TSRM* OF PUBLICATION.
f L , RiroBTBR is published every Thursday Morn
, r O rtnoPMCH, at $2 per annum, in ad
ing. J " '
rtiice
.pVEKUSEMENTS ex. e. ding fifteen lines are
rlf 1 at ten cents per line for first insertion,
i v* t bsts per line for subsequent insertions
i notices inserted before Marriages and
?t ' l i j wdl l' charged piftbbx cbnt. per line for
j insertion All resolutions of Associations ;
" „meations of limited or individual interest,
t tin aof Marriages ami Deaths exceeding live
. utl non*
lines, are charged ten cents r line.
1 Year. 6 mo. 3 mo.
<\ilnmn $75 $4O $3O
l,u 40 25 15
s ,., wr e, 10 7i 5
--tfftv C oition, Lost and Found, and oth
advertisements, not exceeding 15 lines,
!' n c weeks, or less, $1 50
, ),.,jnistrator's and Executor's Notices.. .2 00
V,'jitor's Notices 2 50
lysines* Cards, five lines, (per year) 500
q,.-i hauts e.ud others, advertising their business
•j (,e charged $2O. They will be entitled to 4
llnu 'i confined exclusively to their business, with
privilege of change.
-■%- Advertising in all cases exclusive of sub
, ription to the paper.
• <iß PRINTING of every kind in Plain andFan
r. done with neatness and dispatch. Hand
' blanks, Cards, Pamphlets, Ac., of every va
•v ud style, printed at the shortest notice. The
I.'isvrteu Office lias just been re-fitted with Power
and ( very thing in the Printing line can
utcd in the most artistic manner and at the
gtmns- TERMS INVARIABLY CASH.
foetra.
WEVRIXESS.
ii little feet, that such long years
\[ust wander on through doubts ami fears :
Jl'i-t ache and bleed beneath your load!
water to the way-side inn
When toil *hall cease and rest begin,
Am weary, thinking of your road.
n little hands, that, weak or strong,
Kirr still to serve or rule so long.
Ha -till so long to give or ask !
!. who so much with book and pen
Have toiled among my fellow-men,
Am weary, thinking of your task.
11, little hearts, that throb and beat
With such impatient, feverish heat.
Such limitless and strong desires!
Mine, that has so long glowed and burned,
With passions into ashes turned,
S'i.w covers and conceals its fires.
i. little souls, as pure and white,
And crystalline as rays of light
Direct from heaven, their source divine!
Defaced throughout the midst of years.
How re 1 my setting sun appears,
How lurid looks this soul of mine!
Negro Suffrage in the Distiict of Columbia.
Speech of Hon. George London,
Delivered in the Senate of Pennsylvania, I
JANUARY 31, 1866.
Agit eably to order, the Senate proceeded
to the consideration of Senate bill No. 59,
entitled .Lout resolutions relative to negro
-•itliage in the District of Columbia.
The resolutions were again read as fol
lows :
WHEREAS. A bill enfranchising the colored citi
l- ol the District of Columbia was lately passed
hv the lower House of Congress, receiving the
eiri.t st support of our Republican members :
'L-refore, be it
/:• '••//. by the Senate, mvl House of Hej/reseuta-
That we approve and commend the ae
ti-.:,, i our members in their support of this meas
,. ..ml our .Senators are requested and hereby
instructed to vote for the same.
li'd 01. That the Governor be requested to
i rw .r Ito each of our members anil Senators in
i a copy ol this preamble and resolution.
After some discussion of proposed am
endments, the question recurred on the fi
nal adoption ol the resolutions.
Mr. LAN DON said : Mr. Speaker, not
any days since the following bill was be
i' iv the lower House of Congress : lie it
IMb '(/ A , That f*om all laws and parts
flaws prescribing the qualifications ot
••lectors for any office in the District of
Columbia, the word "white" be and the
-ame is hereby stricken out, and that from i
Hid after the passage of this act, no per- '
-in shall be disqualified from voting at
any election field in said District, on ac
count of color."
In looking over the records of the House,
1 find that the bill passed by one hundred
and sixteen yeas to fifty nays, and it gave j
me personally great satisfaction to find
that every Republican member from Penn
sylvania voted aye, with a single excep
tion. and lie was absent —he was non est m
'■ iy but est in spiiit, and would have vo
ted aye had he been present. This action,
ti :ny,judgment, is honorable to the men
tia i; -elves and n fleets credit upon the
- < at Commonwealth which they represent,
i meet heroically the duties of the hour
and bear manfully the responsibilities of
'-he ('fusion, is tiie highest attainment of
m itals and ever deserves praise. Believ-
: 'g this, it occurred to me that the very
•i-t we could consistently do, was to say
1 ur Representatives in words of cheer,
-il done good and faithful servants;"
} i ucti d right and we indorse you in that
ACt.
Ace inlingly I jntrodueed the preamble
and resolution now before us.
