DIE OMAR PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE. o. GOODRICH, EDITOR. fllorniiiD, SUgust 21, 1831 L ■, |,111,11,".U11>M and ALolitionism are OIK- and the same , . Vliev go for free niggers. If their doctrine* " m f! .nicti out. we would soon have the whole North ".'" pin with niggers, driving white laborer* out of em j,', y sml filling up our l'oor Houses and Urinous."' We cut the above beautiful paragraph from t ; l( Kustou Argus. Our friend HITTER is be coming badly soiled with the grime of nigger ,lrivinsr. lie knows that the assertions he here make*- tire unqualifiedly false, for no man should know better than himself the true issues at stake. He lias been to Kansas, and has some j,i\on:il knowledge of border ruffianism, and the designs of those who arc determined to force Slavery upou that Territory. He once thought of establishing a press in Kansas. What deterred him .' Fortunately for him j In- did not do so, or his materials would have duircd the fate of the Herald of Freedom. Friend HITTER, you understand perfectly J well that Republicanism and Abolitionism are ; i, it one and the same thing. You know that j j; iil.lieanisni goes for free white men. Did j i..it the frce-.-tate men in Kansas vote to ex- | ( 1,,;,, negroes, free or slave, from that Territo-1 -y !,v a large majority ? The Republican par te -ri'ks to keep the poor white laborer free, | at; i does not believe in the Democratic doc trine. as promulgated by the Richmond Kn- \ .:■> , that slavery is the natural condition of tin poor, without regard to color. It is only in the Slave States that the negro ....lib- labor, and drives white laborers out j . uijib'vuieiit. filling poor-houses and prisons. 1 The slave-holder, who is used to driving negroes, i will not employ white laborers, whom he looks upon a- below the negro. The Slave States , -Hiaill four times as many free negroes as the Free States. They keep the white laborer in a destitute condition, degraded, abject and ser vile. because he is lorded over by the barons of the land mill deprived of the privileges which should lie the birth-right of every free- t Diau. The Republican party is the White Man's • party. It would keep the soil of our Free Territories free from the polluting tread of , • ivi-ry. It would secure for the white man, ' I for him alone, the territory of the nation, j I' eek> to elevate the condition of the White l-c'orer, by openiug to him the enjoyment of I those privileges guarantied by our Consti- j '"it. but which in many instances, slavery! i- it necessary to curtail. It is in the Southern States that the place :i!
  • ive labor would not be profitable to , . prcat extent in tilling the soil, but the • 1 : negroes for a Southern market would a- profitable lu re, as among the F. F. V.'s j "ginia. But the man who had the means , half a dozen slaves instructed intrudes, j 1 Mi" in possession of a fine income by j - them out, without a day's labor himself. I would be the effect upon white laborers ; i'eh,inies, Mr. Argus f And yet that ; consummation to which the Democratic j • ls inevitably and rapidly drifting. successful in the scheme to extend j ' mto the Territories—having crushed j '" 'ast remains of Freedom at the North, j " xt demand of slavery will be, that the itutioh secures them the same rights in inia they enjoy at home, llow much ■' encroachment upon State Bights would •ui assertion lie, than the strides in that ""ii slavery has made within the last two Correspondence. J , MH.AN, Bradford Co., Pa.. Aug. R, ls.'ai. r 'u itli ri torn tin- title |. C. .. V August 11,185 ft. ~,'i \"" r - "f the *th insf.. is received, enelosing 'no v t pamphlet and envelope with my ' * av ;. | " '"' reon. The frank is not my hand writing, "... any -iich documents, Frthe only docn ' ' ' "'at I have sent to your office this ses ", v t's.in tor the t-it\ p. O. last Friday, the date "m-t therefore have lieen forircd at some of ~ '''' "niis. or hv SONIC |M-I -MI sending that '"""'•id int., ,n\ district. M'i-i truly vonrs. M.I -in \ cttnw THE BRADFORD REPORTER. [For the Bradford Reporter.] THE RIGHT OF FREE DISCUSSION. There seems to be a spirit rife in some por tions of our land, in unqualified hostility to the principles of honest and manly discussion of eertaiu truths ; especially if the advocate of those truths dare to stand forth upon his own responsibility, as a man, untrammeled bv that prejudice so often attached to some nominal reform, sect or party, the highest qualifications of which cousist in an unmanly evasion of prin ciple, and in the exercise of personal invective and false insinuations, indicative only of con tracted minds. The self-styled Democratic party vf the present day, with slavery in the lead, with haughty arrogance, assumes to be the only party in favor of the Union