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They will be entitled to 4 , n e. lined exclusively to their business, with | vilege of change. Advertising in all cases exclusive of sub js ; . -ij)tiou to the paper. | ois HUNTING of every kind in Plain and Fan or- done with neatness and dispatch. Hand- T>! auks. Cards, Pamphlets, &e., of every va ] •, .ml style, printed at the shortest notice. The OFFICE has just been re-fitted with Power , v aud every thing in the Printing line can • , icecuU din the most artistic manner and at the ■,ust rates. TERMS INVARIABLY CASH. itoiitoi. f o SFEECH OF COL JOHN W. FORNEY. ;;,iiii. oSe Union meeting was heltl at Mecliauicsburg, Cumberland county, Peun ■'v >nia on Saturday last, under the aus ,; es of the "boys in blue." It is des- C i'bed as the largest political meeting ev ,!d in that part of Pennsylvania. Not -s than ten thousand persons were pres ■i][ The soldiers had delegations present ,m York, Carlisle and Harrisburg. Six yen car loads of veterans went from Har :isburg alone. The demonstration has struck terror into the Clymer-Johnson Cop criieads in that part ot the ■Mute, foie eh.idowing as it does the certain defeat of tin-it- i- ndidate. The Philadelphia conven tion is regarded by the Unionists ol Penn sylvania as a genteel supplement to and HI apology for the New Orleans massacre. The principal speaker at this meeting was Colonel John M . Forney. 1 poll hi-, arrival ut Harrisburg, on Saturday morning, he j was .escorted by a delegation ol soldiers j on a .special train to Meelianicsburg.— ; Speeches were also delivered by Governor j L'urtiii, General Geavv, General J. Y\ . Fish- • er, Hon Thomas J. Co.-hran, and Colonel i Montgomery, of Mississippi. Colonel Forney, upon being introduced, spoke as follows : FELI.O W-CLTIZKNB AND SOLDIERS OF PENNSYL VANIA : Of all the cherished theories ol' oilier days, none has been more completely overthrown by the overthrow of the rebel lion than that a successful soldiery may in time become the despotic rulers of a tree P pie. W'e realize daily that the vital danger to our free institutions spring from tin- ambitions and intrigues of disappointed nid revengeful civilians. When the war -eil. although a rescued and grateful uitry stool ready to reward the leaders i oii" victorious forces, these illustrious :.ien disdained disturbing the general joy y piesuuiptious aspirations. With a mod esty peculiar to American soldiers, and es- j ] ally to those who weaY the Union uni the heroes best entitled to the couu- I try'* applause voluntarily retired from pub i; lit • and reluctantly accepted the tok - of the people's love and confidence.— | 1 ,'y the men who had done comparatively liiing during the struggle vexed the first Furs of peace with their selfish machiua as. And if our country has bceu sud ] sly arrested aud dislocated in its onward -a: hto a constitutional and permanent -storation, the error lies entirely witii : st- who call themselves statesmen ; seiz ng the first occasion to forget their own •'.•pouted pledges and principles, they are "rj'-sg to betray confiding people by re i warding the defeated traitors in the South. ' ; wers entrusted to these politicians j wei t; ruore than imperial. Saved from a ••■•'Horseless rebellion by a loyal army, these : wers were left in their custody upon the '!■ st solemn and binding, although not ex • ssly stated, condition that they were to ; exercised in such a reconstruction of the a: >a as would forever prevent another in j direction. The brave man is always gen us. The American people, splendidly ' irious over a perfidious and cruel foe, 1 jmlsively forgot all vengeance in their i -latitude to God, and in the recollection J the offenders had bceu their friends 1 brothers. But neither our conquering uics nor our magnanimous people, nor, 1 ■>y *ay, the vanquished slaveholders them ■ res, ' cer dreamed or exacted that in de tng the rebellion we simply defeated our •-; aud that because we were disposed ' liberal and tolerant, and oblivious to I rimes of the traitors, these latter were U clothed with all their former rights j - Itobi- armed with yet stronger privi- I -■ -on their restoration to the Union. — ! yi t this stupendous perfidy was coolly 'g'm and lia been cruelly prosecuted by | men who have done more tiian any oth -I.ving men to awaken the conscience of Country against the inhumanities of liu ■ iu slavery and against the savage -I'oeities of the treas >n born of Ltu { -ni slavery. The sudden and unexpected jutrol of the machinery of Government - v ined to convert Andrew Johnson and i iliam 11. Seward into lunatics. That it lstorrued them, almost in a night, into bitterest persecutors of the millious no endured such incalculable sacrifices to it down the rebellion, and who have lav- Fed upon them an unstinted aud unques ned confidence, and that it converted "in at the same time into the defenders -!.< l the patrons of the savage authors uud ibis of the rebellion, are facts that i 1 out as the unchallenged marvel even 1 these marvellous times. It is difficult F scribe the amazement and the agony th loyal and the betrayed millions on ■' me side, and the delight of the disloyal 1 ardoued criminals on the other, when jit rlidious policy was disclosed. Little • ■•" was lost to confirm the fears of the and the hopes of the other. The ruffi • qaecli of the President of the United Fates, on the 22d of February, was the v y-ui,te to a remorseless and revolutionary "iipuign ; and from that hour to the pres ■'•> every word has been a new threat and " : y step a new usurpation. The crown s'' outrage was the convention that ad • out l in Philadelphia on Thursday after- No other braiu but that of William '•ward could have conceived so deliber "> insult upou a loyal people, and no |j ••• ■ could execute so shamclesssand wan !l 1 conspiracy but the hand of Andrew O. GOODRICH, Publisher. VOLUME XXVII. Johnson raised before high Heaven when he swore before God and man that treason should be made odious, that traitors should die, and that loyal men alone should con trol the destinies of the recovered States of the South. A convention of all the States of the American Union, for the adjustment of great questions, is one of the wise rem edies of tiie national Constitution. But it was never intended to be prostituted to the purpose of destroying human liberty, of elevating human slavery, of punishing the brave and the loyal, and of rewarding sav age traitors. Had a convention of therep reseotatives of the victorious people of the loyal States, and of the obedient and peni tent people of the recent insurgent States, been called in Philadelphia, there to com memorate the ceremonies of a perpetual peace, on the solid basis that treason had been crushed and freedom maintained, the occasion would have been almost unparal leled in human annals. It would have been the world's wonder and the world's joy. Our American future would have been secured by guarantees, as that would have been frankly demanded and required by the victorious,and cheerfully and grate fully accepted by the vanquished The noisy and bitter waters of strife would have been permanently stilled and sweet ened. Every household would have erected its altar to reconciliation. Religion would have sanctified the blessed reunion with its holiest symbols ; and every agency of be nevolence, of art, of trade, of manufactures —every class and condition of society— every man, woman, and child, in both sec tions, would have contributed to one spon taneous and rapturous thanksgiving. How is it now ? Let Memphis and New Orleans with their savage celebrations of Andrew Johnson's treason—let the murdered loyal ists of Texas and Mississippi answer ! The motive that prompted these frightful ex cesses originated the Philadelphia conven tion. That body met under circumstances calculated to awaken the strongest resent ments, and to revive the most terrible re collections. It was held, as it were, for the purpose of provoking that civil war predicted in the President's speech on the 22d of February, assure to begin " at the oth er end of tim line." The thin veneer of cheap and well-paid loyalty did not hide, even if it was intended to hide, the black and poisonous elements marshalled for the purpose of arranging the new plan of re warding treason and punishing loyalty.— The choicest spirits of the two wings of the rebel army—the Copperheads of the North and the traitors of the South— crow ded the spacious amphitheatre. They came for a purpose well known to themselves. Invited by the President of the United States, and incited by the hopes of division among the men who had defeated them at the battle li- id and at the ballot-box, they were well content to look upon a drama, the end of which was to bring equally res toration and revenge to themselves. The incidents and actors of the convention de serve a faithful historian. It was to last ten days, and was to be a formal council between statesmen in which great problems <f government were to be discussed and solved. It did not last two entire days. Tue feature that most distinguished it was a fear of discussion, a horror of truth, a dread lest from some one of the crowded benches an overjoyed and impenitent rebel might give utterance to his exulting pray er for the defeat of the only party that saved and continues to save the Union, or lest from the overhanging galleries an in dignant soldier might denounce the cower ing conspirators beneath him. Hence the s eret care which marked the arrangements of the entire proceedings. Hence the in decent and the hot haste to get through with the dangerous work. No comedy was ever so rehearsed before. The author of the play was the wily philosopher of the State Department, who seems to have em ployed the hours of his convalescence from the wounds inflicted by the slave-tyrants' dagger to weave a plot by which at once to gratify his revenge against his own par ty, to delude and destroy the President, to disfranchise the loyal millions, and to bring back the guilty traitors, full-handed, to power. With the proceedings of this con vention before us, we at last distinctly un derstand why Andrew Johnson, immediate ly after Mr. Seward rose from his bloody j bed, with his wicked philosophy duly ar ranged, began to turn his back upon his pledges to the loyal people of the United States. We can now understand why be fore and after the autumn elections of last year he refused to decide in favor of Hart raul't in Pennsylvania, Barlow in New York and Ward in New Jersey,— why he private ly pledged himself to the friends of all these men, and yet declined a public pref erence. W'e can now understand why Mou'gomery Blair travelled through Penn sylvania and New York and declared that Johnson was against the Union candidates, and in favor of the Copperheads. Now we j really know that this crafty and cold-blood ed politician, with written credentials from Johnson in his pocket, had authority for what he said when he attempted to demor alize the Union men of Maryland aud Penn sylvania. The glittering generalities of Johnson's annual message are now proved to have been the deceptious coloring of the Dead Sea fruit, gathered in almost all of his succeeding acts. The plottings of the Copperheads ; the secret interviews be tween Johnson and his slanderer, Heister Clymer ; the incoherent speech to the South Carolina aristocrats in the summer of 1805 ; the offensive admission to his confidence of the notorious sympathizers with treason, and the no less offensive ex clusion of tried defenders of the Republic ; the cold and callous speeches to the color ed regiments of Washington, after they had returned covered with laurels from our hard-lought fields ; the attack upon Con gress ; the proscription of the white Union men of the South ; the assault upon Gov ernor Brownlow, of Tennessee, aud his compatriots, Stokes, Fowler, Aruell, and Hawkins ; the veto of the Frecdrnen'.