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f o
SFEECH OF COL JOHN W. FORNEY.
;;,iiii. oSe Union meeting was heltl at
Mecliauicsburg, Cumberland county, Peun
■'v >nia on Saturday last, under the aus
,; es of the "boys in blue." It is des-
C i'bed as the largest political meeting ev
,!d in that part of Pennsylvania. Not
-s than ten thousand persons were pres
■i][ The soldiers had delegations present
,m York, Carlisle and Harrisburg. Six
yen car loads of veterans went from Har
:isburg alone. The demonstration has
struck terror into the Clymer-Johnson Cop
criieads in that part ot the ■Mute, foie
eh.idowing as it does the certain defeat of
tin-it- i- ndidate. The Philadelphia conven
tion is regarded by the Unionists ol Penn
sylvania as a genteel supplement to and
HI apology for the New Orleans massacre.
The principal speaker at this meeting was
Colonel John M . Forney. 1 poll hi-, arrival
ut Harrisburg, on Saturday morning, he j
was .escorted by a delegation ol soldiers j
on a .special train to Meelianicsburg.— ;
Speeches were also delivered by Governor j
L'urtiii, General Geavv, General J. Y\ . Fish- •
er, Hon Thomas J. Co.-hran, and Colonel i
Montgomery, of Mississippi.
Colonel Forney, upon being introduced,
spoke as follows :
FELI.O W-CLTIZKNB AND SOLDIERS OF PENNSYL
VANIA : Of all the cherished theories ol'
oilier days, none has been more completely
overthrown by the overthrow of the rebel
lion than that a successful soldiery may in
time become the despotic rulers of a tree
P pie. W'e realize daily that the vital
danger to our free institutions spring from
tin- ambitions and intrigues of disappointed
nid revengeful civilians. When the war
-eil. although a rescued and grateful
uitry stool ready to reward the leaders
i oii" victorious forces, these illustrious
:.ien disdained disturbing the general joy
y piesuuiptious aspirations. With a mod
esty peculiar to American soldiers, and es- j
] ally to those who weaY the Union uni
the heroes best entitled to the couu-
I try'* applause voluntarily retired from pub
i; lit • and reluctantly accepted the tok
- of the people's love and confidence.—
| 1 ,'y the men who had done comparatively
liiing during the struggle vexed the first
Furs of peace with their selfish machiua
as. And if our country has bceu sud
] sly arrested aud dislocated in its onward
-a: hto a constitutional and permanent
-storation, the error lies entirely witii
: st- who call themselves statesmen ; seiz
ng the first occasion to forget their own
•'.•pouted pledges and principles, they are
"rj'-sg to betray confiding people by re
i warding the defeated traitors in the South.
' ; wers entrusted to these politicians
j wei t; ruore than imperial. Saved from a
••■•'Horseless rebellion by a loyal army, these
: wers were left in their custody upon the
'!■ st solemn and binding, although not ex
• ssly stated, condition that they were to
; exercised in such a reconstruction of the
a: >a as would forever prevent another in
j direction. The brave man is always gen
us. The American people, splendidly
' irious over a perfidious and cruel foe,
1 jmlsively forgot all vengeance in their
i -latitude to God, and in the recollection
J the offenders had bceu their friends
1 brothers. But neither our conquering
uics nor our magnanimous people, nor, 1
■>y *ay, the vanquished slaveholders them
■ res, ' cer dreamed or exacted that in de
tng the rebellion we simply defeated our
•-; aud that because we were disposed
' liberal and tolerant, and oblivious to
I rimes of the traitors, these latter were
U clothed with all their former rights
j - Itobi- armed with yet stronger privi-
I -■ -on their restoration to the Union. —
! yi t this stupendous perfidy was coolly
'g'm and lia been cruelly prosecuted by
| men who have done more tiian any oth
-I.ving men to awaken the conscience of
Country against the inhumanities of liu
■ iu slavery and against the savage
-I'oeities of the treas >n born of Ltu
{ -ni slavery. The sudden and unexpected
jutrol of the machinery of Government
- v ined to convert Andrew Johnson and
i iliam 11. Seward into lunatics. That it
lstorrued them, almost in a night, into
bitterest persecutors of the millious
no endured such incalculable sacrifices to
it down the rebellion, and who have lav-
Fed upon them an unstinted aud unques
ned confidence, and that it converted
"in at the same time into the defenders
-!.< l the patrons of the savage authors uud
ibis of the rebellion, are facts that
i 1 out as the unchallenged marvel even
1 these marvellous times. It is difficult
F scribe the amazement and the agony
th loyal and the betrayed millions on
■' me side, and the delight of the disloyal
1 ardoued criminals on the other, when
jit rlidious policy was disclosed. Little
• ■•" was lost to confirm the fears of the
and the hopes of the other. The ruffi
• qaecli of the President of the United
Fates, on the 22d of February, was the
v y-ui,te to a remorseless and revolutionary
"iipuign ; and from that hour to the pres
■'•> every word has been a new threat and
" : y step a new usurpation. The crown
s'' outrage was the convention that ad
• out l in Philadelphia on Thursday after-
No other braiu but that of William
'•ward could have conceived so deliber
"> insult upou a loyal people, and no
|j ••• ■ could execute so shamclesssand wan
!l 1 conspiracy but the hand of Andrew
O. GOODRICH, Publisher.
VOLUME XXVII.