1 did it not to provoke discussion, nor to
.-•.-cure to myself an opportunity to com
l'id the floor, but our Republican Cou
having taken a position, one too,
- aiiifi tly in harmony with free govern
ment and the spirit of the age, it seemed
ftit reasonable that we should join them in
"at position by cordially commending
'■'"'ir act. My expectation was that the
; e> hition would pass without a dissenting
' v'e, or a quiver of hesitancy on this side
j the Seriate. But discussion being chal-
Jcd and hesitancy developing itself, 1
■a ill seize the present opportunity to vin
'•"-'kte the intent and purport of the resolu
believing it entitled to support both
y w.ird and vote. Who are we to-day,
51i i What are we? The Senate of Penu
■ovania, the representatives of three mil
of patriotic people. We bear a hand
' the great events of the age. We act a
,r t in determining those policies which in
v ( t the weal of the present and the hopes
: 'he luture. I submit that all great ques
• ii; * considered officially by men in author
- by law makers —legislators and repre
"'fitative men, should be considered calm
investigated thoughtfully and passed
u P"ii candidly.
Men, sir, standing where we stand and
■•'ttiug where you sit, should be statesmen
i'artisaiis, philosophers, not demago
-u' s, logicians not special pleaders, the
h j vants of mankind and not the tools of
s '•'••seekers. Thoroughly, with a full cou
v 1 msiiess of our responsibility, should we
'•'•solve upon living issues, involving the
and sorrows of human beings,
hiring he past five years this country
'f heeu called upon to consider and deter
more vital questions than any other
*' 'l'le Wat, ever called up to consider and
' ■ Tiniiie in the same length of time since
0118 had an existence on God's earth.
• •'••, *•s /* f-; -••' ** -f rs.
13. O. GOODRICH, Publisher.
VOLUME XXVI.
Thank Heaven, they have been settled so
wisely, so discreetly, so triumphantly.
At the outset of the terrible war that
swept like a whirlwind of wrath over the
laud, this question was raised, " Has the
Government a constitutional right to de
fend itself by force of arms, to repel force
by force ?" Our then President—one of
the few men, by the way, who live long af
ter they are (lead, and are emphatically
dead though yet living--announced this
singular dogma, that secession was wrong,
but il a State did secede the Government
had 110 constitutional power to defend it
sell against disruption. Hero was an issue.
To hesitate was ruin. To coincide with
the President was a voluntary consent to
our national destruction, while dissent
from his theory was an appeal to arms.
Partisans took sides, but higglers and ab
stractionists were not allowed to settle
the question. They were not the power for
the emergency. The great people, dis
carding theorists, controlled by common
sense and patriotic impulses, lifted them
selves up as a flood and proclaimed to the
world their inherent right to defend the in
heritance left them by the fathers, against
all attacks, by whomsoever made, and by
whatever agencies were within their reach
the constitutionality of the agency being
determined solely bj r its efficiency. That
question was settled, the Government has
the right to defend itself with thunderbolts,
if necess iry.
Hard upon the heels of this' determined
issue pressed another. With the enemy
were millions of slaves. They dug ditches,
piled up lortifications, performed camp
drudgery and cultivated.the lands at home,
producing thus the necessary army sup
plies, while white gentlemen went forth to
hew down the pillars of the Government.
What shall we do with the negro ? Shall
he remain a power and support iu the hands
of the common foe ? Or shall we knock
from his limbs the shackles, and thus weak
en the enemy and strengthen ourselves ?
Here again was a vital question. One
party shouted emancipate! Another ex
claimed, touch him not at your peril ! This
is a delicate ssbject, you must respect con
stitutional guarantees —dare not invade
the sacred rights of property —this is the
Anglo-Saxon's country.
In 1862, when Congress proposed eman
cipation in this same District of Columbia,
and a resolution was introduced in this
very chamber, requesting our members
and instructing our Senators to vote for
that measure, I remember most distinctly
what an eclipse of darkness settled down
upon the visages of certain gentlemen up
on this floor They lifted their hands in
partisan horror, cried sacrilege 1 and while
crying swooned into political hysterics.
This question, too, has been settled. The
District of Columbia has become free ; but
not this alone—the great Mississippi of
human events flowing onward has swept
the entire institution of slavery from every
square mile of American soil. Over this
let the world rejoice. The people, by force
of public sentiment, determined tuis ques
tion, and determined it, too, in favor of lib
erty.
But scarcely is this disposed of when
forth leaps another.
We have manumitted the slave —disen-
thralled him—acknowledged hitf humanity.
We need soldiers—we are hard pressed.
From every quarter comes up a wailing cry
for help. Shall we clothe the freedmen iu
the national blue, arm him with the nation
al musket, put him in the national ranks,
and bid him fight for the national life ?
Nay ! nay ! trembled on pallid lips If
you arm the negro our soldiers will throw
down their guns in disgust ; the officers
w 11 tear the epaulettes from their shoul
ders ; this is a white man's war.
Aye, verily, none but white men could
be allowed to fight and starve and languish
and die in the direful struggle.
But, sir,
"There's a divinity that shapes our ends.
