. Ought the President of the United States to be denounced in the House of his enemies —much more, ought he to be denounced in the House of his friends, for refpsing,,in the absence of any necessity, to occupy or, re tain,' and to exercise powers greater than those which are exercised by any imperial magistrate in the world? . Judge S , I trustthat this fault of declining imperial powers, too hastily tendered by a too confiding Congress, may_ t:cilitiven F. L. FETHERSTON. Publisher. DOUBLE SHEET, THREE CENTS by a generous perriae. It Will be a sad hour for the Republic when the refusal of unnecessary pe - wqrs, treasure and patron age by the President shall be held to be a crime. When it shall be str connidered the time will have arrived for setting up at the White Rouse an Imperial throne, and surroanding the Executive with perial legions. luring the delivery of this address the honorable Secretary was almost constantly interrupted by the approbation- and fre quently by the more demonstrative' ap plaros of the vast audience. The Vasnde }tame between the Wthooskre* ants Algonquin. The officialreport of the Chief Engineers s of the bureau of Inspectors of Steam Ma- - chinery of the U. S. Navy, iareference toe the trial between the paddle-wheel eteamemn Winooski and Algonquin., has been pub-. lished. The report first dieeusses the difft-- cu lties of the race of one hundred andlthir-• teen miles on Long Island Sound, occa sioned by a violent storm. The vessels were to run between certain points several limes, and when the race terminated the Winooski ,?tad rvn 339* geographical miles: , and the Algonquin 28 miles. Neither ves sel steered welt. The A2gotiqatn suffered a slight injury to her machinery, but the Winooski's engines worked admirably.. At the commencement of the trial the Algon quin's draght of water was 8 feet 5 inches forward and aft, and the Winooski's *aught was 8-feet 16' inches forward, 8 feet 8 , inches aft. The difference of fsur inches- ,in the mean draught was an allowancemadefor the deeper false keel of the latter- vessel; both vessels being presumed to be in other respects identical, as they - were constructed from the same building directions and mould loft dirrien simas. The boilers of the Winooski contain 200' sonars feet of grate surface and 5,036 square feet of heating surface, and have n° means of superheating the steam. The boilers of the Algonquin contain 144 seuare feet of grate surface and 2,678 squareifeet of heating sur.hce, together seith'l,l32. square feet of steam superheating su.rface in tubes.' The boilers of both vessels have water tubes. In the Winooski they are vertical and are arranged above the furnaces, ac cording to Martin's patent; and in the Algon quin they are inclined:and arrangectin com bination with the superheating tubes, ea cording to the patent of Mr. E. N. Dicker son, who designed the- entire machinery of that veined. Each 'vessel has one inclined and direct acting engine. The cylinder of the Winoo ski is fisty eight inches- diameter, and its ' piston has a sfrokeof 8 feet 9 inches. The cylinder of the Algonquin is 48. inches diameter, and its -piston has a stroke of 10 feet. The space occupied in the 'Winooski by the machinery and coal is arfeen 13 inches long, by the entire breadth and depth of the vessel; and in this- space there- is- a coal - bunker capacity of 9;421 cubic feet. The space occupied in the Algonquin by the . machinery and coal is 75. - feet.3-inches long, by the entire breadth and depth of vessel; and in this space there is a goal bunker ca pacity or6,93lcubic feet. The weight of the machinery of the Wi nooski, exclusive of the water in theboilers, is 541,718 pounds, and inclusiveof the water, 63,918 pounds. The weight of the ma chinery in the Algonquin, exclusive of wa ter in the boilers, is 623,444 pounds, and inclusive of the water, 701,144-pounds. The distribution of the weight of the Algonquin's machinery was so faulty that whenthe ves sel was fully stowed for sea, with her coat bunkers filled, water in her boilers, dm., she had a list of 22 inches to port, giving her port paddle-wheel an immersion of T. feet 31.. inches, and her starboards wheel an immer sion of 3 feetTh inches. To bring the vessel upright, there was required a weight of 73 ions to be stowed on her decks, in the ex treme wing, aiter the hold-had been stowed, in such a manner as to place all the weight possible on the starboardtside. This additional weight of 73 tons required to be continually trimmed, as the• coal was used from the bunkers. Of course it added just that number of useless tons to the ves sel's displacement, and if it be added to the weight of the machinery, to which. it was simply a counterbalance, it- will swell that weight to 836,664 pounds. The following are the principal dimen sions of each vessel, the greatest transverse section, and the displacement corresponding to their draught of water at the commence ment of the trial—Depth front lower edge of rabbet of keel to mean load water line, S feet 21,- inches; length on mean load. water line from the torward side of the rabbet of stern to the after side of the rabbet of stern post, 240 feet; extreme breadth on mean load water line, 35 feet; displacement, 1280.78 tons; area of greatest immersed transverse section, 263.85 square feet, The following are the guazantees of the contract for the machinery of the Algon quin, and it was the object of the trial at the wharf and on Long Island Sound to ascer tain if they were fulfilled, and, if not, to what extent they were deficient. Firs;—That the material; , workmanship,- detail and finish shall be drat class. Second—That the whole-performance shall be of such a character eat:it , demonstrate the satisfactory strength, reliability,. practical efficiency and durability of the entire ma chinery. Third—That the variations from the spe cifications—those of the machinery of the Winooski, hereunto attached:—to the con,- tract for the machinery of the Algot:quirt, , and forming part of this contract, are to be in the dimensions and arrangement of the .cylinder, and such parts as are thereby af fected, in the design of the.valve gear, and in the type and arrangement of the boilers, and also the surface condenser. These changes are not to increase -the weight of the machinery nor the space occupied by it, nor to dedrease the weight of coal carried in . bunkers, within the limits 'allowed for- the ' engineer's department, with the machinery' ' described in the attached specifications— that is, the specifications for the Winooski's • , - machinery. Fourth—That if, on completion of the machinery, and a careful trial thereof by such persons as may be directed by the Secretary of the Navy, it shall be found by them that its performance, either in amount L of power developed or in the cost, pro rata, of that power in coal, is less than that of the 2 :et machinery described in the attached speoirt , cations—the specifications for the Winooski s- machinery--they, the said party of the first part (the contractor for the Algonquin's)... machinery), will remove it and replace:it at. their own cost with the machinery described: ) in the attached specifications. „ , The contract for -the Algoliquln's a.c ha "` des that the entire responsibility , • 1 n" KitTi vi i, of s g aid the par a l l y " . e oi g th ua e ran furt P is a - r t°4 .w res ill? with the _ a will make their own working -dmiant, ) , d and arrangeand proportion theidatails of 81' S iiner4 : suchn ' a 7 • er a gll. mbtaticlatedtcsee4 yl3loSticessfcaoe ra n.- tawP B 4 6 . 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