Johnson raised before high Heaven when
he swore before God and man that treason
should be made odious, that traitors should
die, and that loyal men alone should con
trol the destinies of the recovered States of
the South. A convention of all the States
of the American Union, for the adjustment
of great questions, is one of the wise rem
edies of tiie national Constitution. But it
was never intended to be prostituted to the
purpose of destroying human liberty, of
elevating human slavery, of punishing the
brave and the loyal, and of rewarding sav
age traitors. Had a convention of therep
reseotatives of the victorious people of the
loyal States, and of the obedient and peni
tent people of the recent insurgent States,
been called in Philadelphia, there to com
memorate the ceremonies of a perpetual
peace, on the solid basis that treason had
been crushed and freedom maintained, the
occasion would have been almost unparal
leled in human annals. It would have
been the world's wonder and the world's
joy. Our American future would have
been secured by guarantees, as that would
have been frankly demanded and required
by the victorious,and cheerfully and grate
fully accepted by the vanquished The
noisy and bitter waters of strife would
have been permanently stilled and sweet
ened. Every household would have erected
its altar to reconciliation. Religion would
have sanctified the blessed reunion with its
holiest symbols ; and every agency of be
nevolence, of art, of trade, of manufactures
—every class and condition of society—
every man, woman, and child, in both sec
tions, would have contributed to one spon
taneous and rapturous thanksgiving. How
is it now ? Let Memphis and New Orleans
with their savage celebrations of Andrew
Johnson's treason—let the murdered loyal
ists of Texas and Mississippi answer ! The
motive that prompted these frightful ex
cesses originated the Philadelphia conven
tion. That body met under circumstances
calculated to awaken the strongest resent
ments, and to revive the most terrible re
collections. It was held, as it were, for
the purpose of provoking that civil war
predicted in the President's speech on the
22d of February, assure to begin " at the oth
er end of tim line." The thin veneer of
cheap and well-paid loyalty did not hide,
even if it was intended to hide, the black
and poisonous elements marshalled for the
purpose of arranging the new plan of re
warding treason and punishing loyalty.—
The choicest spirits of the two wings of
the rebel army—the Copperheads of the
North and the traitors of the South— crow
ded the spacious amphitheatre. They came
for a purpose well known to themselves.
Invited by the President of the United
States, and incited by the hopes of division
among the men who had defeated them at
the battle li- id and at the ballot-box, they
were well content to look upon a drama,
the end of which was to bring equally res
toration and revenge to themselves. The
incidents and actors of the convention de
serve a faithful historian. It was to last
ten days, and was to be a formal council
between statesmen in which great problems
<f government were to be discussed and
solved. It did not last two entire days.
Tue feature that most distinguished it was
a fear of discussion, a horror of truth, a
dread lest from some one of the crowded
benches an overjoyed and impenitent rebel
might give utterance to his exulting pray
er for the defeat of the only party that
saved and continues to save the Union, or
lest from the overhanging galleries an in
dignant soldier might denounce the cower
ing conspirators beneath him. Hence the
s eret care which marked the arrangements
of the entire proceedings. Hence the in
decent and the hot haste to get through
with the dangerous work. No comedy
was ever so rehearsed before. The author
of the play was the wily philosopher of the
State Department, who seems to have em
ployed the hours of his convalescence from
the wounds inflicted by the slave-tyrants'
dagger to weave a plot by which at once
to gratify his revenge against his own par
ty, to delude and destroy the President, to
disfranchise the loyal millions, and to bring
back the guilty traitors, full-handed, to
power. With the proceedings of this con
vention before us, we at last distinctly un
derstand why Andrew Johnson, immediate
ly after Mr. Seward rose from his bloody j
bed, with his wicked philosophy duly ar
ranged, began to turn his back upon his
pledges to the loyal people of the United
States. We can now understand why be
fore and after the autumn elections of last
year he refused to decide in favor of Hart
raul't in Pennsylvania, Barlow in New York
and Ward in New Jersey,— why he private
ly pledged himself to the friends of all
these men, and yet declined a public pref
erence. W'e can now understand why
Mou'gomery Blair travelled through Penn
sylvania and New York and declared that
Johnson was against the Union candidates,
and in favor of the Copperheads. Now we j
really know that this crafty and cold-blood
ed politician, with written credentials from
Johnson in his pocket, had authority for
what he said when he attempted to demor
alize the Union men of Maryland aud Penn
sylvania. The glittering generalities of
Johnson's annual message are now proved
to have been the deceptious coloring of the
Dead Sea fruit, gathered in almost all of
his succeeding acts. The plottings of the
Copperheads ; the secret interviews be
tween Johnson and his slanderer, Heister
Clymer ; the incoherent speech to the
South Carolina aristocrats in the summer
of 1805 ; the offensive admission to his
confidence of the notorious sympathizers
with treason, and the no less offensive ex
clusion of tried defenders of the Republic ;
the cold and callous speeches to the color
ed regiments of Washington, after they
had returned covered with laurels from our
hard-lought fields ; the attack upon Con
gress ; the proscription of the white Union
men of the South ; the assault upon Gov
ernor Brownlow, of Tennessee, aud his
compatriots, Stokes, Fowler, Aruell, and
Hawkins ; the veto of the Frecdrnen'.-; Bu
reau bill ; the22d of February speech ; the
veto of the civil rights bill ; the removal
of patriotic Republicans ; the resignation
of Postmaster General Dennison aud Sec
retary Harlan ; and the whole course of
proceedings by which the loyal millions
that voted for him in 18(>4 were transform
ed into his determined and disgusted an
tagonists, and the men who had covered
him with inconceivable calumny and shame
taken to his heart and entrusted with his
favors—all these strange and successive
TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., AUGUST 30, 1806.
