TSRM* OF PUBLICATION. f L , RiroBTBR is published every Thursday Morn , r O rtnoPMCH, at $2 per annum, in ad ing. J " ' rtiice .pVEKUSEMENTS ex. e. ding fifteen lines are rlf 1 at ten cents per line for first insertion, i v* t bsts per line for subsequent insertions i notices inserted before Marriages and ?t ' l i j wdl l' charged piftbbx cbnt. per line for j insertion All resolutions of Associations ; " „meations of limited or individual interest, t tin aof Marriages ami Deaths exceeding live . utl non* lines, are charged ten cents r line. 1 Year. 6 mo. 3 mo. <\ilnmn $75 $4O $3O l,u 40 25 15 s ,., wr e, 10 7i 5 --tfftv C oition, Lost and Found, and oth advertisements, not exceeding 15 lines, !' n c weeks, or less, $1 50 , ),.,jnistrator's and Executor's Notices.. .2 00 V,'jitor's Notices 2 50 lysines* Cards, five lines, (per year) 500 q,.-i hauts e.ud others, advertising their business •j (,e charged $2O. They will be entitled to 4 llnu 'i confined exclusively to their business, with privilege of change. -■%- Advertising in all cases exclusive of sub , ription to the paper. • hition would pass without a dissenting ' v'e, or a quiver of hesitancy on this side j the Seriate. But discussion being chal- Jcd and hesitancy developing itself, 1 ■a ill seize the present opportunity to vin '•"-'kte the intent and purport of the resolu believing it entitled to support both y w.ird and vote. Who are we to-day, 51i i What are we? The Senate of Penu ■ovania, the representatives of three mil of patriotic people. We bear a hand ' the great events of the age. We act a ,r t in determining those policies which in v ( t the weal of the present and the hopes : 'he luture. I submit that all great ques • ii; * considered officially by men in author - by law makers —legislators and repre "'fitative men, should be considered calm investigated thoughtfully and passed u P"ii candidly. Men, sir, standing where we stand and ■•'ttiug where you sit, should be statesmen i'artisaiis, philosophers, not demago -u' s, logicians not special pleaders, the h j vants of mankind and not the tools of s '•'••seekers. Thoroughly, with a full cou v 1 msiiess of our responsibility, should we '•'•solve upon living issues, involving the and sorrows of human beings, hiring he past five years this country 'f heeu called upon to consider and deter more vital questions than any other *' 'l'le Wat, ever called up to consider and ' ■ Tiniiie in the same length of time since 0118 had an existence on God's earth. • •'••, *•s /* f-; -••' ** -f rs. 13. O. GOODRICH, Publisher. VOLUME XXVI. Thank Heaven, they have been settled so wisely, so discreetly, so triumphantly. At the outset of the terrible war that swept like a whirlwind of wrath over the laud, this question was raised, " Has the Government a constitutional right to de fend itself by force of arms, to repel force by force ?" Our then President—one of the few men, by the way, who live long af ter they are (lead, and are emphatically dead though yet living--announced this singular dogma, that secession was wrong, but il a State did secede the Government had 110 constitutional power to defend it sell against disruption. Hero was an issue. To hesitate was ruin. To coincide with the President was a voluntary consent to our national destruction, while dissent from his theory was an appeal to arms. Partisans took sides, but higglers and ab stractionists were not allowed to settle the question. They were not the power for the emergency. The great people, dis carding theorists, controlled by common sense and patriotic impulses, lifted them selves up as a flood and proclaimed to the world their inherent right to defend the in heritance left them by the fathers, against all attacks, by whomsoever made, and by whatever agencies were within their reach the constitutionality of the agency being determined solely bj r its efficiency. That question was settled, the Government has the right to defend itself with thunderbolts, if necess iry. Hard upon the heels of this' determined issue pressed another. With the enemy were millions of slaves. They dug ditches, piled up lortifications, performed camp drudgery and cultivated.the lands at home, producing thus the necessary army sup plies, while white gentlemen went forth to hew down the pillars of the Government. What shall we do with the negro ? Shall he remain a power and support iu the hands of the common foe ? Or shall we knock from his limbs the shackles, and thus weak en the enemy and strengthen ourselves ? Here again was a vital question. One party shouted emancipate! Another ex claimed, touch him not at your peril ! This is a delicate ssbject, you must respect con stitutional guarantees —dare not invade the sacred rights of property —this is the Anglo-Saxon's country. In 1862, when Congress proposed eman cipation in this same District of Columbia, and a resolution was introduced in this very chamber, requesting our members and instructing our Senators to vote for that measure, I remember most distinctly what an eclipse of darkness settled down upon the visages of certain gentlemen