-; Bu reau bill ; the22d of February speech ; the veto of the civil rights bill ; the removal of patriotic Republicans ; the resignation of Postmaster General Dennison aud Sec retary Harlan ; and the whole course of proceedings by which the loyal millions that voted for him in 18(>4 were transform ed into his determined and disgusted an tagonists, and the men who had covered him with inconceivable calumny and shame taken to his heart and entrusted with his favors—all these strange and successive TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., AUGUST 30, 1806. I scenes are at last explained to the dullest comprehension. The 14th of August con vention was the grand objective point of these tricks, trimmings, and treacheries. — And, now that it is over, let us regarcj it with due candor and consideration. I said that one of the chief characteris tics of the inside managers wastheir fear of i the truth aud their horror of discussion. But what was the effect upon the people outside ? There was no violence and no attempt at violence—nothing but almost universal derision and contempt. The iu suD deliberately sought to be put upon the people of Philadelphia by Andrew Johnson in sending these traitors and parasites among them seemed to awaken a proud and lofty consciousness of that supreme power which, while retraining to punish a miscreant,generously condescends to laugh at his aimless malignity. Their bearing was that of the lion playing with the sting lesß reptile. Far more severe than turbu lence and abuse and blows was the loud and irrepressible scorn of this great popu lace when these traitors and copperheads sought to defend "My Policy" in the streets of Philadelphia, to declaim against negro suffrage, to denounce the radicals, and once more promise a thousand times violated obedience. It may well be imag ined that a movement thus muzzled by the managers inside the convention, and laugh ed down by the people outside, can produce no lasting and v. holesome effect upon the country. One result it has certainly achieved. It has newly awakened the Union men of the nation to a sense of their own duty and the general danger. Never before have I known the people of Philadelphia to be more thoroughly aroused thau during the scenes aud sittings of this convention. If freedom of speech was denied to the dele gates it was enjoyed by the masses who watched their operations. In evtry work shop and counting-house, in every private residence and public resort, in the byways and highways, American citizens were brought to a closer consciousness and to a nearer consideration of the purposes of the men who assembled there to cheat them out of their rights and to re-establish, in spite of the verdict of arms, the oligarchy that was supposed to have been totally destroyed. In this respect the Philadel phia convention has performed a signal service to the country. The address and resolutions that were adopted cannot conceal from an inquiring and jealous people the whole end and aim of this dark conspiracy. I hold this ad dress and resolutions in my hand. It is sufficient to say that the address is the production of that unprincipled harlequin, Henry J. Raymond, of New York. It may j be rem rked here that Raymond, like near ly all his associates pretending to be Re publican, held a .seat and acted as a delegate without a constituency. Indeed, the only persons that were chosen to seats, and that rejected the sympathy of any portion of the people, were the traitors and the Cop perheads. Behind these two classes were the twin organizations that plotted the re bellion and fought and acted together throughout the war. The so-called Repub licans represented nobody but Andrew Johnson and William 11. Seward, 01 the offices held by themselves respectively or ardently anticipated. This remark may be applied to every county iu the free States that professed to send Republican dele gates to this assemblage. When we re collect that men like Henry J. Raymond willingly consorted with traitors and Cop perheads, and coolly assisted in waging a prescriptive warfare upon the only men iu the South, black and white —the only class es innocent of this inhuman insurrection— the only element upon which even now the Government can repose in tiie hour of dan ger —aud also that he aud his associates have never had the nerve to stay the war fare of Andrew Johnson upon the suffering loyalists of the South, we may appreciate his stupendous turpitude. The resolutions, like the address, are in tended to hide the chief and single purpose of Andrew Johnson and his agents—name ly, 4. lie restoration of the rebels to more power than they possessed before they began the rebellion. In vain do these men thank Almighty God for the end of the war and the return of peace ; in vain do they prate of the r attachment to the Constitution and the laws ; in vain do tin y declare that 110 State or combination of States has the 1 ight to withdraw from the Union ; in vain do they asseverate that slavery is abolish ed and forever prohibited ; iu vain do they I pronounce the debt of the nation to be sa- i cred and inviolable ; iu vain do they recog- | nize the services of the " Federal " soldiers | and sailors in the contest just closed— i (these being tbe general declarations of the resolutions more elaborately set forth | in the addrcss)---all these are but mocker- j ies and lures, as long as their purpose of j forgiving