I scenes are at last explained to the dullest
comprehension. The 14th of August con
vention was the grand objective point of
these tricks, trimmings, and treacheries. —
And, now that it is over, let us regarcj it
with due candor and consideration.
I said that one of the chief characteris
tics of the inside managers wastheir fear of
i the truth aud their horror of discussion.
But what was the effect upon the people
outside ? There was no violence and no
attempt at violence—nothing but almost
universal derision and contempt. The iu
suD deliberately sought to be put upon the
people of Philadelphia by Andrew Johnson
in sending these traitors and parasites
among them seemed to awaken a proud
and lofty consciousness of that supreme
power which, while retraining to punish a
miscreant,generously condescends to laugh
at his aimless malignity. Their bearing
was that of the lion playing with the sting
lesß reptile. Far more severe than turbu
lence and abuse and blows was the loud
and irrepressible scorn of this great popu
lace when these traitors and copperheads
sought to defend "My Policy" in the
streets of Philadelphia, to declaim against
negro suffrage, to denounce the radicals,
and once more promise a thousand times
violated obedience. It may well be imag
ined that a movement thus muzzled by the
managers inside the convention, and laugh
ed down by the people outside, can produce
no lasting and v. holesome effect upon the
country.
One result it has certainly achieved. It
has newly awakened the Union men of the
nation to a sense of their own duty and
the general danger. Never before have I
known the people of Philadelphia to be
more thoroughly aroused thau during the
scenes aud sittings of this convention. If
freedom of speech was denied to the dele
gates it was enjoyed by the masses who
watched their operations. In evtry work
shop and counting-house, in every private
residence and public resort, in the byways
and highways, American citizens were
brought to a closer consciousness and to a
nearer consideration of the purposes of the
men who assembled there to cheat them
out of their rights and to re-establish, in
spite of the verdict of arms, the oligarchy
that was supposed to have been totally
destroyed. In this respect the Philadel
phia convention has performed a signal
service to the country.
The address and resolutions that were
adopted cannot conceal from an inquiring
and jealous people the whole end and aim
of this dark conspiracy. I hold this ad
dress and resolutions in my hand. It is
sufficient to say that the address is the
production of that unprincipled harlequin,
Henry J. Raymond, of New York. It may j
be rem rked here that Raymond, like near
ly all his associates pretending to be Re
publican, held a .seat and acted as a delegate
without a constituency. Indeed, the only
persons that were chosen to seats, and that
rejected the sympathy of any portion of
the people, were the traitors and the Cop
perheads. Behind these two classes were
the twin organizations that plotted the re
bellion and fought and acted together
throughout the war. The so-called Repub
licans represented nobody but Andrew
Johnson and William 11. Seward, 01 the
offices held by themselves respectively or
ardently anticipated. This remark may be
applied to every county iu the free States
that professed to send Republican dele
gates to this assemblage. When we re
collect that men like Henry J. Raymond
willingly consorted with traitors and Cop
perheads, and coolly assisted in waging a
prescriptive warfare upon the only men iu
the South, black and white —the only class
es innocent of this inhuman insurrection—
the only element upon which even now the
Government can repose in tiie hour of dan
ger —aud also that he aud his associates
have never had the nerve to stay the war
fare of Andrew Johnson upon the suffering
loyalists of the South, we may appreciate
his stupendous turpitude.
The resolutions, like the address, are in
tended to hide the chief and single purpose
of Andrew Johnson and his agents—name
ly, 4. lie restoration of the rebels to more
power than they possessed before they began
the rebellion. In vain do these men thank
Almighty God for the end of the war and
the return of peace ; in vain do they prate
of the r attachment to the Constitution and
the laws ; in vain do tin y declare that 110
State or combination of States has the
1 ight to withdraw from the Union ; in vain
do they asseverate that slavery is abolish
ed and forever prohibited ; iu vain do they I
pronounce the debt of the nation to be sa- i
cred and inviolable ; iu vain do they recog- |
nize the services of the " Federal " soldiers |
and sailors in the contest just closed— i
(these being tbe general declarations of
the resolutions more elaborately set forth |
in the addrcss)---all these are but mocker- j
ies and lures, as long as their purpose of j
forgiving and restoring traitors to greater j
power is admitted and demanded the very
iact tiiat they declare that no amendment
of the Constitution of tiie United States
can be made " until all the States of the
Union have an equal and an indefeasible
right to a voice aud to a vote therein,"
shows that their pledges, no matter how
solemn and definite, depending as they do
upon this condition precedent, were never
intended to be fulfilled. For if the Consti
tution of the United States is not to be
adapted so as to prevent the authors of the
rebellion from reappearing in the public
councils shorn of the full and fatal power
I which they exercised almost to the des
l truetion of the Republic—if, in other words,
the new amendment of the national Consti
tution shall be defeated through the con
spiracy set on foot by this convention—
helped by the money and the offices and the
almost despotic power of the General Gov
ernment—then, undoubtedly we revert to
a condition worse than that we occupied
in the midst of the rebellion, aud are hence
forth and for unnumbered years held in the
vice of the pro-slavery politicians of the
South ami their sympathizing confederates
of the North.