and the Constitution, and the only correct interpreters of that instrument. It thus lures many of the weak and ignorant into its support by the plausibility of its name, and its arrogant pre tensions. It assumes with that dictatorial power, so common to slavery, to control the freedom of speech in the Senate and in the House of Representatives. It has vainly tried to gag the freedom of the Press in portions of the States by threats, by the use of cudgels, fist-cuffing, pistols, Ac. —Having already ac complished it in Kansas, it is ever ready to ap ply opprobrious epithets to those who presum ed to advocate the cause of freedom in opposi tion to the insolent demands of slavery—call ing them traitors to the Union and the Con stitution. As if one's patriotism and support of that Constitution founded upon our declara tion of " equal rights to all men," were only to be tested by a rigid adherence to the pre tensions of Slavery. It calls men " Abolition ists" for opposing the introduction of slavery, by brute force, into territories where it does not exist, or never did exist If the opposi tion of slavery into free territory constitute men " traitors to the Union and the Constitu tion," then were the founders ot that Union and the framers of that Constitution, traitors. For the founders of our Union and Constitu tion were the same men who made that Ordi nance, declaring our North West Territory forever free from slavery. They were men ! from both the free and slave states. In their day it was not counted a crime, or even ft sin to speak against the wrongs of slavery. The ; subject was then freely discussed, all over the | land, and the evil sought to be remedied as far :as could well be. But in our day, slavery having grown so arrogant under the false garb of " 1 U'liioeracy," drives citizens from their families and homes for presuming to mingle with " Black Republicans" in supporting those doctrines early established by our fathers. It I goes into the Senate Chamber, assassin iike, and fells a Senator in a defenceless position,to the floor, because he advanced arguments in parliamentary debate which its supporters could meet fairly and openly. And the Democratic party, by its votes, acts and speeches, upholds the coward crime. Let those who denv that " search the record." It calls editors to ac count in a summary manner, with various wea pons of coward warfare, for making a simple statement of facts, prejudicial to the greedy designs of Slavery. And yet when met in its chosen field of contest, face to face, it shrinks from tiic issue with that chivalry growing out of haughty assumptions, without that moral courage growing out of right iu a contest with wrong, to back it up. The very fact that slavery has become so sensitive, that it cannot bear to be touched by the hand of free discus sion, as vested by right in Congress, and in the people of fc tlie States, by the Constitution, is one of the surest evidences of its being a great wrong. For truth and right arc ever most fair and comely, when exposed to full view.— Truth challenges investigation ; but evil ever wishes to keep in the dark. The fact is, it will not bear exposure to the light of candid investigation.—Therefore its supporters are driven to various subterfuges to shield it from the attack of justice. Such for instance as " Popular Sovereignty," " Democracy," " Un ion," " Constitution," Ac.—all meaningless terms with them, only used to court popular favor, as they are hurrying down the tide of despotism and ruin by their own misrule. They seem, at times, like men who have become reckless in the support of a desperate cause, unable to bear up under the convictions ol truth, of right, and freedom—forced to resist by the subterfuge of some catch-word, or by force of the still more weighty reo.soning to them— the nut gel. Thus do they seek to tram ple upon those great birth rights of Liberty freedom of sjteccli and of the press ; thinking to stifle the honest convictions of earnest seek ers after truth. They seemingly forget the ail monitions of history and philosophy, that the lever of despotism used to "subdue " freedom, inav turn into a means for subduing themselves. The right of free discussion should ever be held in high regard by all Americans ; it be ing inseparably connected with the principle of self-government. In vain would be the vaunted pica of American citizenship—that boon of civil liberty*—without the exercise of that invaluable right and privilege. How much then. -IM'UM all attempts to abridge that right PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY AT TOWANDA, BRADFORD COUNTY, PA., BY E. O'MEARA GOODRICH. " R.EWARDLESS OF DENUNCIATION FROM ANY QUARTER." bo scouted by every freeman. I trust the time is yet far distant, when the discussion of prin ciples by candid argument, shall be broken down and prostituted to the base purposes of scheming policy. FOBMAN. SHESHKQCIN, August 9, ISM. Jgs&r We might fill our paper with accounts of votes taken in shops and in railroad cars, in which FREMONT largely predominates ; but we have not much fancy for such things. They are altogether too unreliable to place much de pendence upon. As far us FKKMOXT is con cerned, we can dispense with them, because the enthusiasm which his name has everywhere aroused, makes it unnecessary. The BICHA NIKBS occasionally manufacture a demonstra tion out of whole cloth, as a boy in the woods whistles to keep his courage up. We place the most reliance upou the vote which is to be taken ou the 4th day of November next. " Fifteen States Ostracised." This is the heading of a foolish paragraph copied by the Journal of Commerce from Gen. Cass's organ, the Detroit Free Press. It is in tended to strengthen the stupid delusion that in order to the constitutional election of a President, he must have votes in every State, and carry some in both "sections"—North and South. .Mr. Fillmore is evidently in a state to give anxiety to his friends on this point, if his last Albany speech be taken as any indication of his mental condition. The pith of the " ostracism" which the Free Press so affectingly laments, is found in the following declaration : " Fifteen States could not, were tie (Fremont) elected, have ttie slightest sympathy with his administration, nor take part in the affairs of the government From this it would seem that a still further condition is necessary to elect a President con stitutionally. He must have "sympathy" in every state. But pray let us be informed how much sympathy has been felt with the admin istration of Franklin Pierce in the Northern States for the last two years and a half? If it exists here at all it must be sought for al most exclusively in the custom houses, and post offices, where sympathies are governed by a peculiar set of nerves, radiating from the pock et instead of the heart. The truth is, that there is far more real sym pathy felt throughout the slave states for the cause of Freedom and Fremont than exists in the North for Border-Ruffinnisin. Party drill and the hope of spoils will create a large vote, for Buchanan, but the major part of it will be obtained on false pretenses, by specially gloss ing over the villanies of Douglas, Atchison A Co., and by secret disclaimers in behalf ct : hi< j>lans ih n't rln//ta:. [From the Tribune.] TO THE WORK. Brave Northern heart*, nluill it be naid Your brethren find a gory bed On plains to Freedom consecrate. Nor you avenge their guiitlesa fate? Shall Douglas rule while Freemen die ? Stiull brutal Brook* your power defy ? Shall Kansas fall without one stroke To shield her front the tyrant yoke ? Methinks I hear the North reply, The Fast, the West, in one long cry, Down, tyrants, down, your reign is o'er. When FHKMONT comes you rule no more. Douglas and Brooks, with all their peers, The pirate crew of Buccaneers, Shall sink before the people's hate, And none hut Fierce lament their fate. Are You a Mechanic ? [Front the Speech of Hon. Samuel (lalloway.] I ask you now, fellow-citizens, in all candor, do you reaffirm the principles of Franklin and Jefferson, or do you hold to the doctrine of the Cincinnati platform, which provides for the ex tension of Slavery over the territories of the United States ? Years ago James Buchanan would address his fellow-citizens in opposition to the monopolies of a National Bank, or a general system of banking, and they would have listeued to him. But 1 ask yon if there has ever been a monopoly so dreadful and per nicious as the monopoly of Human Slavery? No man here will defend the system of Slavery. James Buchanan will not do it, nor will his followers in the State of Pennsylvania. Then why is it that they are joining hand iu hand with those men who arc endeavoring to spread Slavery over our fair heritage? "Ah," say these men, " we are for the Constitution and the Union." Yes, these men have become smitten all at once with an extraordinary at tachment for this glorious Union. J love the Union, and I have great faith in its perpetuity. I believe that justice will con trol this Government, and that the same great principles which underlaid this Union at its foundation will continue to underlie it ; and mv faitli is that among the last things will be wrapped in the general conflagration, when the elements shall melt with fervent heat, will be this glorious old Union, formed by some of t lie noblest men ever created. [Loud cheers.] Yes, fellow-citizens— we are—ire are the friends of this Union. It is because we believe that justice is the great pillar that mainly supports this glorious fabric—because we believe that freedom is promotive