Rough hew them as we may
and the philosophy of the Almighty's deal
ings with nations was forcibly illustrated
in the history of Egypt, and with equal
clearness reduplicated in our own. When
nations go astray, God calls after them in
tones of mercy and appeal. If they relent
'tis well ; if not he touches them as with
the little finger of judgment, blistering
them slightly ; if this fail, He presses them
harder and still harder till the weight of
his whole hand is upon them, when they
must bend or break. Thus has it been
with us. In our pride and haughtiness we
resisted the claims of justice and scorned
the appeals of mercy. But events pressed
us hard, circumstances crowded us to the
wall, draft followed draft, until the bony
hand of death was stretched over the whole
land, grasping the heartstrings of every
home. Ti en folly yielded to reason and
prejudice to common sense. We said, let
the colored man be a man. We clothed
him in the nation's uniform, armed him with
the musket stamped "U. 5.," and bid him
fight, and fight he did ; and that question
was settled.
Arbitrary arrests opened up a long chap
ter of bitter invective aud bold denuncia
tion. Questions of finance taxed our
sources of calculation with their problems
of loss and gain. Foreign intrigues, promp
ted by jealousy of the country's greatness
and intensified by a desire for its downfall,
complicated our home difficulties aud drew
heavily upon our powers of charitable for
bearance. Thus has it been for five years.
Scarcely has one question, like the moon,
waned from the view, when another bursts
upon our vision. But I congratulate my
self, I congratulate my country that all
those vital issues were settled so justly and
sti wisely. No public man dare now say
they were not justly settled. Whatever
side individuals may have taken hithereto ;
whoever now denounces coercion, emanci
pation, negro soldiers ; whoever denies the
right of the Government to imprison trai
tors at home, as well as to fight them
abroad ; whoever decries the five-twenties
or refuses legal tender greenbacks, would
not only be pitied as a simpleton, but
would be buried so deep beneath public
contempt that the convulsions of the resur
rection would scarcely disturb him in his
slumbers. Well, sir, after surmounting so
many difficulties—difficulties springing
lrom war at our own gates, from our pe
culiar institutions, from the unique com
plexion of our Government, from the rela
j tion of the whole to the parts aud of the
[ parts to the whole—the American people
| should have wisdom aud experience com-
TO WANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., MARCH 29, 1866.
mcnsurate with whatever responsibilities
the future may impose. Our success thus
far is a marvel.
Nothing short of rare intuition, knowl
edge or superhuman guidance could have
led us through the labyrinths that we have
traveled. We should not fail now. We
shall not fail. The experience of the past
is the assurance of the future. The cap
tain and crew who have guided the ship
through storm and tempest, avoiding the
rock upon one hand and the gulf upon the
other, bringing their charge at length safe
ly into port, though with rent sails and
splintered masts, should, after casting an
chor, have sagacity sufficient to fumigate
the vessel and drive out the vermin with
out sinking the whole craft. The architect
who throws up a temple, gorgeous and
huge, bringing the capstone with shoutings
of victory, should be able to take down the
seaff'oldiug and remove the rubbish without
breaking his own neck.
Among the many questions yet to be
solved, are those originating with the col
ored man in the late Rebel States. To what
extent shall lie be free ? What shall be his
status among men and who shall determine
that status? What shall be his rights,
privileges aud immunities ? What are the
duties of this Government towards him in
his loyalty, and towards the ex-master in
his treason ? These and kindred questions
are yet to be settled. Shall the freedmen
vote ? This subject now agitates Con
gress.
They touched it just as they touched
the emancipation of slavery, beginning
with the District of Columbia. You cannot
keep it there, however, no more than you
caii keep the light of the sun in a half bush
el.
I admit that if you enfranchise the col
ored men of the District of Columbia they
will expect it elsewhere. If I find that en
franchisement is extending to others out
side the District I should not stop it.
While considering this one subject and
others connected with it, allow me to call
your attention to some axiomatic self-evi
dent principles.
One is this : That the enquiry of the Am
erican people now should be, what is just,
what is true, what is right? I know not
that I can carry with me the convictions of
those around me, but I say, sir, aud stand
by the saying, that the great enquiry now
with men—marching as we are from this
terrible baptism of fire and blood—should
be, what is just, and true, and right, and
these guiding stars we should follow.
Why, Mr. Speaker, the sublimcst sen
tence that 1 ever saw in the English lan
guage—a sentence surpassing anything in
Milton or Bacon—was the declaration of
our martyred President, when, in defining
his position, he said, " With malice to
wards none, witli charity for all, with firm
ness in the right, as God gives us to see
the light."
If that is not grandeur of soul, sir, 1
never saw anything in human language
that was. It sounds like the voice of an
old prophet, pealing from the White House
--humble, gentle, yet lofty as inspiration
itself. Let us close it with this noble ut
terance —"a firm adherence to the true and
the right."
It is a principle with me that no man can
gain anything by following a lie ; no po
litical party can benefit itself by pursuing
false principb s ; no laud can prosper by
burning incense to wrong ; but to follow
truth, to practice right, to plant yourself
fairly upon justice and equity, makes you
honorable and makes you sure of success.