and restoring traitors to greater j power is admitted and demanded the very iact tiiat they declare that no amendment of the Constitution of tiie United States can be made " until all the States of the Union have an equal and an indefeasible right to a voice aud to a vote therein," shows that their pledges, no matter how solemn and definite, depending as they do upon this condition precedent, were never intended to be fulfilled. For if the Consti tution of the United States is not to be adapted so as to prevent the authors of the rebellion from reappearing in the public councils shorn of the full and fatal power I which they exercised almost to the des l truetion of the Republic—if, in other words, the new amendment of the national Consti tution shall be defeated through the con spiracy set on foot by this convention— helped by the money and the offices and the almost despotic power of the General Gov ernment—then, undoubtedly we revert to a condition worse than that we occupied in the midst of the rebellion, aud are hence forth and for unnumbered years held in the vice of the pro-slavery politicians of the South ami their sympathizing confederates of the North. Let me prove this assertion a few simple illustrations. When the four mil lions of black men in the South were made free by the proclamation of the President and the successful progress of our armies, the three-fifths rule of your Constitution was annulled, aud the whole body of the Southern population were, under the pres ent ratio, to be counted in the basis of re presentation, aud without such au amend ment of the Constitution as we are con- REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANT QUARTER. tending for, these four millions would be represented in the Congress of the United States by the very men who began the war, and would confer upon them largely increased power. You will perceive by the resolutions of the Copperjohnson con vention that no such amendment shall be attempted or perfected until all the States are in the Union ; and you know that it is main purpose of the President and Mr. Seward to bring back the Southern States as they were before the war, and as they are now. Take South Carolina to show the scandalous working of this policy. There are 400,000 free black men to-day in that State still excluded from all political rights. These black men, according to President Johnson and Mr. Seward and the Philadel phia convention, are now to be counted ev ery one, man for man, in the basis of rep resentation, precisely as the freedmen of Pennsylvania are. But the four hundred thousand blacks incorporated in the basis of South Carolina representation are repre sented by two hundred thousand white men in South Carolina ; and thus these two hundred thousand white men are enabled to elect as many representatives in Con gress as six hundred thousand white men in Pennsylvania ! Aud what we contend for is, that if South Carolina ignores her black populatioii entirely as voters, she j should not couut them on the floor of Con gress any more than she should count her horned cattle Where this system will eventually leave us a very few words will j explain. If Andrew Johnson can prevent i the adoption by three-fourths of the States j of the new article amending the national Constitution, all the freedmen being count ed in the representative basis until 4870, the present Southern, including the recent I seceded States, will have at least 26 Sena- ; tors aud 84 Representatives in Congress, and 110 votes in the Electoral College, j Supposing the entire population of the Uni ted States to be thirty-five millions of white 1 people, the five millions of white people in the South will be just one-seventh of the whole population, aud yet they will have more than one-third in both houses <4 Con gress, aud more than one-third of the Elec toral College ; and this startling exhibit, | exclusive of the other additions that will j be made to this Southern column by Cop-1 perhead Senators, Representatives, and electors from the free States—many mote than enough to make up for an exceptional radical from such Southern Commonwealths j as Missouri, Tennessee, West Virginia, and ! possibly Maryland and Delaware. What is Andrew Johnson contending for now '! Not to pay the national debt nor to reduce . it ; not to economize the public expedi- ; tures ; not to do justice to the loyal men of | the South, nor to pay the brave men of the j North the bounties to the living and the ! pensions to the dead ; not to extend our | great internal and international thorough fares, but to defeat the new amen iment ol the national Constitution by a prostitution i of his high office. This was the sole ob- j ject of the Philadelphia convention. Now, j if the sophisms of Mr. Raymond's address and the cunning senteuces of Mr. Cowan's 1 resolutions are boiled down, the residuum j will be found to be the defeat of this amend-; ment for the purpose of bringing the trai-i tors more than full-handed into the nation- j ul councils. They are boasting now that j the South will be a unit against the amend- j ment. The Cotton States will be consoli dated into a new despotism against the j people that defeated their bloody revolt. By extending the massacres of New Or- j leans and Memphis, aud the massacres of Texas and Mississippi, over all this region, the blacks will relapse into a new slavery, and the loyal whites will flee for safety and j succor. Maryland is to be overturned. The i returned rebels are being registered in that State preparatory to voting down the I n iou men in the November elections. Ken tucky within a few days elected an avow ed rebel by au immense majority to an im- j portant State office, after he had explicitly : taken ground in favor of the entire rebel i