up on this floor They lifted their hands in partisan horror, cried sacrilege 1 and while crying swooned into political hysterics. This question, too, has been settled. The District of Columbia has become free ; but not this alone—the great Mississippi of human events flowing onward has swept the entire institution of slavery from every square mile of American soil. Over this let the world rejoice. The people, by force of public sentiment, determined tuis ques tion, and determined it, too, in favor of lib erty. But scarcely is this disposed of when forth leaps another. We have manumitted the slave —disen- thralled him—acknowledged hitf humanity. We need soldiers—we are hard pressed. From every quarter comes up a wailing cry for help. Shall we clothe the freedmen iu the national blue, arm him with the nation al musket, put him in the national ranks, and bid him fight for the national life ? Nay ! nay ! trembled on pallid lips If you arm the negro our soldiers will throw down their guns in disgust ; the officers w 11 tear the epaulettes from their shoul ders ; this is a white man's war. Aye, verily, none but white men could be allowed to fight and starve and languish and die in the direful struggle. But, sir, "There's a divinity that shapes our ends. Rough hew them as we may and the philosophy of the Almighty's deal ings with nations was forcibly illustrated in the history of Egypt, and with equal clearness reduplicated in our own. When nations go astray, God calls after them in tones of mercy and appeal. If they relent 'tis well ; if not he touches them as with the little finger of judgment, blistering them slightly ; if this fail, He presses them harder and still harder till the weight of his whole hand is upon them, when they must bend or break. Thus has it been with us. In our pride and haughtiness we resisted the claims of justice and scorned the appeals of mercy. But events pressed us hard, circumstances crowded us to the wall, draft followed draft, until the bony hand of death was stretched over the whole land, grasping the heartstrings of every home. Ti en folly yielded to reason and prejudice to common sense. We said, let the colored man be a man. We clothed him in the nation's uniform, armed him with the musket stamped "U. 5.," and bid him fight, and fight he did ; and that question was settled. Arbitrary arrests opened up a long chap ter of bitter invective aud bold denuncia tion. Questions of finance taxed our sources of calculation with their problems of loss and gain. Foreign intrigues, promp ted by jealousy of the country's greatness and intensified by a desire for its downfall, complicated our home difficulties aud drew heavily upon our powers of charitable for bearance. Thus has it been for five years. Scarcely has one question, like the moon, waned from the view, when another bursts upon our vision. But I congratulate my self, I congratulate my country that all those vital issues were settled so justly and sti wisely. No public man dare now say they were not justly settled. Whatever side individuals may have taken hithereto ; whoever now denounces coercion, emanci pation, negro soldiers ; whoever denies the right of the Government to imprison trai tors at home, as well as to fight them abroad ; whoever decries the five-twenties or refuses legal tender greenbacks, would not only be pitied as a simpleton, but would be buried so deep beneath public contempt that the convulsions of the resur rection would scarcely disturb him in his slumbers. Well, sir, after surmounting so many difficulties—difficulties springing lrom war at our own gates, from our pe culiar institutions, from the unique com plexion of our Government, from the rela j tion of the whole to the parts aud of the [ parts to the whole—the American people | should have wisdom aud experience com- TO WANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., MARCH 29, 1866. mcnsurate with whatever responsibilities the future may impose. Our success thus far is a marvel. Nothing short of rare intuition, knowl edge or superhuman guidance could have led us through the labyrinths that we have traveled. We should not fail now. We shall not fail. The experience of the past is the assurance of the future. The cap tain and crew who have guided the ship through storm and tempest, avoiding the rock upon one hand and the gulf upon the other, bringing their charge at length safe ly into port, though with rent sails and splintered masts, should, after casting an chor, have sagacity sufficient to fumigate the vessel and drive out the vermin with out sinking the whole craft. The architect who throws up a temple, gorgeous and huge, bringing the capstone with shoutings of victory, should be able to take down the seaff'oldiug and remove the rubbish without breaking his own neck. Among the many questions yet to be solved, are those originating with the col ored man in the late Rebel States. To what extent shall lie be free ? What shall be his status among men and who shall determine that status? What shall be his rights, privileges aud immunities ? What are the duties of