of the general welfare, that we desire to spread it everywhere ; for wherever freedom is, there is a union of sound and patriotic hearts, and wherever such men are, the tyrant must tremble, and his form be stricken down. [Loud eheers.J Ah, 1 know how it is. Demagogues who discuss this great question, talk about the dissolution of the Un ion. It has been dissolved several times dur ing the last ten or fifteen years, but phoenix like, it has risen more glorious from its ashes. [Cheers. J A few years ago, when David Wilmot and others resisted the introduction of Slavery in to Territories, our brethren at the North ail at once become a five ted with a holy horror of disunion. [Laughter.] Their patriotic hearts swelled and heaved with strong emotions [Re newed Laughter.] and it has ever been the case when freemen talked as they ought to talk, that the men of the South, gathering the imagination around Bunker llill and Valley Forge, Brandywiue, and other battle fields of the Revolution, would raise up both hands and beg for the sake of humanity, the fathers of the Revolution, and everything except nig gers, to save our glorious Union [loud laugh ter] ; and, fellow citizens, as soon as our men were affected to tears, their backbones relax ed, and they aired iu ; of this pathetic des cription of a Union dissolved they would wipe their tears, and say, "Come let us sit together brethren, for the I* nion has been saved by our patriotic efforts on this occasion. [Renewed laughter.] Fellow citizens, we have become used to this sort of whining, and it has lost its power. The men of the North have dis covered that instead of the Union approaching dissolution, Freedom has been gradually lan guishing in this fair land of ours. For this question, fellow citizens, is not one that con cerns " niggers " —whether they shall be eman cipated or not —it is a question that concerns the very vitality of our country itself, ft is a question whether Freedom or Slavery shall predominate : whether a slaveholder for eve ry five slaves shall have a voice equal to three white men ; whether the industrial arts of the country shall sink down to the condition of those arts iu the Slave States ; whether a poor man shall have the avenues to eminence open to him ; whether there shall be a distinction of cause iu our country ; whether there shall be an oligarchy in our land ; whether three hundred and fifty thousand men shall take pos session of this hind, dedicated to Freedom and convert into one of the most dreadful des potisms that ever disgraced humanity. These are the questions for you to decide my fellow citizens. Talk about the " equality of rights under the Constitution !" Does not every man here know that for a quarter of a century all our territorial acquisitions have inured to the benefit of the South ? More square miles of territory have been purchased for the South than is contained in the whole of the fifteen Free States. The South has now one third more of territorial area than the North, and by these acquisitions the South lias gained ten Senators and sixteen Representatives in Con gress, while the North has gained nothing dur ing the past quarter of a century by our terri torial acquisition ; and this day thirteen mil lions of white people in the North have not as much political influence as six millions iu the South. How has this arisen ? It has arisen by a provision of tbc Constitution which gives to the South three votes for every five negroes. Thus they have acquired and maintained the power they now have. lam for adhering to the Constitution of the United States iu all its however hard they may be : but I am opposed to extending any such aristoerati cal privilege into any more Territory of the United States. [Loud cheers.] I do not care, fellow citizens, so much about the ine quality produced us I do about the bearings of Slavery iqoii the higher and more endear ing interests of the couutry. Are you a me chnnic f If so, have you ever lived in the South ? If you have, you have fouml that there the mechanic is not measured by the same standard that he obtains in Pennsylvania or Ohio. Ilcre labor is dignified—there it is de graded. Here a blacksmith at his anvil may stand up with the tallest man in Pennsylvania, and may raise his eye to the highest summit of distinction. In the South that same black smith would be measured by the standard of a negro of equal skill in the trade of a black smith. Here all the avenues to competence and distinction arc open to the mechanic ami his children. But in the South if a man is born poor, he lives and dies poor. Those who scale the summit of distinction in the South, who roll in luxury and possess wealth, arc the lordlings, the nabobs, the oligarchs only, who wring their means of competence out of the poor negro, and