doctrine. Tennessee is still declared to be j in a revolutionary condition by the Execu- | tive, and the action of her recent Legisla- J ture, ratifying the new amendment, is pro- j nouueed to be illegal by the President's : new Attorney General. This leaves two j Southern States in which the Union cause j may be said to have any reasonable chance, j viz : West Virginia and Missouri. How i long these will hold out against accumula ted treachery and power remains to be seen. You will tell me this is a gloomy ; statement. It is certainly a frank one. 1 You will uext ask, what is the remedy ? j For answer I state, the election of all the ■ Republican Union candidates for Congress j in the coming elections, and the assertion ; by yet larger majorities of popular indig-; nation against a conspiracy so atrocious in its prosecution and so deplorable in its con sequences. When we reflect upon the re turn of these men with power to defeat the vital amendment of the Constitution, and j after that to attempt new usurpations, arc \ we not justified iu saying that the Ameri- 1 can people will stand by any party that i keeps out these reckless conspirators until they consent to the terms laid down by the ; lust Congress ? And when they are cou- ; vinced that the people of the victorious loyal States are more than ever resolved to preserve the fruits of a war that cost so j much precious blood and treasure, they I may turn their laces from the perfidious j traitor at the head of the Government, and accept these generous aud equal conditions. It is therefore for the American people to decide if they are willing to clothe the contrivers of the rebellion aud the authors of all our woes with controlling power. If they should so decide, they will have de liberately consented to their own lasting j degradation. It was to force such a humiliation of the loyal people of the United States that the Philadelphia couveutiou was held, Audrcw Johnson, overjoyed at the obedience of his mercenaries, telegraphed to his Secretary of the Interior and Postmaster General on the 14th instant as follows : " I thank you for your cheering aud en couraging despatch. The linger of Provi dence is unerring and will guide you safe ly through. The people must be trusted and the country will be rest red. My faith is unshaken as to ultimate success." Of course, this despatch was received with tumultuous cheering by the officers and ageuts of the rebellion, their sympa thizers and official friends. But is there not some blasphemy here ? Does the bad man in the Presidential chair honestly be lieve-that God will prosper his matchless aud causeless treachery ? That his deser tion of the loyal whites and friendless blacks of ttie South will go unpunished in j the final account? There is something sublime in the villainy oi slavery. Here is a man who made the continent ring with I his execration of Jefferson Davis ; and yet, | at the end of four years, has outbidden and j surpassed that prince of traitors. How ] patriotic millions feel at last, as the cold ! steel of ingratitude seeks to pierce their vitals, that the malignities in Andrew I Johnson's character, that survived oceans of blood and myriads of dead, are the nial j iguities born of slavery against the free ! States of America 1 " 1 had hoped," said a i distinguished Southern Unionist, the other ! day, "that when the . traitors persecuted j and hounded him during four bitter years, I he would hate them sufficiently to be true to liberty, but I was disappointed." And | this mau iuvokes the blessings of Provi | dence upon the last and most wicked of his contrivances ! As Igo back to the be giuniug of December, 1860, and trace his career down to the present time, and re member all the enthusiasm aud generosity aud condolence lavished upou him only to be requited by unexampled cruelty to his benefactors, I wonder whether there will not be a day of reckoning for him and for all who have likewise offended. The Scrip ture is filled with warnings, om of which may be cited here as an inspired sentiment aad rebuke upon his hypocrisy aud perfid ity. It is taken from the eighth chapter of Daniel, in which the vision of the prophet is described as interpreted by the angel Gabriel, and is as follows : DANIEL, CHIT Fit VIII., VERSES 23, 24, 25. And in tiie latter tiiue of their kingdom, when (he transgressors are come to the full, a king of fierce countenance, and understanding dark sen tences, shall stand up. And his power shall be mighty, but not by his I own power ; and ho shall destroy wonderfully,and , shad prosper and prcatise, and shall destroy the mighty and the holy people. And through his policy also he cause craft to prosper in his hand, and he shall magnify l>imsi f ' in his heart, and by peace shall destroy many : h - shall also stand up against the Prince of princes : but he .shall be broken without hand. Frequently as (his significant passage has been quoted, 1 question whether it ever was more appositely applied than to An drew Johnson. There is a curious accura cy in the phrases and a still more striking fidelity in the predicted end of a wicked tyrant's reign. But this is no hour for despair. God has j beeu too forgiving, too generous, and too constant a friend to desert us now. He bore us too strongly and too steadily through oceans of blood and tempests of fire and along the long, dark valley of death, to forsake us in this new tribulation. ! Soldiers of Pennsylvania ! J said at the | beginning of these remarks that the exper ience of our war had disproved the theory that a great republic was in danger from a triumphant soldiery, and that our real per il lay not in llie men of swords, but in men i of words ; not in the leaders of armies, but {' in the leaders of parties : not in the fight- j ing patriots,but in