We are now in a reforming state. The
Government is in a plastic condition. We
have been melted in a furnace of fire. New
impressions are to be given. What these
impressions shall be is for us to determine.
I submit that now, while in this state, we
should plant this Government and country
upon a permanent basis of peace by stamp
ing our every institution with the twin
faces of liberty and virtue.
1 hope my point will be seen. It is the
bounden duty of every man, particularly of
those in authority by the vote of the peo
ple, to see that this Government shall be
built upon the basis of permanent peace, so
that hereafter the whirlwind of war cannot
again desolate the land.
Now is the time to do it. Now is the op
portunity. Let that opportunity pass, and
you will be unable to do what in the future
yon may wish you had done.
Another point is this : The people of the
South have the same animus to-day that
they had three years ago. If I could put
my hand upon some documents that I have
read, 1 could illustrate this very quickly.
1 could show you that to-day they have the
same feeling towards you, the people of
the North, towards j-our Government and
towards your country, that the} had three
years ago, and would to-day stab you to
the heart if they had a fitting opportunity.
I say this, and I mean it. The reason
they do not do it is because they have not
the ability, but they have the disposition.
What did Henry A. Wise say recently, in
the rebel capital at Richmond, in deliver
ing an eulogy upon the rebel soldiers—up
on those men that murdered your sons,that
murdered your brothers and your friends?
What did he say? "If any man brands
them as traitors I repel the charge, and 1
will swear upon the Holy of Holies, as high
as the throne of God, that they were not
rebels, but true and patriotic men, that
died for their principles."
What does Governor Brownlow, of Tenn
essee, say in gijing his reasons for admit
ting the members of Congress from Tennes
see ? "If you admit onr members of Con
gress, and as a consequence withdraw the
United States forces from Tennessee, I pray
you not to admit the members, for we can
get along better without members in Con
gress than we can without United States
muskets in Tennessee." What is the dis
position that that indicates? Withdraw
the troops, sir, from the South, and you
will have a perfect pandemonium there.
The animus of the Southern people is just
what it has been.
Another suggestion that I have to make
is this : I am afraid, sincerely afraid, that
the American people are too speedily for
getting the lessons that the late war was
calculated to teach. They are forgetting- -
too speedily forgetting—who it was that
burned Chambersburg, though we propose
to give an appropriation of half a million
dollars to rebuild the houses that were
burned down. Yet the very men that fired
the houses and gloried in the crcakliug
flames, are to-day voters in the South.
REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANT QUARTER.
| I walked over the field at Gettysburg
I three days after the thunder of the cannon
! had rolled away, and there were broad
acres of blood where death had held high
carvinal. The very men that covered those
broad acres with the slain are now voters,
sending men to Congress, and we are talk
ing about them as our law makers. I am
afraid we are forgetting who filled the
whole land with agony and piled up a debt
that you and I have to help pay, and
that children unborn are to be taxed to
cancel.
All these things seem to be fast depart
ing from the tablet of our memory. We
had better hold on to that memory a little
longer.
Leaving these general remarks, I come
now to another point—the reconstruction
of this Government. So far as the South
ern States are concerned, the United States
Government has complete and supreme con
trol in the premises over all questions and
over all circumstances.
I may not carry conviction with me, but
I have always observed this peculiarity in
the Senate of Pennsylvania, that there is a
willingness to hear the opinions of any
man, if they are respectfully expressed.
Well, sir, the rebel States have no rights
—no rights. I don't see how there can be
any difference of opinion about that. It is
not worth while for us to chop logic upon
the subject. One thing is a fact, the gov
ernment that they once had is destroyed,a ud
their exact condition at the close of the war
was this : As so many square miles of
hill and valley, thej were of course in the
nation. As so many communities, made
up of millions of human beings, they were
iu the nation and subject to the commands
of this Government, but so far as partici
pating in the administration of that Gov
ernment was concerned, they had no right
or part. They were in it to be ruled by it;
not in it to give dictation or participate in
its rule. When they tore down the stars
and stripes and plunged the land into the
four long years of war that followed—
when they swore allegiance to the rebel
flag—when they left every question to the
arbitrament of the sword, they became al
iens, and from that time they had no rights,
unless, as Parson Brownlow, a Southern
man himself, says : " They have the natur
al right to be hung and the divine right to
be damned alterwards."
All they can expect is, de gratia, non de
jure. All that they should hope—all that
they can ask must be in the name of mercy,
not in the name of law. What do I owe
them? What does Pennsylvania owe them?
What does the General Government owe
them, after laboring four years to batter
down the Constitution that once protected
them ? Are they to be allowed all the
privileges and immunities of that Constitu
tion ? Not a bit of it—they have no rights.
It is for the General Government to tell
them what to do and what not to do, how
far they may go and when to stop. Kv\ ry
question in regard to the white men and in
regard to the colored men in those eleven
States comes under the control of the Gen
eral Government. The President and Con
gress have supreme control of the whole
thing. And the President has acted upon
that very principle in numerous instauces.