Let me prove this assertion a few
simple illustrations. When the four mil
lions of black men in the South were made
free by the proclamation of the President
and the successful progress of our armies,
the three-fifths rule of your Constitution
was annulled, aud the whole body of the
Southern population were, under the pres
ent ratio, to be counted in the basis of re
presentation, aud without such au amend
ment of the Constitution as we are con-
REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANT QUARTER.
tending for, these four millions would be
represented in the Congress of the United
States by the very men who began the
war, and would confer upon them largely
increased power. You will perceive by
the resolutions of the Copperjohnson con
vention that no such amendment shall be
attempted or perfected until all the States
are in the Union ; and you know that it is
main purpose of the President and Mr.
Seward to bring back the Southern States
as they were before the war, and as they
are now. Take South Carolina to show the
scandalous working of this policy. There
are 400,000 free black men to-day in that
State still excluded from all political rights.
These black men, according to President
Johnson and Mr. Seward and the Philadel
phia convention, are now to be counted ev
ery one, man for man, in the basis of rep
resentation, precisely as the freedmen of
Pennsylvania are. But the four hundred
thousand blacks incorporated in the basis
of South Carolina representation are repre
sented by two hundred thousand white men
in South Carolina ; and thus these two
hundred thousand white men are enabled
to elect as many representatives in Con
gress as six hundred thousand white men
in Pennsylvania ! Aud what we contend
for is, that if South Carolina ignores her
black populatioii entirely as voters, she j
should not couut them on the floor of Con
gress any more than she should count her
horned cattle Where this system will
eventually leave us a very few words will j
explain. If Andrew Johnson can prevent i
the adoption by three-fourths of the States j
of the new article amending the national
Constitution, all the freedmen being count
ed in the representative basis until 4870,
the present Southern, including the recent I
seceded States, will have at least 26 Sena- ;
tors aud 84 Representatives in Congress,
and 110 votes in the Electoral College, j
Supposing the entire population of the Uni
ted States to be thirty-five millions of white 1
people, the five millions of white people in
the South will be just one-seventh of the
whole population, aud yet they will have
more than one-third in both houses <4 Con
gress, aud more than one-third of the Elec
toral College ; and this startling exhibit, |
exclusive of the other additions that will j
be made to this Southern column by Cop-1
perhead Senators, Representatives, and
electors from the free States—many mote
than enough to make up for an exceptional
radical from such Southern Commonwealths j
as Missouri, Tennessee, West Virginia, and !
possibly Maryland and Delaware. What
is Andrew Johnson contending for now '!
Not to pay the national debt nor to reduce .
it ; not to economize the public expedi- ;
tures ; not to do justice to the loyal men of |
the South, nor to pay the brave men of the j
North the bounties to the living and the !
pensions to the dead ; not to extend our |
great internal and international thorough
fares, but to defeat the new amen iment ol
the national Constitution by a prostitution i
of his high office. This was the sole ob- j
ject of the Philadelphia convention. Now, j
if the sophisms of Mr. Raymond's address
and the cunning senteuces of Mr. Cowan's 1
resolutions are boiled down, the residuum j
will be found to be the defeat of this amend-;
ment for the purpose of bringing the trai-i
tors more than full-handed into the nation- j
ul councils. They are boasting now that j
the South will be a unit against the amend- j
ment. The Cotton States will be consoli
dated into a new despotism against the j
people that defeated their bloody revolt.
By extending the massacres of New Or- j
leans and Memphis, aud the massacres of
Texas and Mississippi, over all this region,
the blacks will relapse into a new slavery,
and the loyal whites will flee for safety and j
succor. Maryland is to be overturned. The i
returned rebels are being registered in that
State preparatory to voting down the I n
iou men in the November elections. Ken
tucky within a few days elected an avow
ed rebel by au immense majority to an im- j
portant State office, after he had explicitly :
taken ground in favor of the entire rebel i
doctrine. Tennessee is still declared to be j
in a revolutionary condition by the Execu- |
tive, and the action of her recent Legisla- J
ture, ratifying the new amendment, is pro- j
nouueed to be illegal by the President's :
new Attorney General. This leaves two j
Southern States in which the Union cause j
may be said to have any reasonable chance, j
viz : West Virginia and Missouri. How i
long these will hold out against accumula
ted treachery and power remains to be
seen. You will tell me this is a gloomy ;
statement. It is certainly a frank one. 1
You will uext ask, what is the remedy ? j
For answer I state, the election of all the ■
Republican Union candidates for Congress j
in the coming elections, and the assertion ;
by yet larger majorities of popular indig-;
nation against a conspiracy so atrocious in
its prosecution and so deplorable in its con
sequences. When we reflect upon the re
turn of these men with power to defeat the
vital amendment of the Constitution, and j
after that to attempt new usurpations, arc \
we not justified iu saying that the Ameri- 1
can people will stand by any party that i
keeps out these reckless conspirators until
they consent to the terms laid down by the ;
lust Congress ? And when they are cou- ;
vinced that the people of the victorious
loyal States are more than ever resolved
to preserve the fruits of a war that cost so j
much precious blood and treasure, they I
may turn their laces from the perfidious j
traitor at the head of the Government, and
accept these generous aud equal conditions.