the skulking politicians;' not in the noble chivalry produced by the education of the batttleiield, but in the cun ning diplomacy coined and cultivated in the cleset of heartless dialecticians who would wrap a world in flames to gratify ! their ambitious ends, and would not stoop J from their cozy eminences lest in helping a fallen brother they might incommode them- j selves. If it were not for you, who are j still standing guard on the outposts, the sleek and easy politicians, reposing on j their ofir-ial cushions, would betray the ! citadel itself. As I look over our great country and beyond the limited horizon of party, i am startled ; first at the conspicu ous perfidy of an obscure man suddenly ele vated by a grateful people for acts of simple, yet of timely duty ; then at the heartless ingratitude of the vanquished and forgiven traitors ; and finally, ut the subserviency of others, who, in such an hour, should be the apostles as well as the champions of intelligent freedmen. Yet how few in the long procession wear the Union uniform ? lam not here to quarrel with the Union oiHcers who took part in the Philadelphia convention, nor yet with those who with equal inconsistency assail Geary, the hero of of more than sixty bat tles against slavery and treason, and hon or Olymer, the embodiment of hatred of the Union cause. Such contradictions correct themselves. Like all violent and unnatu ral combinations they serve at once to in struct and to admonish others. Hut upon the principle that there is no good rule without exceptions, to prove it, so those Union soldiers who make themselves con spicuous, if not more than ridiculous, by joining hands with the traitors and Copper heads—the success of whose efforts would have been to cover the cause in which they won their laurels with lasting defeat—un consciously keep others from following their examples. But to the rank and file of the Union army returned to civil life we have thus far been indebted for most of our civil victories, and if we are saved from the new conspiracy organized at Phildel phia it will be mainly through their intel ligent exertions. When I reflect how sim ple and how clear is the present duty of the citizen,it is more than strange that any citizen professing to be grateful for such services as those rendered by our candidate | for Governor, General Geary, should be found supporting a candidate whose indus- j trious sympathy with the rebellion has been one of the wonders of the last four . years, tsueli a citizen has much to forget and more to forgive. He must forget that under the restoration policy of Andrew Johnson the rebel soldier in South Caroli na will exercise a political influence equiv i alent to two votes for the one vote thrown :by the Union soldier of Pennsylvania. He I must torget that the success of this dispro portionate power will enable the two hun j dred thousand whites of South Carolina, by ' the representation of four hundred thous i and blacks, to enjoy as much influence in the national councils and electoral college as six hundred thousand white freemen of | Pennsylvania. He must forget that every guarantee supposed to have been establish ied by the downfall of the rebellion will be ; endangered and ultimately destroyed. Thus i forgetting, he must be equally forgiving to be consistent with himself. He must for give, honor, and elevate the beginners and i the prosecutors of a war which cost the Union people three billions of dollars and four hundred thousand noble sous. Tell me, soldiers of Pennsylvania, wheth er there is anything in the philosophy of per Annum, in Advance. the Philadelphia convention to compensate you at once for a l'orgetfuluess and forgive ness so unnatural ? This is the one great question to be answered on the 9th of Oc tober next. We once more realize the wis dom that counselled the nomination of Geu. John W. Geary as the Union candidate for Governor. With his splendid military re cord, his thorough political experience, and his spotless personal character, he will lead us to a complete vietoiy. A new calamity has f lien upon Mr. Cly uier, his competitor. Originally a Whig, he became a member of the Democratic party to reach qilicc in a Democratic coun ty. Following out a mistaken and selfish judgment, lie believed obedience to Democ racy was hostility to country ; and so when the rebellion came, forgetting all his Whig antecedents, he achieved the bad eminence of enrolling himself among the sympathizers with treason. The conven tion which met at Philadelphia, composed in large part of recent insurgents aud Democrats, accomplished the ruin of the Democratic party and Mr. Olymer at the same, time, by an act of t'elo i/e se as awk ward as it was unexpected. In the grave dug by the new Copperjohnson party lie entombed all the hopes, the fears, the am bitions, and the hates of Hiester Clymer and the old Democracy. No wonder that the cry has gone forth that a candidate so calamitous shotild yield before his all-con quering rival ! Geary is, iu fact, the only real Democrat in the field, representing lib erty in its most enlightened and practical sense ; libei v to all the races of man : liberty of thought; liberty of tction ; the liberty that anticipates and guards the fu ture by throttling taction and treason in the present ; the liberty that defends the national credit, protects the national honor, rewards the national soldier, compensates the national widow and orphan.and restores and unites all the States on the basis of ardent and constant obedience and subor dination to the Government of our fathers. Representing this sublime and undying idea, John W. Geary's election as Gover nor of Pennsylvania is as certain as the overwhelming defeat of Hiester Clymer and the perpetual triumph ol Republican prin-j