this Government towards him in his loyalty, and towards the ex-master in his treason ? These and kindred questions are yet to be settled. Shall the freedmen vote ? This subject now agitates Con gress. They touched it just as they touched the emancipation of slavery, beginning with the District of Columbia. You cannot keep it there, however, no more than you caii keep the light of the sun in a half bush el. I admit that if you enfranchise the col ored men of the District of Columbia they will expect it elsewhere. If I find that en franchisement is extending to others out side the District I should not stop it. While considering this one subject and others connected with it, allow me to call your attention to some axiomatic self-evi dent principles. One is this : That the enquiry of the Am erican people now should be, what is just, what is true, what is right? I know not that I can carry with me the convictions of those around me, but I say, sir, aud stand by the saying, that the great enquiry now with men—marching as we are from this terrible baptism of fire and blood—should be, what is just, and true, and right, and these guiding stars we should follow. Why, Mr. Speaker, the sublimcst sen tence that 1 ever saw in the English lan guage—a sentence surpassing anything in Milton or Bacon—was the declaration of our martyred President, when, in defining his position, he said, " With malice to wards none, witli charity for all, with firm ness in the right, as God gives us to see the light." If that is not grandeur of soul, sir, 1 never saw anything in human language that was. It sounds like the voice of an old prophet, pealing from the White House --humble, gentle, yet lofty as inspiration itself. Let us close it with this noble ut terance —"a firm adherence to the true and the right." It is a principle with me that no man can gain anything by following a lie ; no po litical party can benefit itself by pursuing false principb s ; no laud can prosper by burning incense to wrong ; but to follow truth, to practice right, to plant yourself fairly upon justice and equity, makes you honorable and makes you sure of success. We are now in a reforming state. The Government is in a plastic condition. We have been melted in a furnace of fire. New impressions are to be given. What these impressions shall be is for us to determine. I submit that now, while in this state, we should plant this Government and country upon a permanent basis of peace by stamp ing our every institution with the twin faces of liberty and virtue. 1 hope my point will be seen. It is the bounden duty of every man, particularly of those in authority by the vote of the peo ple, to see that this Government shall be built upon the basis of permanent peace, so that hereafter the whirlwind of war cannot again desolate the land. Now is the time to do it. Now is the op portunity. Let that opportunity pass, and you will be unable to do what in the future yon may wish you had done. Another point is this : The people of the South have the same animus to-day that they had three years ago. If I could put my hand upon some documents that I have read, 1 could illustrate this very quickly. 1 could show you that to-day they have the same feeling towards you, the people of the North, towards j-our Government and towards your country, that the} had three years ago, and would to-day stab you to the heart if they had a fitting opportunity. I say this, and I mean it. The reason they do not do it is because they have not the ability, but they have the disposition. What did Henry A. Wise say recently, in the rebel capital at Richmond, in deliver ing an eulogy upon the rebel soldiers—up on those men that murdered your sons,that murdered your brothers and your friends? What did he say? "If any man brands them as traitors I repel the charge, and 1 will swear upon the Holy of Holies, as high as the throne of God, that they were not rebels, but true and patriotic men, that died for their principles." What does Governor Brownlow, of Tenn essee, say in gijing his reasons for admit ting the members of Congress from Tennes see ? "If you admit onr members of Con gress, and as a consequence withdraw the United States forces from Tennessee, I pray you not to admit the members, for we can get along better without members in Con gress than we can without United States muskets in Tennessee." What is the dis position that that indicates? Withdraw the troops, sir, from the South, and you will have a perfect pandemonium there. The animus of the Southern people is just what it has been. Another suggestion that I have to make is this : I am afraid, sincerely afraid, that the American people are too speedily for getting the lessons that the late war was calculated to teach. They are forgetting- - too speedily forgetting—who it was that burned Chambersburg, though we propose to give an appropriation of half a million dollars to rebuild the houses that were burned down. Yet the very men that fired the houses and gloried in the crcakliug flames, are to-day voters in the South. REGARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANT QUARTER. | I walked over the field at Gettysburg I three days after the thunder of the cannon ! had rolled away, and there were broad acres of blood where death had held high carvinal. The very men that covered those broad acres with the slain are now voters, sending men to Congress, and we are talk ing about them as our law makers. I am afraid we are forgetting who filled the whole land with agony and piled up a debt that you and I have to help pay, and that children unborn are to be taxed to cancel. All these things seem to be fast depart ing from the tablet of our memory. We had better hold on to that memory a little longer. Leaving these general remarks, I come now to another point—the reconstruction of this Government. So far as the South ern States are concerned, the United States Government has complete and supreme con trol in the premises over all questions and over all circumstances. I may not carry conviction with me, but I have always observed this peculiarity in the Senate of Pennsylvania, that there is a willingness to hear the opinions of any man, if they are respectfully expressed. Well, sir, the rebel States have no rights —no rights. I don't see how there can be any difference of opinion about that. It is not worth while for us to chop logic upon the subject. One thing is a fact, the gov ernment that they once had is destroyed,a ud their exact condition at the close of the war was this : As so many square miles of hill and valley, thej were of course in the nation. As so many communities, made up of millions of human beings, they were iu the nation and subject to the commands of this Government, but so far as partici pating in the administration of that Gov ernment was concerned, they had no right or part. They were in it to be ruled by it; not in it to give dictation or participate in its rule. When they tore down the stars and stripes and plunged the land into the four long years of war that followed— when they swore allegiance to the rebel flag—when they left every question to the arbitrament of the sword, they became al iens, and from that time they had no rights, unless, as Parson Brownlow, a Southern man himself, says : " They have the natur al right to be hung and the divine right to be damned alterwards." All they can expect is, de gratia, non de jure. All that they should hope—all that they can ask must be in the name of mercy, not in the name of law. What do I owe them? What does Pennsylvania owe them? What does the General Government owe them, after laboring four years to batter down the Constitution that once protected them ? Are they to be allowed all the privileges and immunities of that Constitu tion ? Not a bit of it—they have no rights. It is for the General Government to tell them what to do and what not to do, how far they may go and when to stop. Kv\ ry question in regard to the white men and in regard to the colored men in those eleven States comes under the control of the Gen eral Government. The President and Con gress have supreme control of the whole thing. And the President has acted upon that very principle in numerous instauces. For when the bayonet was wrenched from their grasp, what did he do ? He ap pointed a Provisional Governor over them. What did he do afterward ? Their State Conventions provided for the mode and manner of their own amendment. But the President ordered them to hold a constitu tional convention ; he paid no attention to their Constitution, but ordered thern to hold a convention, and prescribed rules for their management. They acknowlenged their subjection— that is the term — subjection, and a very mild phrase to meet their demerits. He told them firmly here is one thing you must do, you must repudiate your rebel debt. Then again he said, you must endorse this proposed amendment to the Constitution of the United States. When they held their election contrary to the spirit of liberty and acquiesence in his commands, what fol lowed ? He set the election aside, thereby acting upon my theory that the General Government had the entire control over them. You understand me—the General Gov ernment has entire control of all questions in the District of Co'umbia and in the rebel States—in the District of Columbia in re gard to the colored men, aud in the rebel States in regard to both the white and col ored men. Further, here are four millions of freed men. Four millions! Think of it. More people than there were in the thirteen col onies in 1776. Many of them the sons and daughters of Congressmen, Senators, Judges and digni taries at large. Four millions of them ! They are freedmen. Now, sir, rny affirma tion is this: Those four millions of freed men must be protected. 