It is therefore for the American people
to decide if they are willing to clothe the
contrivers of the rebellion aud the authors
of all our woes with controlling power. If
they should so decide, they will have de
liberately consented to their own lasting j
degradation.
It was to force such a humiliation of the
loyal people of the United States that the
Philadelphia couveutiou was held, Audrcw
Johnson, overjoyed at the obedience of his
mercenaries, telegraphed to his Secretary
of the Interior and Postmaster General on
the 14th instant as follows :
" I thank you for your cheering aud en
couraging despatch. The linger of Provi
dence is unerring and will guide you safe
ly through. The people must be trusted
and the country will be rest red. My faith
is unshaken as to ultimate success."
Of course, this despatch was received
with tumultuous cheering by the officers
and ageuts of the rebellion, their sympa
thizers and official friends. But is there
not some blasphemy here ? Does the bad
man in the Presidential chair honestly be
lieve-that God will prosper his matchless
aud causeless treachery ? That his deser
tion of the loyal whites and friendless
blacks of ttie South will go unpunished in
j the final account? There is something
sublime in the villainy oi slavery. Here is
a man who made the continent ring with
I his execration of Jefferson Davis ; and yet,
| at the end of four years, has outbidden and
j surpassed that prince of traitors. How
] patriotic millions feel at last, as the cold
! steel of ingratitude seeks to pierce their
vitals, that the malignities in Andrew
I Johnson's character, that survived oceans
of blood and myriads of dead, are the nial
j iguities born of slavery against the free
! States of America 1 " 1 had hoped," said a
i distinguished Southern Unionist, the other
! day, "that when the . traitors persecuted
j and hounded him during four bitter years,
I he would hate them sufficiently to be true
to liberty, but I was disappointed." And
| this mau iuvokes the blessings of Provi
| dence upon the last and most wicked of
his contrivances ! As Igo back to the be
giuniug of December, 1860, and trace his
career down to the present time, and re
member all the enthusiasm aud generosity
aud condolence lavished upou him only to
be requited by unexampled cruelty to his
benefactors, I wonder whether there will
not be a day of reckoning for him and for
all who have likewise offended. The Scrip
ture is filled with warnings, om of which
may be cited here as an inspired sentiment
aad rebuke upon his hypocrisy aud perfid
ity. It is taken from the eighth chapter of
Daniel, in which the vision of the prophet
is described as interpreted by the angel
Gabriel, and is as follows :
DANIEL, CHIT Fit VIII., VERSES 23, 24, 25.
And in tiie latter tiiue of their kingdom, when
(he transgressors are come to the full, a king of
fierce countenance, and understanding dark sen
tences, shall stand up.
And his power shall be mighty, but not by his I
own power ; and ho shall destroy wonderfully,and ,
shad prosper and prcatise, and shall destroy the
mighty and the holy people.
And through his policy also he cause craft to
prosper in his hand, and he shall magnify l>imsi f '
in his heart, and by peace shall destroy many : h -
shall also stand up against the Prince of princes :
but he .shall be broken without hand.
Frequently as (his significant passage
has been quoted, 1 question whether it ever
was more appositely applied than to An
drew Johnson. There is a curious accura
cy in the phrases and a still more striking
fidelity in the predicted end of a wicked
tyrant's reign.
But this is no hour for despair. God has j
beeu too forgiving, too generous, and too
constant a friend to desert us now. He
bore us too strongly and too steadily
through oceans of blood and tempests of
fire and along the long, dark valley of
death, to forsake us in this new tribulation. !
Soldiers of Pennsylvania ! J said at the |
beginning of these remarks that the exper
ience of our war had disproved the theory
that a great republic was in danger from a
triumphant soldiery, and that our real per
il lay not in llie men of swords, but in men i
of words ; not in the leaders of armies, but {'
in the leaders of parties : not in the fight- j
ing patriots,but in the skulking politicians;'
not in the noble chivalry produced by the
education of the batttleiield, but in the cun
ning diplomacy coined and cultivated in
the cleset of heartless dialecticians who
would wrap a world in flames to gratify !
their ambitious ends, and would not stoop J
from their cozy eminences lest in helping a
fallen brother they might incommode them- j
selves. If it were not for you, who are j
still standing guard on the outposts, the
sleek and easy politicians, reposing on j
their ofir-ial cushions, would betray the !