For when the bayonet was wrenched
from their grasp, what did he do ? He ap
pointed a Provisional Governor over them.
What did he do afterward ? Their State
Conventions provided for the mode and
manner of their own amendment. But the
President ordered them to hold a constitu
tional convention ; he paid no attention to
their Constitution, but ordered thern to
hold a convention, and prescribed rules for
their management.
They acknowlenged their subjection—
that is the term — subjection, and a very
mild phrase to meet their demerits. He
told them firmly here is one thing you must
do, you must repudiate your rebel debt.
Then again he said, you must endorse this
proposed amendment to the Constitution of
the United States. When they held their
election contrary to the spirit of liberty and
acquiesence in his commands, what fol
lowed ? He set the election aside, thereby
acting upon my theory that the General
Government had the entire control over
them.
You understand me—the General Gov
ernment has entire control of all questions
in the District of Co'umbia and in the rebel
States—in the District of Columbia in re
gard to the colored men, aud in the rebel
States in regard to both the white and col
ored men.
Further, here are four millions of freed
men. Four millions! Think of it. More
people than there were in the thirteen col
onies in 1776.
Many of them the sons and daughters of
Congressmen, Senators, Judges and digni
taries at large. Four millions of them !
They are freedmen. Now, sir, rny affirma
tion is this: Those four millions of freed
men must be protected. 1 respect your pre
judices, if you have any. 1 respect your
partisan feelings, it you have any, and I
suppose you have ; but as citizens of Penn
sylvania, as members of Senate of Penn
sylvania, as citizens of the nineteenth cen
tury, under the obligations that rest upon
us, in the name of humanity aud justice, I
say that these four millions of freedmen
must be protected by the United States
Government.
Look at their condition ; helpless, yet
not allowed to defend themselves. The
very arms they carried home from the bat
tle field are wrested from them by their
masters. The Government told those four
millions to desert their slave masters, to
shake off their shackles, to take refuge
under the stars and stripes. The Govern
ment told them they should be protected—
that it would shield them. They took the
Government at its word, and cast their
cares upon it. Those four millions built
their hopes upon the word of this groat
country, believing that the country would
throw around them its arm of mighty pro
tection.
They must be protected because of the
feeling that exists in the Southern States
on the part of their lormer masters. I beg
that you will look things fairly in the face.
I pray you not to regard me as standing
up to have the name of making a speech.
Think better of me than that. The freed
men must be protected by the General
Government from the antagonistic feeling
of the white people of the Southern States.
Formerly the white men in the South,
whether rich or poor, looked upon the black
man as a serf—as an inferior being.
Though despised as a slave, yet was he
respected because he was worth a thousand
or fifteen hundred dollars in hard money,
consequently it was not good policy to
break his head or starve him to death.
Now, though there is the same contempt
for him as a serf that there was before,
yet the respect due to his fiuaneial worth
is completely taken from him. More than
that, because of the course the colored man
has taken in siding with you and me and
against his master, they now hate him.
Papers are filled wfth accounts of the treat
ment of the freed men by their former own
ers. A negro wearing our uniform is shot
down at sight. Let this be regarded as a
fixed fact, the freedmen must be protected
by the General Government; you must
screen them. If you do not do it, a load
of infamy will rest upon this nation, such
as has never rested upon any nation since
the dawn of time. Leave them iu the
hands of their masters to be crushed, and
all Christendom will stand aghast.
The General Government should not
leave it to the Southern States to deter
mine what the freedmen shall be or what
they shall do. We have the power to de
termine the condition of the colored man
under three heads:
First —We have it under the war power.
If we had under this power the ability to
emancipate the slave, we have the same
power to determine what position he shall
occupy in society after his emancipation.
If we had the power to arm him with the
musket and clothe liirn with the blue, we
have the power to define his rights and his
privileges and his immunities. If we had
the power to emancipate him and arm him,
we have the power to acknowledge his
citizenship and say he shall vote. Who
denies it? We had the power to emanci
pate him and we have the power to say
what he shall be and where lie shall go.
I ask who denies it?
If his emancipation was a war necessity,
his complete protection is a peace necessi
ty-
Second —Then again we have the right
not alone by the war power, but we have
it by the amendment of the Constitution.
Article 13th, first section, declared that
slavery shall be abolished throughout the
entire United States. The second section
declares that Congress shall pass all ne
cessary legislation for the enforcement of
this article. It thus becomes the sworn
duty of Congress to see that slavery is
fully destroyed and liberty completely es
tablished.
Third —"The United States shall guaran- i
tee to every State in this Union a republi
can form of government is this : One under
which all men are made equal before the
law, and the will of the majority, constitu
tionally expressed, is the rule of public ac
tion. If a minority—and they rebels—in
South Carolina disfranchise and oppress
the majority by sheer brute force, may not
the United States interfere—aye, is it not
their decla ed duty to interpose and dic
tate a republican form of government ?