1 respect your pre judices, if you have any. 1 respect your partisan feelings, it you have any, and I suppose you have ; but as citizens of Penn sylvania, as members of Senate of Penn sylvania, as citizens of the nineteenth cen tury, under the obligations that rest upon us, in the name of humanity aud justice, I say that these four millions of freedmen must be protected by the United States Government. Look at their condition ; helpless, yet not allowed to defend themselves. The very arms they carried home from the bat tle field are wrested from them by their masters. The Government told those four millions to desert their slave masters, to shake off their shackles, to take refuge under the stars and stripes. The Govern ment told them they should be protected— that it would shield them. They took the Government at its word, and cast their cares upon it. Those four millions built their hopes upon the word of this groat country, believing that the country would throw around them its arm of mighty pro tection. They must be protected because of the feeling that exists in the Southern States on the part of their lormer masters. I beg that you will look things fairly in the face. I pray you not to regard me as standing up to have the name of making a speech. Think better of me than that. The freed men must be protected by the General Government from the antagonistic feeling of the white people of the Southern States. Formerly the white men in the South, whether rich or poor, looked upon the black man as a serf—as an inferior being. Though despised as a slave, yet was he respected because he was worth a thousand or fifteen hundred dollars in hard money, consequently it was not good policy to break his head or starve him to death. Now, though there is the same contempt for him as a serf that there was before, yet the respect due to his fiuaneial worth is completely taken from him. More than that, because of the course the colored man has taken in siding with you and me and against his master, they now hate him. Papers are filled wfth accounts of the treat ment of the freed men by their former own ers. A negro wearing our uniform is shot down at sight. Let this be regarded as a fixed fact, the freedmen must be protected by the General Government; you must screen them. If you do not do it, a load of infamy will rest upon this nation, such as has never rested upon any nation since the dawn of time. Leave them iu the hands of their masters to be crushed, and all Christendom will stand aghast. The General Government should not leave it to the Southern States to deter mine what the freedmen shall be or what they shall do. We have the power to de termine the condition of the colored man under three heads: First —We have it under the war power. If we had under this power the ability to emancipate the slave, we have the same power to determine what position he shall occupy in society after his emancipation. If we had the power to arm him with the musket and clothe liirn with the blue, we have the power to define his rights and his privileges and his immunities. If we had the power to emancipate him and arm him, we have the power to acknowledge his citizenship and say he shall vote. Who denies it? We had the power to emanci pate him and we have the power to say what he shall be and where lie shall go. I ask who denies it? If his emancipation was a war necessity, his complete protection is a peace necessi ty- Second —Then again we have the right not alone by the war power, but we have it by the amendment of the Constitution. Article 13th, first section, declared that slavery shall be abolished throughout the entire United States. The second section declares that Congress shall pass all ne cessary legislation for the enforcement of this article. It thus becomes the sworn duty of Congress to see that slavery is fully destroyed and liberty completely es tablished. Third —"The United States shall guaran- i tee to every State in this Union a republi can form of government is this : One under which all men are made equal before the law, and the will of the majority, constitu tionally expressed, is the rule of public ac tion. If a minority—and they rebels—in South Carolina disfranchise and oppress the majority by sheer brute force, may not the United States interfere—aye, is it not their decla ed duty to interpose and dic tate a republican form of government ? From these three sources the Government receives full power in all matters affecting the freedinen in the rebel States. Again, we have solemnly pledged full liberty to these millions of human beings, and made ourselves responsible for their unmolested enjoyment of that liberty. I hold in my hand, sir, a document that is read and admired throughout the civil ized world—the Emancipation Proclama tion of President Lincoln. A document that will be framed in gold, and hung in American parlors, when Bunker Hill mon ument shall have crumbled to dust—a doc ument that will be read in ages to come, by generations yet unborn, not only where the language of Webster and Burke is j spoken, but in all dialects containing the word liberty. This instrument was the battle axe of an angel smiting the pillars of tyranny —a new orb bursting through the clouds of a dark and troubled day, it tinged the hills with a new light and filled the vallej's with unutterable joy, for it lif- j ted a whole nation of God's poor children j from chains and serfdom to freedom and J manhood. Thank Heaven