citadel itself. As I look over our great
country and beyond the limited horizon of
party, i am startled ; first at the conspicu
ous perfidy of an obscure man suddenly ele
vated by a grateful people for acts of
simple, yet of timely duty ; then at the
heartless ingratitude of the vanquished
and forgiven traitors ; and finally, ut the
subserviency of others, who, in such an
hour, should be the apostles as well as the
champions of intelligent freedmen. Yet
how few in the long procession wear the
Union uniform ? lam not here to quarrel
with the Union oiHcers who took part in
the Philadelphia convention, nor yet with
those who with equal inconsistency assail
Geary, the hero of of more than sixty bat
tles against slavery and treason, and hon
or Olymer, the embodiment of hatred of the
Union cause. Such contradictions correct
themselves. Like all violent and unnatu
ral combinations they serve at once to in
struct and to admonish others. Hut upon
the principle that there is no good rule
without exceptions, to prove it, so those
Union soldiers who make themselves con
spicuous, if not more than ridiculous, by
joining hands with the traitors and Copper
heads—the success of whose efforts would
have been to cover the cause in which they
won their laurels with lasting defeat—un
consciously keep others from following
their examples. But to the rank and file
of the Union army returned to civil life we
have thus far been indebted for most of our
civil victories, and if we are saved from
the new conspiracy organized at Phildel
phia it will be mainly through their intel
ligent exertions. When I reflect how sim
ple and how clear is the present duty of
the citizen,it is more than strange that any
citizen professing to be grateful for such
services as those rendered by our candidate |
for Governor, General Geary, should be
found supporting a candidate whose indus- j
trious sympathy with the rebellion has
been one of the wonders of the last four .
years, tsueli a citizen has much to forget
and more to forgive. He must forget that
under the restoration policy of Andrew
Johnson the rebel soldier in South Caroli
na will exercise a political influence equiv
i alent to two votes for the one vote thrown
:by the Union soldier of Pennsylvania. He
I must torget that the success of this dispro
portionate power will enable the two hun
j dred thousand whites of South Carolina, by
' the representation of four hundred thous
i and blacks, to enjoy as much influence in
the national councils and electoral college
as six hundred thousand white freemen of
| Pennsylvania. He must forget that every
guarantee supposed to have been establish
ied by the downfall of the rebellion will be
; endangered and ultimately destroyed. Thus
i forgetting, he must be equally forgiving to
be consistent with himself. He must for
give, honor, and elevate the beginners and
i the prosecutors of a war which cost the
Union people three billions of dollars and
four hundred thousand noble sous.
Tell me, soldiers of Pennsylvania, wheth
er there is anything in the philosophy of
per Annum, in Advance.
the Philadelphia convention to compensate
you at once for a l'orgetfuluess and forgive
ness so unnatural ? This is the one great
question to be answered on the 9th of Oc
tober next. We once more realize the wis
dom that counselled the nomination of Geu.
John W. Geary as the Union candidate for
Governor. With his splendid military re
cord, his thorough political experience, and
his spotless personal character, he will lead
us to a complete vietoiy.
A new calamity has f lien upon Mr. Cly
uier, his competitor. Originally a Whig,
he became a member of the Democratic
party to reach qilicc in a Democratic coun
ty. Following out a mistaken and selfish
judgment, lie believed obedience to Democ
racy was hostility to country ; and so
when the rebellion came, forgetting all his
Whig antecedents, he achieved the bad
eminence of enrolling himself among the
sympathizers with treason. The conven
tion which met at Philadelphia, composed
in large part of recent insurgents aud
Democrats, accomplished the ruin of the
Democratic party and Mr. Olymer at the
same, time, by an act of t'elo i/e se as awk
ward as it was unexpected. In the grave
dug by the new Copperjohnson party lie
entombed all the hopes, the fears, the am
bitions, and the hates of Hiester Clymer
and the old Democracy. No wonder that
the cry has gone forth that a candidate so
calamitous shotild yield before his all-con
quering rival ! Geary is, iu fact, the only
real Democrat in the field, representing lib
erty in its most enlightened and practical
sense ; libei v to all the races of man :
liberty of thought; liberty of tction ; the
liberty that anticipates and guards the fu
ture by throttling taction and treason in
the present ; the liberty that defends the
national credit, protects the national honor,
rewards the national soldier, compensates
the national widow and orphan.and restores
and unites all the States on the basis of
ardent and constant obedience and subor
dination to the Government of our fathers.
Representing this sublime and undying
idea, John W. Geary's election as Gover
nor of Pennsylvania is as certain as the
overwhelming defeat of Hiester Clymer and
the perpetual triumph ol Republican prin-j
ciples.
SPEECH OF GOVERNOR OGLESBY.
CHICACO, August 15. The grand excurs
ion and picnic of the Irish-Republican Asso. i
elation came off' to-day at Haas Park, nine
miles west of this city. Not less than 15,-
000 persons in all were present, a lair por
tion of whom were Fenians and their
Iriends ; but the chief attraction was the
announcement that Governor Oglesby,
Speaker Colfax, and General Logan would
make addresses. The weather was propit
ious and the assemblage orderly. At IJ,
P. M. Governor Oglesby was introduced, <
and received with great applause.
He said : I came here as the Governor of j
this great free State to tell you what 1 :
think concerning universal liberty. In this
free country, where we have no kings, no ;
queens, no aufiaats, there is no right of j
rebellion against the government of the!
people. On the Ist day of June, 1866. in- I
spired by a love of adventure, I left my ;
home and crossed the ocean, to study tor j
myself the nations of the Old World. The j
first green spot 1 met was the old Emerald ;
Isle. [Cheers.] I went ashore at Dublin j
to see how Irishmen looked in Ireland.— j
[Cheers. I 1 went down to St. Patrick street
and tra\a lied all over Dublin. Then I took
a car, with an Irishman to dm me,and ex
plored the whole Country adjacent, i went
to Cork, and theuce to Kiliarney—the smile
and the tear of Ireland. There 1 spent
three delightful days, and after returning
the oe to Dublin, travelled lor six weeks
all in tire month of June [great laughter
from end to end of this most beautiful isle, j
Everywhere I met a people of generous i
hearts, full of the love of liberty, who ought
to be wholly free. I was a stranger, but
was everywhere most kindly received be
cause 1 came from America, the land of;
equal lights.
At this moment General Logan arrived, j
with an eecoit in F< nian uniform, and was !
enthusiastically welcomed.
A distinguished soldier has just arrived
upon the stand, j Three eh ers.j Although
a native of Illinois, he was a descendant of
old Ireland. [Three cheers, j Ido not wish
an Irishman to he in doubt of my views ; 1
covet very much your sympathy. I shall
feel very proud if I deserve even your re
spect. Yon shall be addressed to-day by
candid men at least. Wherever I travel
led in Ireland 1 met no man or woman,high
or low, whose heart was not atached to lib-!
ertv. A; 1 saw the poor Irish women work- i
ing in the fields for five or ten cents a J
day, and strong men without any home j
without any Ireland even to love,
I found a population downcast, who j
turned their eyes tow id Heaven and thank- j
ed God there was the free land of America j
to go to 1 asked an eminent Irish barris
ter why he hoped Ireland would ever be
come an independent nation. He answer
ed : "Mr. Oglesby,our innate and immortal
love for liberty." Aft • r somewhat extensive
travel in Europe I returned, and the last
green sp >t i saw was the same sweet
island that greeted me first. l)o 1 under
stand that every Irishman is the sworn j
friend of liberty ? Cries of "Yes ! Yes !"] j
Of intelligent,constitutional liberty ? [Yes !
yes !"] Will yon, every one s and by the j
free Government of the United States as
the Government of your own adopted coun
try ? [ Renewed responses of "Yes ! Yes!"]
Well, that's just what 1 will do. This great
State took me, a poor orphan boy, as ob
scure and ignorant as any Irishman that
ever grew up in Kiliarney, and made me
I its highest officer ; and yet not as Cover
: nor, but as a citizen of the United States 1
ain the equal of Queen Victoria,and as I am
so is every other citizen of the United
States. But some people ask me, are you
willing that all men of whatever caste, col
-1 or or condition should he free as you are ?
, I answer, if I am not I am no true man.
| ("Bully !" "Bully !" and loud cheers.; Did
; you notice that in Hyde Park, in London,
! doO.OOO English freemen met to protest
against the abridgment of their liberty by
I the English Government? There are mil
j lions of free Englishmen and Scotchmen
who cannot vote. I think if they had been
in favor of universal liberty, of giving to
I Irishmen the same liberty they claimed for
I themselves 1 , their power could have been
far greater ; and so long as Irishmen de
mand liberty only for themselves or fur only
a portion of American citizens they will fail
and ought to fail. [On at cheering.] Ev
ery English administration lias been against
liberty. I have never loved the English
nation, and I'll tell you why. Because it
gives all its influence against liberty, here
and everywhere else. Lord Palmerston
and Lord Russell under him did all they
could to break up our free Government. I
hated these men during the war,and will
always hate all men who hate liberty.—
[Loud cheers J I met you not as Fenians,
but as American citizens, and tell you the
whole truth,the truth I wish could be soun
ded across the ocean to all the furtherest
shores of Europe. I don't know that we
shall ever be able to hurt England much,
[confusion and cries of "Oh, yes, we will,"|
but I tell you, before my God, that I mean
to cultivate a public opinion against the
English Government. We never have hurt
them ; we only let them alone, and all we
asked of them was to be iet alone, but the
moment we got in trouble, the moment
the bloody head and baud of treason were
lifted up in our midst, old Palmerston, old
Russell, and old Derby, and every other
scoundrel of them, set themselves to de
stroy our free Government. There was no
other corner of the world where rebel pi
rates and assassins could find so safe a
shelter as under queen \ ictoria's petticoat.
Great laughter.] Now 1 want every Irish
man to help me to notify Queen Victoria we
dont mean to forget what she did for these
villains. Xow I will tell you what I don't
like. Andrew Johnson, a life-long Demo
crat and hereditary haterd of the English
Government by virtue of bis being a demo
crat, when he came to the Presidency made
ns all afraid he would plunge us into a
needless war with England; but we thought
he would regard the wishes of the Union
| men who made him Vice President. And
here conies in a mystery. One-third of all
the loyal soldiers killed in the late war
were killed by British bullets and British
powder, j Groans.] Xow the war is over,
and what now do we hear from the British
Government ? Why, they're down on their
kuees to us, apologizing. VVe'll,keep them
there. Yes, I give them notice we under
stand them well. I desire you to under
stand these questions, whether you vote
one way or another. But about that mys
tery; I want you to tell me,if you can,why
Andrew Johnson is the friend of the British
Government and the champion of the rebel
leaders. I find him to-day,the Presidem of
the United States, holding confidential con
versation with the correspondent of the
Loudon Times, and, through him,telling the
English nation what his policy is going to
he. What business has this traitor to dis
grace our peop.e so ? JJow about you Fen
ians now ? llow do you like him ? [Groans
and cries of "Never vote for him : played
• ■lit !" Ac.] Well, it's time you said so.—
Never too late to mend. lam sorry to con
fess that they have had your votes long
enough. I want it stopped to-day. [Great
cheers, and shouts of "it's all played out !" j
When you got up your organization,of which
I know nothing, you understood Biliy Sew
ard and Andy Johnson to tell you to go
ahead and they'd stand by you. Didn't
you? [Tes ! yes !] Well, when you got
ready to go to Canada, what did our great
Democratic President do for you ? [Nix!
Did he help you? Oh no ! When Queen
\ ictoiiu wrote him a letter to surprise the
Feuiaos he put himself in the position of a
hod-carrier to the British Government. If
Andy Johnson bad enforced the neutrality
laws as Queen \ icturia enforced them du
ring our war, Irishmen would have covered
Canada to-day. [ Great applause.
1 find it best in politics to be candid. You
can't fool voters any longer. I hope the
time lias come when Irishmen will read
and think lor themselves ; each man for
himself. Ii a party suits you. dont go and
ask some priest or some demagogue if you
can join it : act as men. This Democratic
rule lias kept you down, and unmanned
you. Teach yourselves to speak and think
for yourselves. 1 used think it was very
smart to sneer at black men. As I grew
older I grew wiser. I learned that if i ex
pected anybody to respect me 1 must tear
out this prejudice against the black man.
When this war began and 1 marched down
South, 1 found the black men praying for
liberty as the Irishmen pray for liberty. 1
said, are you willing to light for universal
liberty under a Government that never
gave you any liberty ? and they all aid
we will fight and die for liberty, whetbei
we can win it for ourselves or not. And
so they fought and died, by the side <>i
Irishmen. Then i said, I cannot hate this
freedom-loving American citizen any more.
[Great cheering.] I)oyou agree with me?
[Yes! Yes! All of us. Does it hurt you
to let the black man have bis liberty ?j No!
Aru't you glad lie's free? [Yes!] Now, I
want to know how many Irishmen will go
to the polls next November and vote
against the Republican .Union Party of Un
iversal Freedom ' [L aid cries <jt "Not one;
they're all dead !" etc.] Well, that's good
news, ibe Governor then discussed with
great clearness the essential principle of
the constitutional amendment, and was
constantly interrupted with vociferous ap
plause. You Irish-Anna iean citizens ought
to preserve the liberty you have found here.
["We will !"] Then I'll tell you how t> do
it. Go to the polls with liberty-loving pat
riots, and vote against Andy Johnson and
Jeff. Davis. [lmmense cheering and cues
of "We will, every one 1" J Vn iy Johnson
fooled you, and lie fooled us. We wern'
any smarter than you were, but be wont
fool us again. Pan lie you? ['Never!
never!'' 1 have the prufonndest respect
for the President of the United States, and
1 perfectly despise the traitor Andy John
son, I Long cheering.] The difference be
tween Air. Johnson and me is that he was
a Fenian, I wasn't, but he isn't for liberty
and 1 am. If 1 could do anyth'ug to help
the Irishmen to regain their liberty, so
help me God I'd do it, i! it cost me both my
arms. I know the British Government
don't like it, but I please them now about
as well as they pleased me when they
struck hands with Jeff. Davis to destroy
our free Government. So I say, and 1 waut
the reporters to write it down and print it,
end I want to be held responsible for it—
I say to you, Fenians, go in and win your
, independence if you can, and my heart s
I with you. [Wild cheering. ] 1 want to
pay the British Government hack, and
while 1 live as Governor or citizen, I will
pay them back, so help me God ! The
main object 1 had in corning here was to
say that although 1 am not a Fenian, nor
ever shall be, 1 say to you, go on ! Assert
j the rights of Ireland and conquer their re
' demptiou, from the bright lakes of Killar
j ney to the Giaut's Causeway, and as God's
Imy judge I'll help you. I'm going to the
j polls in November to vote (or General
.John A Logan and universal liberty,
! against Andy Johnson and Jeff. Davis. If
i I use strong language, it's no joke to go
' out on the battle-field and fight to the death,
and then to come back to be betrayed by
the scoundrel who stumbled into the Presi
dential chair. 1 tell you I am in solemn
earnest, and 1 am in favor of universal lib
erty for black men and for white men in
America and Ireland, now and. forever.
[Great and continued applause.]
NUMBER 14.