From these three sources the Government
receives full power in all matters affecting
the freedinen in the rebel States. Again,
we have solemnly pledged full liberty to
these millions of human beings, and made
ourselves responsible for their unmolested
enjoyment of that liberty.
I hold in my hand, sir, a document that
is read and admired throughout the civil
ized world—the Emancipation Proclama
tion of President Lincoln. A document
that will be framed in gold, and hung in
American parlors, when Bunker Hill mon
ument shall have crumbled to dust—a doc
ument that will be read in ages to come,
by generations yet unborn, not only where
the language of Webster and Burke is j
spoken, but in all dialects containing the
word liberty. This instrument was the
battle axe of an angel smiting the pillars
of tyranny —a new orb bursting through
the clouds of a dark and troubled day, it
tinged the hills with a new light and filled
the vallej's with unutterable joy, for it lif- j
ted a whole nation of God's poor children j
from chains and serfdom to freedom and J
manhood. Thank Heaven for the heart |
that resolved it and the hand that wrote it. j
When you read that proclamation, I j
wish you to pause and look well at one j
clause it contaius. What is it? After de- i
claring, in his plain, emphatic language, I
that these colored people in such and such
States and parts of States shall be free, he
adds : " And the Executive Government, in
eluding the naval and military force, will re
cognize and maintain the freedom of such
persons." Will you do it ? Will you make 1
good that pledge ? When the hand that
penned it is palsied in death, and the man
that wrote it slumbers in the prairie land
where the wild winds sing his requiem,
here comes his message pledging the whole
power of the General Government, both
naval and military, to maintain that proc
lamation. Shall it be done or will you
hand those slaves back to their task mas
ters ? Will you say to the two hundred
thousand that, when war imperilled the
country, bared their brawny arms for the
struggle—"We have used you ; take off
your uniform ; go lie down in the dirt with
the heel of the tyrant again upon your
neck ?" Pan you bid them take off the uni
form of their country and put on the rags
jof serfdom again? Is it in the heart of'
i this country to say it? This beautiful J
i country—this country of prayers and bibles
—where the God of justice and love is wor
| shipped ?
I, sir, am for maintaining that pledge to
the uttermost. I would have this country
| extend over these people the fogis of its
power, and protect and defend them for ev
! ermore.
j Say what you like about "niggerism"
and color, and all that. lam for estimat-
I ing men according to their mental qualities,
| not by the cuticle of their skin or the shape
j of their feet.
The hour of one having arrived, on mo
: tion of Mr. GRAHAM, the hour of adjourn
ment was extended until Mr. LAXDON had
concluded his remarks.
(CONCLUSION NEXT WEEK.)
SHORTLY after Dr. Jonnson issued the
first edition of his Dictionary, he was met
by a bevy of young ladies, who congratu
lated him upon the success of his work,
saying with great naivette, they liked it
very much, as there were no bad words in it.
"Ah my little dears," said the bluff old
Doctor, chucking one of them under the
chin ,"so you have been looking for them
a "sim -ave you."
per Annum, in Advance.
From the Christian Intelligencer.
THE MINISTER AND THE QUAKER-
An amusing story under this title has
long been current in various forms among
good people. An authentic statement of it,
with name and place, is given in the Pres
byterian Standard, by the Hon. J. R. Suow
den. He says that the minister in question
was Rev. Dr. Robert Smith, whose fame as
a learned and eloquent divine has been
overshadowed by that of his sous, John
Blair Smith and Samuel Stanhope Smith,
President of Princeton College.
Dr. Robert Smith,before he became Pres
ident of Hampden Sydney College, was
priuciple of a very successful classical
academy at Pegue. Penu. While here, he
had a near neighbor, a Friend,
Snowden, Laving forgotten his real name,
calls William Jones.
Dr. Smith and Mr. Jones were very good j
friends, and often visited each other. One i
day, Dr. Smith said, "Friend Jones, I 110-1
ticed that, although we are good friends i
and neighbors, yet I have never seen you
at my church, or meeting-house as you call
it." "That is very true, friend Robert, but
thee knows the reason. We Quakers, as
we are called, are not in favor of hireling
ministers, who are educated especially for j
that purpose. We favor those only who j
preach by the Spirit." "Well" says the j
Doctor, "without entering upon the first j
point of your ebjectiou at present I think !
1 can say that we Presbyterians follow the 1
teachings of the Spirit in our sermons to j
the people." "0 no, friend Robert, thee
knows very well that thee prepares thy dis
course before thee enters the pulpit." "That
is quite true to some extent, but, neverthe
less I can preach without such previous
preparation." "Well then," Bays the Quak
er "I will try thee ; I will go to hear thee
preach on this condition,namely, that I will
give thee a text,which thee must not see till
thee goes into the pulpit. 1 accept the offer."
says Dr. Smith. "Very well, then, I will
go to thy meeting-house next first day ;
and will send up the text by the sexton af
ter thee has made the long-prayer which I
learn thee makes. "That is not quite what
I expected when you made the proposition"
says Dr. Smith, "but I accept it ; and will
expect to see you at the Pegue Church next
Sunday morning."
Dr. Smith entered his pulpit the next
Sabbath with some anxiety. A glance over
the congregation showed him that his Qua
ker neighbor was there ; and at the appoin
ted time he expected the text. He com
menced his services in usual manner, and
after the "long prayer." he commenced a
very long Psalm. 1 believe it was not the
119 th Psalm througout, but it was quite a
long psalm. As soon as the precentor, or
fine singer, rose, the sexton came up the
aisle, and handed to the preacher the text.
It was from the book of Ezra, Ist chapter
and latter clause of the 9th verse : "Nine
and twenty knives." A sharp as well as a
hard text thought the Doctor. The singing
of the long Psalm gave him a few moments
for reflection ; when that was ended, he
arose and announced his text, and noticed
many a smile upon the faces of his congre
gation, even some venerable elders could
not preserve the usual solemnity of their
countenances. But the preacher proceeded
with his discourse. He spoke briefly of the
captivity of the Jews in Babylon ; of their
condition there ; the proclamation of Cy
rus : of the wonderful preservation of the
utensils of the Temple which had been ta
ken from Jerusalem by the conquerors of
Judea; none ol the knives which were
used for slaying and preparing the sacri
fices, were lost,mislaid,or destroyed. They
were, said Dr. S., under the special care
and protection of God, and were in due
time restored to the Temple He then en
larged upon the special Providence of God.
"Not a sparrow falls without his notice;"
"and the very hairs of our heads are num
bered." "The Lord knows them that are
his, and none of them shall perish." The
Quaker was not only pleased, but he was
aroused and delighted.
The next day he sent for Dr. Smith to
dine with him. After dinner, he invited
Dr. S. to take a walk around his farm, and
coming to a pasture field in which were his I
cattle, he stopped abruptly, and said, "I
was much pleased with thy discourse,friend
Robert, last first day. Now thee knows,
we follow our leader, George Fox, who
bore his testimony against a hireling min
istry ; we never pay our public friends, but
we sometimes give them presents. I wish
to give thee a present, I have many good
milk cows. I wish thee to select one for
thyself." Dr. Smith wished to decline the
g.lt, but the Quaker insisted, and said, "1
will be offended at thee if thee refuse." The
Doctor having noticed a small and ill-look
ing cow, said, "Well, if I must take one of
the cows, 1 will take that small red cow
pointing to the one he had noticed, and
which he supposed the least valuable.—
"Well, I do profess," says Friend Jones,
"thee does not only preach by the Spirit,but
thee can choose by the, Spirit ; that little red
cow is the best one I have ; my wife would
not sell it for one hundred dollars but thee
shall have it." And accordingly the same
evening, the little cow was driven to the
"manse," and proved to be a valuable ac
quistion to the dominie's dairy.
j LITTLE CHILDREN. —Children are the peetry
j of the world—the fresh flowers of our hearts
| and homes—little conjurors, with their
"natural magic," evoking by their spells
what delights and enriches all ranks, and
j equalizes the different classes of society.
Often as they bring with them anxieties
j and cares, and live to occasion sorrow and
! grief, we should get on very badly without
1 him. Only think—if there was never any
thing anywhere to be seen but grown-up
I men and women, how we should long for
t the sight of a little child. Every infant
| comes into the world like a delegated proph
| et, the harbinger and herald of good tidings,
whose office is "to turn the hearts of the
fathers to the children, and draw the dis
; bedieut to the just." A child softens and
1 purifies the heart, warming and melting it
1 by its gentle presence; it enriches the soul
by new feelings, and awakens within it
what is favorable to virtue. It is a beam of
light, a fountain of love, a teacher whose
lessons few can resist. Infants recall us
from much that engenders and encourages
selfishness, that freezes the aflections,rough
ens the mauners, indurates the heart ; they
brighten the home,-deepen love, invigorate
exertion, infuse courage, and vivify and
sustain the charities of life.
VALUATION OF POOR WHITES. —C'apt. Con
yngham, in his late work entitled, "Sher
man's March through the South," relates
the following story told him by a former
slave. It strongly illustrates the relative
value which the planters set on the negroes
and poor whites:
" I believe, Dick," I said, "a black man
was of more value in the South than a
white man."
" Yah, yah !" exclaimed Dick. "White
man no count dere ; dis nigger worth fif
teen hundred dollars, white man nothing."
" Why, then, Dick, it was better to be a
black man than a poor white one."
" Lor' bress you, massa ! poor white no
value. Massa was sinking a well. It was
berry deep, and Pompey working hard at
it, wheo neighbor Miller came along, and
says, 'A in surprised you leave Pompey
down dere ; that will sure cave in. Hire
a poor white man.' Massa sent me for one,
and put hirn in dat ere well in place of
Pompey ; when, sartin enuff, the well caved
over him ; and Massa Miller says to Mas
sa. 'Now, see, lam the lucky man to you;
I saved you twelve hundred "dollars ;' and
they went in and had a drink, and left the
poor white man dere."