ciples. SPEECH OF GOVERNOR OGLESBY. CHICACO, August 15. The grand excurs ion and picnic of the Irish-Republican Asso. i elation came off' to-day at Haas Park, nine miles west of this city. Not less than 15,- 000 persons in all were present, a lair por tion of whom were Fenians and their Iriends ; but the chief attraction was the announcement that Governor Oglesby, Speaker Colfax, and General Logan would make addresses. The weather was propit ious and the assemblage orderly. At IJ, P. M. Governor Oglesby was introduced, < and received with great applause. He said : I came here as the Governor of j this great free State to tell you what 1 : think concerning universal liberty. In this free country, where we have no kings, no ; queens, no aufiaats, there is no right of j rebellion against the government of the! people. On the Ist day of June, 1866. in- I spired by a love of adventure, I left my ; home and crossed the ocean, to study tor j myself the nations of the Old World. The j first green spot 1 met was the old Emerald ; Isle. [Cheers.] I went ashore at Dublin j to see how Irishmen looked in Ireland.— j [Cheers. I 1 went down to St. Patrick street and tra\a lied all over Dublin. Then I took a car, with an Irishman to dm me,and ex plored the whole Country adjacent, i went to Cork, and theuce to Kiliarney—the smile and the tear of Ireland. There 1 spent three delightful days, and after returning the oe to Dublin, travelled lor six weeks all in tire month of June [great laughter from end to end of this most beautiful isle, j Everywhere I met a people of generous i hearts, full of the love of liberty, who ought to be wholly free. I was a stranger, but was everywhere most kindly received be cause 1 came from America, the land of; equal lights. At this moment General Logan arrived, j with an eecoit in F< nian uniform, and was ! enthusiastically welcomed. A distinguished soldier has just arrived upon the stand, j Three eh ers.j Although a native of Illinois, he was a descendant of old Ireland. [Three cheers, j Ido not wish an Irishman to he in doubt of my views ; 1 covet very much your sympathy. I shall feel very proud if I deserve even your re spect. Yon shall be addressed to-day by candid men at least. Wherever I travel led in Ireland 1 met no man or woman,high or low, whose heart was not atached to lib-! ertv. A; 1 saw the poor Irish women work- i ing in the fields for five or ten cents a J day, and strong men without any home j without any Ireland even to love, I found a population downcast, who j turned their eyes tow id Heaven and thank- j ed God there was the free land of America j to go to 1 asked an eminent Irish barris ter why he hoped Ireland would ever be come an independent nation. He answer ed : "Mr. Oglesby,our innate and immortal love for liberty." Aft • r somewhat extensive travel in Europe I returned, and the last green sp >t i saw was the same sweet island that greeted me first. l)o 1 under stand that every Irishman is the sworn j friend of liberty ? Cries of "Yes ! Yes !"] j Of intelligent,constitutional liberty ? [Yes ! yes !"] Will yon, every one s and by the j free Government of the United States as the Government of your own adopted coun try ? [ Renewed responses of "Yes ! Yes!"] Well, that's just what 1 will do. This great State took me, a poor orphan boy, as ob scure and ignorant as any Irishman that ever grew up in Kiliarney, and made me I its highest officer ; and yet not as Cover : nor, but as a citizen of the United States 1 ain the equal of Queen Victoria,and as I am so is every other citizen of the United States. But some people ask me, are you willing that all men of whatever caste, col -1 or or condition should he free as you are ? , I answer, if I am not I am no true man. | ("Bully !" "Bully !" and loud cheers.; Did ; you notice that in Hyde Park, in London, ! doO.OOO English freemen met to protest against the abridgment of their liberty by I the English Government? There are mil j lions of free Englishmen and Scotchmen who cannot vote. I think if they had been in favor of universal liberty, of giving to I Irishmen the same liberty they claimed for I themselves 1 , their power could have been far greater ; and so long as Irishmen de mand liberty only for themselves or fur only a portion of American citizens they will fail and ought to fail. [On at cheering.] Ev ery English administration lias been against liberty. I have never loved the English nation, and I'll tell you why. Because it gives all its influence against liberty, here and everywhere else. Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell under him did all they could to break up our free Government. I hated these men during the war,and will always hate all men who hate liberty.— [Loud cheers J I met you not as Fenians, but as American citizens, and tell you the whole truth,the truth I wish could be soun ded across the ocean to all the furtherest shores of Europe. I don't know that we shall ever be able to hurt England much, [confusion and cries of "Oh, yes, we will,"| but I tell you, before my God, that I mean to cultivate a public opinion against the English Government. We never have hurt them ; we only let them alone, and all we asked of them was to be iet alone, but the moment we got in trouble, the moment the bloody head and baud of treason were lifted up in our midst, old Palmerston, old Russell, and old Derby, and every other scoundrel of them, set themselves to de stroy our free Government. There was no other corner of the world where rebel pi rates and assassins could find so safe a shelter as under queen \ ictoria's petticoat. Great laughter.] Now 1 want every Irish man to help me to notify Queen Victoria we dont mean to forget what she did for these villains. Xow I will tell you what I don't like. Andrew Johnson, a