for the heart | that resolved it and the hand that wrote it. j When you read that proclamation, I j wish you to pause and look well at one j clause it contaius. What is it? After de- i claring, in his plain, emphatic language, I that these colored people in such and such States and parts of States shall be free, he adds : " And the Executive Government, in eluding the naval and military force, will re cognize and maintain the freedom of such persons." Will you do it ? Will you make 1 good that pledge ? When the hand that penned it is palsied in death, and the man that wrote it slumbers in the prairie land where the wild winds sing his requiem, here comes his message pledging the whole power of the General Government, both naval and military, to maintain that proc lamation. Shall it be done or will you hand those slaves back to their task mas ters ? Will you say to the two hundred thousand that, when war imperilled the country, bared their brawny arms for the struggle—"We have used you ; take off your uniform ; go lie down in the dirt with the heel of the tyrant again upon your neck ?" Pan you bid them take off the uni form of their country and put on the rags jof serfdom again? Is it in the heart of' i this country to say it? This beautiful J i country—this country of prayers and bibles —where the God of justice and love is wor | shipped ? I, sir, am for maintaining that pledge to the uttermost. I would have this country | extend over these people the fogis of its power, and protect and defend them for ev ! ermore. j Say what you like about "niggerism" and color, and all that. lam for estimat- I ing men according to their mental qualities, | not by the cuticle of their skin or the shape j of their feet. The hour of one having arrived, on mo : tion of Mr. GRAHAM, the hour of adjourn ment was extended until Mr. LAXDON had concluded his remarks. (CONCLUSION NEXT WEEK.) SHORTLY after Dr. Jonnson issued the first edition of his Dictionary, he was met by a bevy of young ladies, who congratu lated him upon the success of his work, saying with great naivette, they liked it very much, as there were no bad words in it. "Ah my little dears," said the bluff old Doctor, chucking one of them under the chin ,"so you have been looking for them a "sim -ave you." per Annum, in Advance. From the Christian Intelligencer. THE MINISTER AND THE QUAKER- An amusing story under this title has long been current in various forms among good people. An authentic statement of it, with name and place, is given in the Pres byterian Standard, by the Hon. J. R. Suow den. He says that the minister in question was Rev. Dr. Robert Smith, whose fame as a learned and eloquent divine has been overshadowed by that of his sous, John Blair Smith and Samuel Stanhope Smith, President of Princeton College. Dr. Robert Smith,before he became Pres ident of Hampden Sydney College, was priuciple of a very successful classical academy at Pegue. Penu. While here, he had a near neighbor, a Friend, Snowden, Laving forgotten his real name, calls William Jones. Dr. Smith and Mr. Jones were very good j friends, and often visited each other. One i day, Dr. Smith said, "Friend Jones, I 110-1 ticed that, although we are good friends i and neighbors, yet I have never seen you at my church, or meeting-house as you call it." "That is very true, friend Robert, but thee knows the reason. We Quakers, as we are called, are not in favor of hireling ministers, who are educated especially for j that purpose. We favor those only who j preach by the Spirit." "Well" says the j Doctor, "without entering upon the first j point of your ebjectiou at present I think ! 1 can say that we Presbyterians follow the 1 teachings of the Spirit in our sermons to j the people." "0 no, friend Robert, thee knows very well that thee prepares thy dis course before thee enters the pulpit." "That is quite true to some extent, but, neverthe less I can preach without such previous preparation." "Well then," Bays the Quak er "I will try thee ; I will go to hear thee preach on this condition,namely, that I will give thee a text,which thee must not see till thee goes into the pulpit. 1 accept the offer." says Dr. Smith. "Very well, then, I will go to thy meeting-house next first day ; and will send up the text by the sexton af ter thee has made the long-prayer which I learn thee makes. "That is not quite what I expected when you made the proposition" says Dr. Smith, "but I accept it ; and will expect to see you at the Pegue Church next Sunday morning." Dr. Smith entered his pulpit the next Sabbath with some anxiety. A glance over the congregation showed him that his Qua ker neighbor was there ; and at the appoin ted time he expected the text. He com menced his services in usual manner, and after the "long prayer." he commenced a very long Psalm. 1 believe it was not the 119 th Psalm througout, but it was quite a long psalm. As soon as the precentor, or fine singer, rose, the sexton came up the aisle, and handed to the preacher the text. It was from the book of Ezra, Ist chapter and latter clause of the 9th verse : "Nine and twenty knives." A sharp as well as a hard text thought the Doctor. The singing of the long Psalm gave him a few moments for reflection ; when that was ended, he arose and announced his text, and noticed many a smile upon the faces of his congre gation, even some venerable elders could not preserve the usual solemnity of their countenances. But the preacher proceeded with his discourse. He spoke briefly of the captivity of the Jews in Babylon ; of their condition there ; the proclamation of Cy rus : of the wonderful preservation of the utensils of the Temple which had been ta ken from Jerusalem by the conquerors of Judea; none ol the knives which were used for slaying and preparing the sacri fices, were lost,mislaid,or destroyed. They were, said Dr. S., under the special care and protection of God, and were in due time restored to the Temple He then en larged upon the special Providence of God. "Not a sparrow falls without his notice;" "and the very hairs of our heads are num bered." "The Lord knows them that are his, and none of them shall perish." The Quaker was not only pleased, but he was aroused and delighted. The next day he sent for Dr. Smith to dine with him. After dinner, he invited Dr. S. to take a walk around his farm, and coming to a pasture field in which were his I cattle, he stopped abruptly, and said, "I was much pleased with thy discourse,friend Robert, last first day. Now thee knows, we follow our leader, George Fox, who bore his testimony against a hireling min istry ; we never pay our public friends, but we sometimes give them presents. I wish to give thee a present, I have many good milk cows. I wish thee to select one for thyself." Dr. Smith wished to decline the g.lt, but the Quaker insisted, and said, "1 will be offended at thee if thee refuse." The Doctor having noticed a small and ill-look ing cow, said, "Well, if I must take one of the cows, 1 will take that small red cow pointing to the one he had noticed, and which he supposed the least valuable.— "Well, I do profess," says Friend Jones, "thee does not only preach by the Spirit,but thee can choose by the, Spirit ; that little red cow is the best one I have ; my wife would not sell it for one hundred dollars but thee shall have it." And accordingly the same evening, the little cow was driven to the "manse," and proved to be a valuable ac quistion to the dominie's dairy. j LITTLE CHILDREN. —Children are the peetry j of the world—the fresh flowers of our hearts | and homes—little conjurors, with their "natural magic," evoking by their spells what delights and enriches all ranks, and j equalizes the different classes of society. Often as they bring with them anxieties j and cares, and live to occasion sorrow and ! grief, we should get on very badly without 1 him. Only think—if there was never any thing anywhere to be seen but grown-up I men and women, how we should long for t the sight of a little child. Every infant | comes into the world like a delegated proph | et, the harbinger and herald of good tidings, whose office is "to turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, and draw the dis ; bedieut to the just." A child softens and 1 purifies the heart, warming and melting it 1 by its gentle presence; it enriches the soul by new feelings, and awakens within it what is favorable to virtue. It is a beam of light, a fountain of love, a teacher whose lessons few can resist. Infants recall us from much that engenders and encourages selfishness, that freezes the aflections,rough ens the mauners, indurates the heart ; they brighten the home,-deepen love, invigorate exertion, infuse courage, and vivify and sustain the charities of life. VALUATION OF POOR WHITES. —C'apt. Con yngham, in his late work entitled, "Sher man's March through the South," relates the following story told him by a former slave. It strongly illustrates the relative value which the planters set on the negroes and poor whites: " I believe, Dick," I said, "a black man was of more value in the South than a white man." " Yah, yah !" exclaimed Dick. "White man no count dere ; dis nigger worth fif teen hundred dollars, white man nothing." " Why, then, Dick, it was better to be a black man than a poor white one." " Lor' bress you, massa ! poor white no value. Massa was sinking a well. It was berry deep, and Pompey working hard at it, wheo neighbor Miller came along, and says, 'A in surprised you leave Pompey down dere ; that will sure cave in. Hire a poor white man.' Massa sent me for one, and put hirn in dat ere well in place of Pompey ; when, sartin enuff, the well caved over him ; and Massa Miller says to Mas sa. 'Now, see, lam the lucky man to you; I saved you twelve hundred "dollars ;' and they went in and had a drink, and left the poor white man dere." NUMBER 44. This was Dick's story, and I believe it was a true one, for I have seen too many instances of the selfish cruelty of planters to their poor white neighbors. THE C'HOI.ERA.- -Hall's Journal of Health gives the following practical suggestions, which deserve the immediate attention of all who wish to avoid the scourge of chol era, which threatens to attack us next summer : Ist. Every householder owes it to his family, to his neighbors, to the community in which he resides, to have his house, from cellar to garret, from the street curb to the rear line of his lot, most scrupuously cleansed, by sweeping, washing and white washing. sd. Every man who has any authority in the city or town government should consid er himself bound by his oatli of office, and by every consideration of humanity, to give himself 110 rest until every street, al ley, close gutter and sewer, is placed in a state of as perfict cleanliness as possible, and kept so until the frosts of next summer come. 3d. These cleanings should be done now, in February and March, because, if put off until warm weather, the very effort neces sary to the removal of filth will only tend, in the essential nature of things, to hasten the appearance of the disease, to increase its malignity, and to extend the time of its devastation ; because the suns of spring and summer the sooner warm into lite and intensity the viperic and malignant influ ence which in its remorseless tread wrecks so much of human happiness and desolates so rnauj hearth-stones. A TRUE MAN. —He is above a mean thing. He cannot stoop to a mean thing. He evades no secrets in the keeping of an other. He betrays no secrets confided to his keeping. He never struts in borrowed plumage. He never takes selfish advan tage ol our mistakes, lie never stabs in the dark. He is ashamed of inueudoes. He is not one thing to a man's face and an other behind his back. It by accident In comes in possession of his neighbor's coun sels, he passes upon them an act of instant oblivion. He bears sealed packages with out tampering with the wax. Papers not meant for his eye, whether they flutter at the window or lie open before him in unre garded exposure, are sacred to him. He encroaches on 110 privacy of others, how ever the sentry sleeps. Bolts and bars, locks aud keys, hedges" and thickets, bonds and securities, notice to trespassers, are none of them for him. lie may be trusted himself out of sight—near the thinnest par tition—anywhere. He buys no office, he sells none ; he intrigues for none. He would rather fail of his rights than win by dishonor. He will eat honest bread. He insults no man. He tramples 011 no sensi tive feeling. If he have rebuke for another he is straightforward, open, manly. What ever he judges honorable he practices to ward every man. TAKE MY HAND, PAPA. —In the dead of the night I am frequently awakened by a little hand, stealing out the crib by my side with the pleading cry "please take my hand, papa 1" Instantly the little boy's hand is grasped, his fears vanish, and, soothed by the con sciousness of his father's presence, 110 falls into a sleep again. We commend this lesson of simple filial faith and trust to the anxious, sorrowing ones that are found in almost every house hold. Stretch forth your hand, stricken mourner, although you may be in the deep est darkness and gloom, and fear and anx ious suspense may cloud your pathway, and that very act will reveal the presence of a loving,compassionate Father, and givr you the peace that passeth all understand ing. The darkness may not pass away at once ; night may enfold you in its cold embrace, but its terrors will be dissipated, its gloom and sadness flee away, and, in the simple grasp of the Father's hand, sweet peace will be given, and you will rest securely, knowing that the morning cometh. CHEERING UP A TRAVELER. —Artemus Ward, in describing his journey from California, says : The driver with whom I sat outside iulormed me, as we slowly rolled down the fearful mountain road which looks down on either side into an appalling ravine, that he has met accidents in his time that cost the California stage company a great deal of money "because" said he, "juries is agin us on principle, and every man who sues us is sure to recover. But it will never be so again, not with me, you bet !" " How is that ?" I said. It was frightfully ; dark. It was snowing withal, and not- I withstanding the brakes were kept hard j down, the coach slewed often fairly touch ing the brink of the black precipice. "How jis that?" I said. " Why, you see," he re plied, " that corpses never sue for damages, | but maimed people do. And tin 1 next time i I have an overturn I shall go round and ' keerfully examine the passengers. Them as is dead I shall let alone, but them as is mutilated I shall finish with the king-bolt ! | Dead lolks don't sue. They ain't on it." i Thus with anecdote did this driver cheer j me up. „ % To YOUNG MEN —Two young men com menced the sail making business at Phila- I delphia. They bought a lot of duck from ' Stephen Girard on credit, aud a friend had ! engaged to endorse for them. Each took a 1 roll aud was carrhing it off, when Girard | rcmarken : " Had you not better get a dray ?" " No ; it's not far, and we can carry it j ourselves. j " Tell your friend he need not endorse your note. I will take it without." NEW MAXIOU.—A thorn in the bush is worth two in the hand.