NUMBER 44.
This was Dick's story, and I believe it
was a true one, for I have seen too many
instances of the selfish cruelty of planters
to their poor white neighbors.
THE C'HOI.ERA.- -Hall's Journal of Health
gives the following practical suggestions,
which deserve the immediate attention of
all who wish to avoid the scourge of chol
era, which threatens to attack us next
summer :
Ist. Every householder owes it to his
family, to his neighbors, to the community
in which he resides, to have his house, from
cellar to garret, from the street curb to the
rear line of his lot, most scrupuously
cleansed, by sweeping, washing and white
washing.
sd. Every man who has any authority in
the city or town government should consid
er himself bound by his oatli of office, and
by every consideration of humanity, to
give himself 110 rest until every street, al
ley, close gutter and sewer, is placed in a
state of as perfict cleanliness as possible,
and kept so until the frosts of next summer
come.
3d. These cleanings should be done now,
in February and March, because, if put off
until warm weather, the very effort neces
sary to the removal of filth will only tend,
in the essential nature of things, to hasten
the appearance of the disease, to increase
its malignity, and to extend the time of its
devastation ; because the suns of spring
and summer the sooner warm into lite and
intensity the viperic and malignant influ
ence which in its remorseless tread wrecks
so much of human happiness and desolates
so rnauj hearth-stones.
A TRUE MAN. —He is above a mean thing.
He cannot stoop to a mean thing. He
evades no secrets in the keeping of an
other. He betrays no secrets confided to
his keeping. He never struts in borrowed
plumage. He never takes selfish advan
tage ol our mistakes, lie never stabs in
the dark. He is ashamed of inueudoes.
He is not one thing to a man's face and an
other behind his back. It by accident In
comes in possession of his neighbor's coun
sels, he passes upon them an act of instant
oblivion. He bears sealed packages with
out tampering with the wax. Papers not
meant for his eye, whether they flutter at
the window or lie open before him in unre
garded exposure, are sacred to him. He
encroaches on 110 privacy of others, how
ever the sentry sleeps. Bolts and bars,
locks aud keys, hedges" and thickets, bonds
and securities, notice to trespassers, are
none of them for him. lie may be trusted
himself out of sight—near the thinnest par
tition—anywhere. He buys no office, he
sells none ; he intrigues for none. He
would rather fail of his rights than win by
dishonor. He will eat honest bread. He
insults no man. He tramples 011 no sensi
tive feeling. If he have rebuke for another
he is straightforward, open, manly. What
ever he judges honorable he practices to
ward every man.
TAKE MY HAND, PAPA. —In the dead of the
night I am frequently awakened by a little
hand, stealing out the crib by my side with
the pleading cry "please take my hand,
papa 1"
Instantly the little boy's hand is grasped,
his fears vanish, and, soothed by the con
sciousness of his father's presence, 110 falls
into a sleep again.
We commend this lesson of simple filial
faith and trust to the anxious, sorrowing
ones that are found in almost every house
hold. Stretch forth your hand, stricken
mourner, although you may be in the deep
est darkness and gloom, and fear and anx
ious suspense may cloud your pathway,
and that very act will reveal the presence
of a loving,compassionate Father, and givr
you the peace that passeth all understand
ing.
The darkness may not pass away at
once ; night may enfold you in its cold
embrace, but its terrors will be dissipated,
its gloom and sadness flee away, and, in
the simple grasp of the Father's hand,
sweet peace will be given, and you will
rest securely, knowing that the morning
cometh.
CHEERING UP A TRAVELER. —Artemus Ward,
in describing his journey from California,
says : The driver with whom I sat outside
iulormed me, as we slowly rolled down the
fearful mountain road which looks down on
either side into an appalling ravine, that
he has met accidents in his time that cost
the California stage company a great deal
of money "because" said he, "juries is
agin us on principle, and every man who
sues us is sure to recover. But it will
never be so again, not with me, you bet !"
" How is that ?" I said. It was frightfully
; dark. It was snowing withal, and not-
I withstanding the brakes were kept hard
j down, the coach slewed often fairly touch
ing the brink of the black precipice. "How
jis that?" I said. " Why, you see," he re
plied, " that corpses never sue for damages,
| but maimed people do. And tin 1 next time
i I have an overturn I shall go round and
' keerfully examine the passengers. Them
as is dead I shall let alone, but them as is
mutilated I shall finish with the king-bolt !
| Dead lolks don't sue. They ain't on it."
i Thus with anecdote did this driver cheer
j me up.
„ %
To YOUNG MEN —Two young men com
menced the sail making business at Phila-
I delphia. They bought a lot of duck from
' Stephen Girard on credit, aud a friend had
! engaged to endorse for them. Each took a
1 roll aud was carrhing it off, when Girard
| rcmarken :
" Had you not better get a dray ?"
" No ; it's not far, and we can carry it
j ourselves.
j " Tell your friend he need not endorse
your note. I will take it without."
NEW MAXIOU.—A thorn in the bush is
worth two in the hand.