life-long Demo crat and hereditary haterd of the English Government by virtue of bis being a demo crat, when he came to the Presidency made ns all afraid he would plunge us into a needless war with England; but we thought he would regard the wishes of the Union | men who made him Vice President. And here conies in a mystery. One-third of all the loyal soldiers killed in the late war were killed by British bullets and British powder, j Groans.] Xow the war is over, and what now do we hear from the British Government ? Why, they're down on their kuees to us, apologizing. VVe'll,keep them there. Yes, I give them notice we under stand them well. I desire you to under stand these questions, whether you vote one way or another. But about that mys tery; I want you to tell me,if you can,why Andrew Johnson is the friend of the British Government and the champion of the rebel leaders. I find him to-day,the Presidem of the United States, holding confidential con versation with the correspondent of the Loudon Times, and, through him,telling the English nation what his policy is going to he. What business has this traitor to dis grace our peop.e so ? JJow about you Fen ians now ? llow do you like him ? [Groans and cries of "Never vote for him : played • ■lit !" Ac.] Well, it's time you said so.— Never too late to mend. lam sorry to con fess that they have had your votes long enough. I want it stopped to-day. [Great cheers, and shouts of "it's all played out !" j When you got up your organization,of which I know nothing, you understood Biliy Sew ard and Andy Johnson to tell you to go ahead and they'd stand by you. Didn't you? [Tes ! yes !] Well, when you got ready to go to Canada, what did our great Democratic President do for you ? [Nix! Did he help you? Oh no ! When Queen \ ictoiiu wrote him a letter to surprise the Feuiaos he put himself in the position of a hod-carrier to the British Government. If Andy Johnson bad enforced the neutrality laws as Queen \ icturia enforced them du ring our war, Irishmen would have covered Canada to-day. [ Great applause. 1 find it best in politics to be candid. You can't fool voters any longer. I hope the time lias come when Irishmen will read and think lor themselves ; each man for himself. Ii a party suits you. dont go and ask some priest or some demagogue if you can join it : act as men. This Democratic rule lias kept you down, and unmanned you. Teach yourselves to speak and think for yourselves. 1 used think it was very smart to sneer at black men. As I grew older I grew wiser. I learned that if i ex pected anybody to respect me 1 must tear out this prejudice against the black man. When this war began and 1 marched down South, 1 found the black men praying for liberty as the Irishmen pray for liberty. 1 said, are you willing to light for universal liberty under a Government that never gave you any liberty ? and they all aid we will fight and die for liberty, whetbei we can win it for ourselves or not. And so they fought and died, by the side <>i Irishmen. Then i said, I cannot hate this freedom-loving American citizen any more. [Great cheering.] I)oyou agree with me? [Yes! Yes! All of us. Does it hurt you to let the black man have bis liberty ?j No! Aru't you glad lie's free? [Yes!] Now, I want to know how many Irishmen will go to the polls next November and vote against the Republican .Union Party of Un iversal Freedom ' [L aid cries <jt "Not one; they're all dead !" etc.] Well, that's good news, ibe Governor then discussed with great clearness the essential principle of the constitutional amendment, and was constantly interrupted with vociferous ap plause. You Irish-Anna iean citizens ought to preserve the liberty you have found here. ["We will !"] Then I'll tell you how t> do it. Go to the polls with liberty-loving pat riots, and vote against Andy Johnson and Jeff. Davis. [lmmense cheering and cues of "We will, every one 1" J Vn iy Johnson fooled you, and lie fooled us. We wern' any smarter than you were, but be wont fool us again. Pan lie you? ['Never! never!'' 1 have the prufonndest respect for the President of the United States, and 1 perfectly despise the traitor Andy John son, I Long cheering.] The difference be tween Air. Johnson and me is that he was a Fenian, I wasn't, but he isn't for liberty and 1 am. If 1 could do anyth'ug to help the Irishmen to regain their liberty, so help me God I'd do it, i! it cost me both my arms. I know the British Government don't like it, but I please them now about as well as they pleased me when they struck hands with Jeff. Davis to destroy our free Government. So I say, and 1 waut the reporters to write it down and print it, end I want to be held responsible for it— I say to you, Fenians, go in and win your , independence if you can, and my heart s I with you. [Wild cheering. ] 1 want to pay the British Government hack, and while 1 live as Governor or citizen, I will pay them back, so help me God ! The main object 1 had in corning here was to say that although 1 am not a Fenian, nor ever shall be, 1 say to you, go on ! Assert j the rights of Ireland and conquer their re ' demptiou, from the bright lakes of Killar j ney to the Giaut's Causeway, and as God's Imy judge I'll help you. I'm going to the j polls in November to vote (or General .John A Logan and universal liberty, ! against Andy Johnson and Jeff. Davis. If i I use strong language, it's no joke to go ' out on the battle-field and fight to the death, and then to come back to be betrayed by the scoundrel who stumbled into the Presi dential chair. 1 tell you I am in solemn earnest, and 1 am in favor of universal lib erty for black men and for white men in America and Ireland, now and. forever. [Great and continued applause.] NUMBER 14.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers