DIE OMAR PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
o. GOODRICH, EDITOR.
fllorniiiD, SUgust 21, 1831 L
■, |,111,11,".U11>M and ALolitionism are OIK- and the same
, . Vliev go for free niggers. If their doctrine*
" m f! .nicti out. we would soon have the whole North
".'" pin with niggers, driving white laborer* out of em
j,', y sml filling up our l'oor Houses and Urinous."'
We cut the above beautiful paragraph from
t ; l( Kustou Argus. Our friend HITTER is be
coming badly soiled with the grime of nigger
,lrivinsr. lie knows that the assertions he here
make*- tire unqualifiedly false, for no man should
know better than himself the true issues at
stake. He lias been to Kansas, and has some
j,i\on:il knowledge of border ruffianism, and
the designs of those who arc determined to
force Slavery upou that Territory. He once
thought of establishing a press in Kansas.
What deterred him .' Fortunately for him j
In- did not do so, or his materials would have
duircd the fate of the Herald of Freedom.
Friend HITTER, you understand perfectly J
well that Republicanism and Abolitionism are ;
i, it one and the same thing. You know that j
j; iil.lieanisni goes for free white men. Did j
i..it the frce-.-tate men in Kansas vote to ex- |
( 1,,;,, negroes, free or slave, from that Territo-1
-y !,v a large majority ? The Republican par
te -ri'ks to keep the poor white laborer free, |
at; i does not believe in the Democratic doc
trine. as promulgated by the Richmond Kn- \
.:■> , that slavery is the natural condition of
tin poor, without regard to color.
It is only in the Slave States that the negro
....lib- labor, and drives white laborers out j
. uijib'vuieiit. filling poor-houses and prisons. 1
The slave-holder, who is used to driving negroes, i
will not employ white laborers, whom he looks
upon a- below the negro. The Slave States ,
-Hiaill four times as many free negroes as the
Free States. They keep the white laborer in
a destitute condition, degraded, abject and ser
vile. because he is lorded over by the barons
of the land mill deprived of the privileges
which should lie the birth-right of every free- t
Diau.
The Republican party is the White Man's •
party. It would keep the soil of our Free
Territories free from the polluting tread of ,
• ivi-ry. It would secure for the white man,
' I for him alone, the territory of the nation, j
I' eek> to elevate the condition of the White
l-c'orer, by openiug to him the enjoyment of I
those privileges guarantied by our Consti- j
'"it. but which in many instances, slavery!
i- it necessary to curtail.
It is in the Southern States that the place
:i!<li should be filled by white labor is occu
pied by negroes. Why is it that our mcehan
• ami our laborers do not go South ? Simp
ly because negroes have crowded out white la-
Win nearly every branch of industry. In
v cities particularly, the man who owns half
a dozen slaves, derives an income from their
'-•■r, and looks down with contempt U|MW the
"kite man who earns his bread by the sweat j
kis t row. He owns, perhaps, a slave who i
a -killful carpenter, a drayman, a blacksmith,
| niter, or in some other branch of industry!
- kind out at good wages per week, all of
' 'it goes into the pocket of the master, I
1 W a small pittance is returned to the slave j
!"a which to subsist. What a prospect for ;
' to mechanics !
Ltabli.-h slavery in Pennsylvania, and how J
- before a similar state of things would ex- !
> ive labor would not be profitable to ,
. prcat extent in tilling the soil, but the •
1 : negroes for a Southern market would
a- profitable lu re, as among the F. F. V.'s j
"ginia. But the man who had the means ,
half a dozen slaves instructed intrudes, j
1 Mi" in possession of a fine income by j
- them out, without a day's labor himself. I
would be the effect upon white laborers
; i'eh,inies, Mr. Argus f And yet that ;
consummation to which the Democratic j
• ls inevitably and rapidly drifting.
successful in the scheme to extend j
' mto the Territories—having crushed j
'" 'ast remains of Freedom at the North, j
" xt demand of slavery will be, that the
itutioh secures them the same rights in
inia they enjoy at home, llow much
■' encroachment upon State Bights would
•ui assertion lie, than the strides in that
""ii slavery has made within the last two
Correspondence.
J , MH.AN, Bradford Co., Pa.. Aug. R, ls.'ai.
r 'u itli ri torn tin- title |<ag* nf a llurliaiiaii
. ■'"•! o.iir Frank on the irramn-r foranexjilana
' it u.ur ilc.jft. t„ circulate sucn pamphlets, or is
"'' n u l"' yon.or does the pamphlet contain
ait tit- please answer at your earliest conven-
ours, respectful) v,
, , . tlzKKiEb CTKRY.
• A. OROWT, Washington, I>. C.
.. V August 11,185 ft.
~,'i \"" r - "f the *th insf.. is received, enelosing
'no v t pamphlet and envelope with my
' * av ;. | " '"' reon. The frank is not my hand writing,
"... any -iich documents, Frthe only docn
' ' ' "'at I have sent to your office this ses
", v t's.in tor the t-it\ p. O. last Friday, the date
"m-t therefore have lieen forircd at some of
~ '''' "niis. or hv SONIC |M-I -MI sending that
'"""'•id int., ,n\ district.
M'i-i truly vonrs.
M.I -in \ cttnw
THE BRADFORD REPORTER.
[For the Bradford Reporter.]
THE RIGHT OF FREE DISCUSSION.
There seems to be a spirit rife in some por
tions of our land, in unqualified hostility to the
principles of honest and manly discussion of
eertaiu truths ; especially if the advocate of
those truths dare to stand forth upon his own
responsibility, as a man, untrammeled bv that
prejudice so often attached to some nominal
reform, sect or party, the highest qualifications
of which cousist in an unmanly evasion of prin
ciple, and in the exercise of personal invective
and false insinuations, indicative only of con
tracted minds. The self-styled Democratic
party vf the present day, with slavery in the
lead, with haughty arrogance, assumes to be
the only party in favor of the Union and the
Constitution, and the only correct interpreters
of that instrument. It thus lures many of the
weak and ignorant into its support by the
plausibility of its name, and its arrogant pre
tensions. It assumes with that dictatorial
power, so common to slavery, to control the
freedom of speech in the Senate and in the
House of Representatives. It has vainly tried
to gag the freedom of the Press in portions of
the States by threats, by the use of cudgels,
fist-cuffing, pistols, Ac. —Having already ac
complished it in Kansas, it is ever ready to ap
ply opprobrious epithets to those who presum
ed to advocate the cause of freedom in opposi
tion to the insolent demands of slavery—call
ing them traitors to the Union and the Con
stitution. As if one's patriotism and support
of that Constitution founded upon our declara
tion of " equal rights to all men," were only
to be tested by a rigid adherence to the pre
tensions of Slavery. It calls men " Abolition
ists" for opposing the introduction of slavery,
by brute force, into territories where it does
not exist, or never did exist If the opposi
tion of slavery into free territory constitute
men " traitors to the Union and the Constitu
tion," then were the founders ot that Union
and the framers of that Constitution, traitors.
For the founders of our Union and Constitu
tion were the same men who made that Ordi
nance, declaring our North West Territory
forever free from slavery. They were men
! from both the free and slave states. In their
day it was not counted a crime, or even ft sin
to speak against the wrongs of slavery. The
; subject was then freely discussed, all over the
| land, and the evil sought to be remedied as far
:as could well be. But in our day, slavery
having grown so arrogant under the false garb
of " 1 U'liioeracy," drives citizens from their
families and homes for presuming to mingle
with " Black Republicans" in supporting those
doctrines early established by our fathers. It
I goes into the Senate Chamber, assassin iike,
and fells a Senator in a defenceless position,to
the floor, because he advanced arguments in
parliamentary debate which its supporters could
meet fairly and openly. And the Democratic
party, by its votes, acts and speeches, upholds
the coward crime. Let those who denv that
" search the record." It calls editors to ac
count in a summary manner, with various wea
pons of coward warfare, for making a simple
statement of facts, prejudicial to the greedy
designs of Slavery. And yet when met in its
chosen field of contest, face to face, it shrinks
from tiic issue with that chivalry growing out
of haughty assumptions, without that moral
courage growing out of right iu a contest with
wrong, to back it up. The very fact that
slavery has become so sensitive, that it cannot
bear to be touched by the hand of free discus
sion, as vested by right in Congress, and in the
people of fc tlie States, by the Constitution, is
one of the surest evidences of its being a great
wrong. For truth and right arc ever most
fair and comely, when exposed to full view.—
Truth challenges investigation ; but evil ever
wishes to keep in the dark. The fact is, it
will not bear exposure to the light of candid
investigation.—Therefore its supporters are
driven to various subterfuges to shield it from
the attack of justice. Such for instance as
" Popular Sovereignty," " Democracy," " Un
ion," " Constitution," Ac.—all meaningless
terms with them, only used to court popular
favor, as they are hurrying down the tide of
despotism and ruin by their own misrule. They
seem, at times, like men who have become
reckless in the support of a desperate cause,
unable to bear up under the convictions ol
truth, of right, and freedom—forced to resist
by the subterfuge of some catch-word, or by
force of the still more weighty reo.soning to
them— the nut gel. Thus do they seek to tram
ple upon those great birth rights of Liberty
freedom of sjteccli and of the press ; thinking
to stifle the honest convictions of earnest seek
ers after truth. They seemingly forget the ail
monitions of history and philosophy, that the
lever of despotism used to "subdue " freedom,
inav turn into a means for subduing themselves.
The right of free discussion should ever be
held in high regard by all Americans ; it be
ing inseparably connected with the principle
of self-government. In vain would be the
vaunted pica of American citizenship—that
boon of civil liberty*—without the exercise of
that invaluable right and privilege. How much
then. -IM'UM all attempts to abridge that right
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH.
" R.EWARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER."
bo scouted by every freeman. I trust the time
is yet far distant, when the discussion of prin
ciples by candid argument, shall be broken
down and prostituted to the base purposes of
scheming policy. FOBMAN.
SHESHKQCIN, August 9, ISM.
Jgs&r We might fill our paper with accounts
of votes taken in shops and in railroad cars, in
which FREMONT largely predominates ; but we
have not much fancy for such things. They
are altogether too unreliable to place much de
pendence upon. As far us FKKMOXT is con
cerned, we can dispense with them, because
the enthusiasm which his name has everywhere
aroused, makes it unnecessary. The BICHA
NIKBS occasionally manufacture a demonstra
tion out of whole cloth, as a boy in the woods
whistles to keep his courage up. We place
the most reliance upou the vote which is to be
taken ou the 4th day of November next.
" Fifteen States Ostracised."
This is the heading of a foolish paragraph
copied by the Journal of Commerce from Gen.
Cass's organ, the Detroit Free Press. It is in
tended to strengthen the stupid delusion that
in order to the constitutional election of a
President, he must have votes in every State,
and carry some in both "sections"—North
and South. .Mr. Fillmore is evidently in a
state to give anxiety to his friends on this
point, if his last Albany speech be taken as
any indication of his mental condition.
The pith of the " ostracism" which the
Free Press so affectingly laments, is found in
the following declaration :
" Fifteen States could not, were tie (Fremont) elected,
have ttie slightest sympathy with his administration, nor
take part in the affairs of the government
From this it would seem that a still further
condition is necessary to elect a President con
stitutionally. He must have "sympathy" in
every state. But pray let us be informed how
much sympathy has been felt with the admin
istration of Franklin Pierce in the Northern
States for the last two years and a half? If
it exists here at all it must be sought for al
most exclusively in the custom houses, and post
offices, where sympathies are governed by a
peculiar set of nerves, radiating from the pock
et instead of the heart.
The truth is, that there is far more real sym
pathy felt throughout the slave states for the
cause of Freedom and Fremont than exists in
the North for Border-Ruffinnisin. Party drill
and the hope of spoils will create a large vote,
for Buchanan, but the major part of it will be
obtained on false pretenses, by specially gloss
ing over the villanies of Douglas, Atchison A
Co., and by secret disclaimers in behalf <f Bu
chanan, of all sympathy with or complicity in
their acts. Let ground be openly taken by the
Buchaniers throughout the North in lavor of
the real objects sought to he secured by the
election of Buchanan, as expounded at Rich
mond and Charleston, and the vote of their
chief would be, to say the least, as " section
al "as that of Fremont.— Keening Post.
LANCASTER CorxTV.— When Buchanan was
nominated at Cincinnati, it was confidently pre
dicted by his friends that he would carry Penn
sylvania by 50,000 majority, and it was assert
ed with a chuckle that Old Lancaster, thcGib
raltcr of the opposition, would give the " Fa
vorite Son" a majority, tanging from one to
three thousand. So confident were the In
--chanicrs, and so dispirited were the opponents
of the Kbonshin Democracy, thut Lancaster
was given up as hopeless, by many who ought
to have had more confidence in the intelligent
Whig voters of that noble county.
The fog has now cleared awav, and so far
from Buchanan having a majority, it is confi
dently believed by shrewd politicians, that old
Lancaster will give from 4000 to 6000 majori
ty against the "Sage of Wheatland," as his
admirers call him ! Following the example
of Allegheny, Lancaster has united her divid
ed opposition forces, and there is now peace,
union and harmony in the Anti-Buchanan
ranks, and the Solid opposition columns march
with a majestic head, which carries dismay to
the camp of the enemy.
A correspondent announces the defection of
one of the oldest and most influential Demo
crats of that county, Dr. ('. M. Johnson, whose
Democracy has been endorsed by Buchanan
himself. He is an experienced stump speaker,
and will do good service in the campaign.—
With defections on one hand, and union on
the oth< r, we do not wonder that Buchanan
found Wheatland uncomfortable, and has be
taken himself to Bedford Springs for consola
tion.
The eyes of the nation arc upon Pennsylva
nia, and upon Lancaster county. We feel
that Lancaster county can be safely trusted to
the strong and bold hearts of the opposition
to Buchanan, who represents in this campaign
nothing better, and nothing less, than Pieree-
Douglas-Pro-slavery Democracy !— Pittsburg
(!o zette.
FORKIUXERS ix KANSAS. —The New 5 ork
Stoats Zeitung, a Democratic Herman paper,
printed in New York city, publishes a letter
from Kansas, in which the writer says: "All
the Germans in the Territory go with the
Free State party to a man."
ABOIT POETRY.' —Wo were conversing with
a voting lady, some few evenings ago, at a liter
ary reunion, and as she lmd been introduced as
a poetess, we of course touched on poetry. It
was not many minutes before she had run
through the stereotyped list of favorite au
thors, w hen she concluded with Byron, assert
ing her conviction that lie was the greatest
jMiet that ever wrote. We modestly hinted
that we preferred according that distinguished
position to Shakspeiire.upou which, with an uu
afleeted laugh at our simplicity, she cried.
"Why, Shakspcarc wasn't a jM>ct : hi< j>lans
ih n't rln//ta:.
[From the Tribune.]
TO THE WORK.
Brave Northern heart*, nluill it be naid
Your brethren find a gory bed
On plains to Freedom consecrate.
Nor you avenge their guiitlesa fate?
Shall Douglas rule while Freemen die ?
Stiull brutal Brook* your power defy ?
Shall Kansas fall without one stroke
To shield her front the tyrant yoke ?
Methinks I hear the North reply,
The Fast, the West, in one long cry,
Down, tyrants, down, your reign is o'er.
When FHKMONT comes you rule no more.
Douglas and Brooks, with all their peers,
The pirate crew of Buccaneers,
Shall sink before the people's hate,
And none hut Fierce lament their fate.
Are You a Mechanic ?
[Front the Speech of Hon. Samuel (lalloway.]
I ask you now, fellow-citizens, in all candor,
do you reaffirm the principles of Franklin and
Jefferson, or do you hold to the doctrine of the
Cincinnati platform, which provides for the ex
tension of Slavery over the territories of the
United States ? Years ago James Buchanan
would address his fellow-citizens in opposition
to the monopolies of a National Bank, or a
general system of banking, and they would
have listeued to him. But 1 ask yon if there
has ever been a monopoly so dreadful and per
nicious as the monopoly of Human Slavery?
No man here will defend the system of Slavery.
James Buchanan will not do it, nor will his
followers in the State of Pennsylvania. Then
why is it that they are joining hand iu hand
with those men who arc endeavoring to spread
Slavery over our fair heritage? "Ah," say
these men, " we are for the Constitution and
the Union." Yes, these men have become
smitten all at once with an extraordinary at
tachment for this glorious Union.
J love the Union, and I have great faith in
its perpetuity. I believe that justice will con
trol this Government, and that the same great
principles which underlaid this Union at its
foundation will continue to underlie it ; and
mv faitli is that among the last things will be
wrapped in the general conflagration, when
the elements shall melt with fervent heat, will
be this glorious old Union, formed by some of
t lie noblest men ever created. [Loud cheers.]
Yes, fellow-citizens— we are—ire are the friends
of this Union. It is because we believe that
justice is the great pillar that mainly supports
this glorious fabric—because we believe that
freedom is promotive of the general welfare,
that we desire to spread it everywhere ; for
wherever freedom is, there is a union of sound
and patriotic hearts, and wherever such men
are, the tyrant must tremble, and his form be
stricken down. [Loud eheers.J Ah, 1 know
how it is. Demagogues who discuss this great
question, talk about the dissolution of the Un
ion. It has been dissolved several times dur
ing the last ten or fifteen years, but phoenix
like, it has risen more glorious from its ashes.
[Cheers. J
A few years ago, when David Wilmot and
others resisted the introduction of Slavery in
to Territories, our brethren at the North ail
at once become a five ted with a holy horror of
disunion. [Laughter.] Their patriotic hearts
swelled and heaved with strong emotions [Re
newed Laughter.] and it has ever been the
case when freemen talked as they ought to
talk, that the men of the South, gathering the
imagination around Bunker llill and Valley
Forge, Brandywiue, and other battle fields of
the Revolution, would raise up both hands
and beg for the sake of humanity, the fathers
of the Revolution, and everything except nig
gers, to save our glorious Union [loud laugh
ter] ; and, fellow citizens, as soon as our men
were affected to tears, their backbones relax
ed, and they aired iu ; of this pathetic des
cription of a Union dissolved they would wipe
their tears, and say, "Come let us sit together
brethren, for the I* nion has been saved by our
patriotic efforts on this occasion. [Renewed
laughter.] Fellow citizens, we have become
used to this sort of whining, and it has lost
its power. The men of the North have dis
covered that instead of the Union approaching
dissolution, Freedom has been gradually lan
guishing in this fair land of ours. For this
question, fellow citizens, is not one that con
cerns " niggers " —whether they shall be eman
cipated or not —it is a question that concerns
the very vitality of our country itself, ft is a
question whether Freedom or Slavery shall
predominate : whether a slaveholder for eve
ry five slaves shall have a voice equal to three
white men ; whether the industrial arts of the
country shall sink down to the condition of
those arts iu the Slave States ; whether a poor
man shall have the avenues to eminence open
to him ; whether there shall be a distinction
of cause iu our country ; whether there shall
be an oligarchy in our land ; whether three
hundred and fifty thousand men shall take pos
session of this hind, dedicated to Freedom
and convert into one of the most dreadful des
potisms that ever disgraced humanity. These
are the questions for you to decide my fellow
citizens. Talk about the " equality of rights
under the Constitution !" Does not every
man here know that for a quarter of a century
all our territorial acquisitions have inured to
the benefit of the South ? More square miles
of territory have been purchased for the South
than is contained in the whole of the fifteen
Free States. The South has now one third
more of territorial area than the North, and by
these acquisitions the South lias gained ten
Senators and sixteen Representatives in Con
gress, while the North has gained nothing dur
ing the past quarter of a century by our terri
torial acquisition ; and this day thirteen mil
lions of white people in the North have not as
much political influence as six millions iu the
South. How has this arisen ? It has arisen
by a provision of tbc Constitution which gives
to the South three votes for every five negroes.
Thus they have acquired and maintained the
power they now have. lam for adhering to
the Constitution of the United States iu all its
however hard they may be : but I
am opposed to extending any such aristoerati
cal privilege into any more Territory of the
United States. [Loud cheers.] I do not
care, fellow citizens, so much about the ine
quality produced us I do about the bearings
of Slavery iqoii the higher and more endear
ing interests of the couutry. Are you a me
chnnic f If so, have you ever lived in the
South ? If you have, you have fouml that
there the mechanic is not measured by the same
standard that he obtains in Pennsylvania or
Ohio. Ilcre labor is dignified—there it is de
graded. Here a blacksmith at his anvil may
stand up with the tallest man in Pennsylvania,
and may raise his eye to the highest summit of
distinction. In the South that same black
smith would be measured by the standard of a
negro of equal skill in the trade of a black
smith. Here all the avenues to competence
and distinction arc open to the mechanic ami
his children. But in the South if a man is
born poor, he lives and dies poor. Those who
scale the summit of distinction in the South,
who roll in luxury and possess wealth, arc the
lordlings, the nabobs, the oligarchs only, who
wring their means of competence out of the
poor negro, and what they don't get out of
him they get out of the " poor white man " of
the South. When I say " poor white man "
of the South 1 do not indulge in any fanciful
sketch. If you doubt my word read a little
pamphlet called " The Poor Whites of the
South," which is made up of collations from
the speeches and writings of distinguished Sou
thern men. That book shows that even in the
monarchical and despotic governments of Ku
rope the poor white men are not more debas
ed than they are in this land, in which our fa
thers intended that the blessings of free insti
tutions should be as the rain and sunshine of
Heaven, which descend equally upon all clas
ses of people. It.is this view of the question,
fellow-citizens, which makes this question prac
tical to the laboring men of the South.
Whore in the South do you see such exhibi
tions of the power of free institutions in the de
velopment of the energies of a man as are ex
hibited in the present Speaker of the I louse of
Representatives, Nathaniel P. Banks ? [Loud
cheers.] Once lie was a little bov in a cotton
mill working for his fifty cents per day, but
he worked amid the generous smiles of Free
dom, and he worked upward and upward un
til by the influence of the institutions of the
Bay State, he attained the position as Repre
sentative of one of the largest districts in that
State, and he is now the Speaker of the popu
lar branch of the National Legislature. And
this is not a solitary example. In all parts of
the North and West you will find men occu
pying distinguished positions, and who, with
out patronage or wealth, have, under the gen
erous influences of the atmosphere of Freedom,
grown up from obscure bovs to be men in the
highest walks of science, literature, politics and
art. But where, south of Mason and Dixon's
line, is there such a result growing out of Sla
very ? And 1 uow ask my fellow-citizens, who
are fathers, what kind of institutions do you
wish around and above your families ? What
ever my be your political predilections, you
will all answer " give me and give them free
institutions.'' And 1 say for the same reasons
give Kansas and Nebraska, and all our Terri
tory now acquired, and all which we may ac
quire, to freedom. [Cheers.] This, fellow
citizens, is the question to be determined by
you at the next Presidential election, and I
ask you here to-night are the time-honored
principles of the Republican Party right ?
THE YOVXG MAN'S I.EISIT.K. —Voting Man !
after the dutis of the day are over, how do yon
spend your evenings? When bnisness is dull,
and leaves at your disposal many unoccupied
hours, what disposition do you make of them ?
I have known and now know, many young
men, who, if they were devoted to any scientific,
or literary, or professional pursuits, the time
they spend in games of chance,and lounging in
bed, might rise to any eminence. You have all
read of the sexton's son, who became a fine as
tronomer ly spending a short time every even
ing in gazing at the stars after ringing the
bell for nine o'clock. Sir William Philips, who
at the age of forty-live had attained the order of
knighthood, and the office of High Sheriff of
New England, and (governor of Massachusetts,
learned to read and write after his eighteenth
vear of a ship carpenter in Host on. \\ illiani
(Jifford, the great editor of the Quarterly, was
an apprentice to a shoemaker, and spent h;s
leisure hours in study. And because he had
neither pen nor paper, slate nor pencil, he
wrought out his problems on smooth leather
with a blunt awl.
I>avid Rittenhonse, the American astrono
mer, when a plow-hoy, was observed to have
covered his plow and fences with figures and
calculations. James Ferguson, the great Scotch
astronomer, learned to read by himself, and
mastered theelmcntsof astronomy while a shej>-
herd's lioy in the fields by night And perhaps,
it is not too mueh to say, that if the hours wast
ed in idle company, in vain conversation at
the taverns, were only spent in the pursuit of
useful knowedge, the dullest apprentice in any
of our shops might become an intelligent mem
her of society, and a lit person for most of
civil offices. 13v such a course the rough cov
ering of many a youth is laid aside ; and their
ideas, instead of being confined to local ob
jects and technicalities, might range the wide
fields of creation ; and other stars from among
the young men of this city might be added to
the list of worthies that arc guilding our coun
try with bright yet mellow light.— licc. JJr.
Murray.
lihs' A KitiKxn, telling how hot it was in
New Orleans, says :■ —"A vessel loaded with
pig lead lay at the levee, discharging her car
go : a nigger would get a pig on his back, and
lieforc he could get ashore, the lead melt and
run all over him, so that he'd have to be dug
out with a cold chisel."
Ammunition is like a wild horse, whit h
prances IIIICOU ingly, until it h:i thrown oil iO
rider.
VOL. XVII. —?<<>. 11.
The Early Pioneers of the West
Mr. Ferris, in his book on the Great West,
; thus sketches the character of the pioneers
j who to spread themselves throughout
j the \\ est, lictweu the close of ttie Routine's
| war and the commencement of the American
I Revolution :
| The pioneers, living in constant contact with
f the Indians, necessnrih became more than
l half savages in appearance, habit and manners ;
j and frequently the whole savage character was
assumed. Their ordinary dress was too unique
to le forgotten. A coonskin cap, with the
tail dangling nr the back of the neck, and tin
snout drooping upon the forehead ; long buck
'skin leggings, sowed with a wide fringed welt,
down the outside of the leg ; a long, narrow
strip of course cloth, passing around the hips
and between the thighs, was brought up, be
fore and behind under the belt, and hung down,
Happing as they Walked ; a loose deerskin
frock, open in front, and lapping once and a
half round the body, was belted at the middle,
. forming convenient wallets on each side for
I chunks of hoe-cake, tow, jerked venison, screw
-1 drivers and other fixings, and Indian uioeca-
I sins completed the hunter's apparel. Over
j the whole were slung a bullet-pouch and pow
der horn. From behind the left hip dangled
a scalping knife ; from the right protruded
j die handle of a hatchet, both weapons stuck
( in leather eases. Every hunter carried an awl,
( a roll of buckskin, and string- of bide, called
I " whangs,'' for thread. In the winter, 100 e
deer-hair was stuffed into the moccasins to
keep the feet warm.
The pioneers lived in rude log houses, cover
ed, generally, with picicsof timber, üboul "
feet in length, and six inches in width, called
| "shakes," and laid over the roof instead of
shingles. They had neither nuils, glass, saws
nor brick. The houses had huge slab doors,
pinned together. The light came down the
chimney, or through a hole in the logs cover
ed with greased cloth. A scraggy hemlock
sapling, the knots left a foot long, served for
stairs to the upper story. Their furniture con
sisted of tamarack bedsteads framed into the
walls, a few shelves supported on long wood
en pins, a chair or two, but more often a piece
split o!F a tree and so trimmed that the branch
es served for legs. Their utensils were very
simple ; generally nothing but a skillet, which
served for baking, boiling, roasting, w ashing
dishes, making mush, scalding turkeys, cook
ing sassafras tea, and making soap. A John
ny-cake board, instead of a dripping-pan, hung
on a peg in every house. The corn was crack
ed into a coarse meal, Impounding it in a wood
en mortar. As soon as swine could be kept
away from the bears, or rather, the bears away
from them, the pioneers indulged in a dish of
pork and corn boiled together, and known
among them as " hog and hominy." Fried
pork they called " OKI Ned."
Unlike the French, who clustered in villa
ges, and had their common fields, our Yankee
settlers went the whole length for individual
property. Each stfttler claimed for himself
four hundred acres of land, and the privilege
of taking a thousand acres more, contiguous
to his clearing. Each one run out his own
lines for himself, chipping the hark off the
trees, and cutting his name in the wood. These
claims, so loosely asserted, were called " toma
hawk rights," and were respected hy all the
emigrants. Each settler went to felling the
timber and chopping house-logs, steeping,
meanwhile, under a hark cover raised on crotch
es, or under a tree. It is said of one of them
that he could hardly stomach his house, after
it was doue The door way was open, the logs
unchinked, and the chimney gaped wide above
him ; but the air was too " clu-s."—he had
to sleep outside for a night or two to get us
ed to it.
A Dutchman had made ft handsome
fortune in Philadelphia by selling milk. lie
started for Holland, with two bags of gold
pieces. When on ship-board he counted one
bag of his treasure. A mischievous monkey
chanced to watch his operations. As sown in
the counted bag had been replaced and tied
up, Jocko seized it, and soon found his way to
the mast-head. He opened the bog, and alter
eyeing the brilliant gold, proceeded to drop
one piece 011 the deck and another in the wa
ter, until he had emptied the bag. When he
had finished, the Dutchman threw up his amis,
exclaiming: " Pie jinkons he must pe ile dv
vcl, for vat come from de vater he does gib to
de voter, and vat come from do milk he does
gib to me."
A TKITUKI'I. ANSWKU. —liunkmn, in the Old
North State, is undoubtedly the healthiest
spot on earth ; and it was on that account
tiiat some " lower country gentleman " were
surprised one day to see a Munknmite at work
opening an ominous looking " hole in the
ground." Of course they inquired what ho
was about?
" Digging a grave, sir."
" Digging a grave ! Why, I thought peo
ple did'nt die if ten up here —do they V
'' Oil no, sir— t/n'ii never die but oner /"
They never asked that question " but once."
Women c dnre pain, poverty and the
severest mi fortui c, with n ore fortitude than
men, but melt at the lir.-t harsh words from
those they love. With her own heart open le
fore her, no true mother can speak harshly to
her child—the tone would rend llie lit t le ten
drils of affccl'o i that are cling ug to her, and
like vines in spring, ruthlessly cut, they iniuhr,
bleed with a fatal hindrance to healthy growth.
p-.y There are two kinds of love : nniinal
passion, and platonie love The first ad
mires beauty of form and feature ; the second
of the mind and character ; and no two persons
of opposite sexes etm be perfectly happy in
each other'.- society, unless their feeling partake
of the nature of both.
{ /V" " You Ye doing a smashing ImsitiP' "a
the gardeiu i -aid to tl- hail-tone