what they don't get out of him they get out of the " poor white man " of the South. When I say " poor white man " of the South 1 do not indulge in any fanciful sketch. If you doubt my word read a little pamphlet called " The Poor Whites of the South," which is made up of collations from the speeches and writings of distinguished Sou thern men. That book shows that even in the monarchical and despotic governments of Ku rope the poor white men are not more debas ed than they are in this land, in which our fa thers intended that the blessings of free insti tutions should be as the rain and sunshine of Heaven, which descend equally upon all clas ses of people. It.is this view of the question, fellow-citizens, which makes this question prac tical to the laboring men of the South. Whore in the South do you see such exhibi tions of the power of free institutions in the de velopment of the energies of a man as are ex hibited in the present Speaker of the I louse of Representatives, Nathaniel P. Banks ? [Loud cheers.] Once lie was a little bov in a cotton mill working for his fifty cents per day, but he worked amid the generous smiles of Free dom, and he worked upward and upward un til by the influence of the institutions of the Bay State, he attained the position as Repre sentative of one of the largest districts in that State, and he is now the Speaker of the popu lar branch of the National Legislature. And this is not a solitary example. In all parts of the North and West you will find men occu pying distinguished positions, and who, with out patronage or wealth, have, under the gen erous influences of the atmosphere of Freedom, grown up from obscure bovs to be men in the highest walks of science, literature, politics and art. But where, south of Mason and Dixon's line, is there such a result growing out of Sla very ? And 1 uow ask my fellow-citizens, who are fathers, what kind of institutions do you wish around and above your families ? What ever my be your political predilections, you will all answer " give me and give them free institutions.'' And 1 say for the same reasons give Kansas and Nebraska, and all our Terri tory now acquired, and all which we may ac quire, to freedom. [Cheers.] This, fellow citizens, is the question to be determined by you at the next Presidential election, and I ask you here to-night are the time-honored principles of the Republican Party right ? THE YOVXG MAN'S I.EISIT.K. —Voting Man ! after the dutis of the day are over, how do yon spend your evenings? When bnisness is dull, and leaves at your disposal many unoccupied hours, what disposition do you make of them ? I have known and now know, many young men, who, if they were devoted to any scientific, or literary, or professional pursuits, the time they spend in games of chance,and lounging in bed, might rise to any eminence. You have all read of the sexton's son, who became a fine as tronomer ly spending a short time every even ing in gazing at the stars after ringing the bell for nine o'clock. Sir William Philips, who at the age of forty-live had attained the order of knighthood, and the office of High Sheriff of New England, and (governor of Massachusetts, learned to read and write after his eighteenth vear of a ship carpenter in Host on. \\ illiani (Jifford, the great editor of the Quarterly, was an apprentice to a shoemaker, and spent h;s leisure hours in study. And because he had neither pen nor paper, slate nor pencil, he wrought out his problems on smooth leather with a blunt awl. I>avid Rittenhonse, the American astrono mer, when a plow-hoy, was observed to have covered his plow and fences with figures and calculations. James Ferguson, the great Scotch astronomer, learned to read by himself, and mastered theelmcntsof astronomy while a shej>- herd's lioy in the fields by night And perhaps, it is not too mueh to say, that if the hours wast ed in idle company, in vain conversation at the taverns, were only spent in the pursuit of useful knowedge, the dullest apprentice in any of our shops might become an intelligent mem her of society, and a lit person for most of civil offices. 13v such a course the rough cov ering of many a youth is laid aside ; and their ideas, instead of being confined to local ob jects and technicalities, might range the wide fields of creation ; and other stars from among the young men of this city might be added to the list of worthies that arc guilding our coun try with bright yet mellow light.— licc. JJr. Murray. lihs' A KitiKxn, telling how hot it was in New Orleans, says :■ —"A vessel loaded with pig lead lay at the levee, discharging her car go : a nigger would get a pig on his back, and lieforc he could get ashore, the lead melt and run all over him, so that he'd have to be dug out with a cold chisel." Ammunition is like a wild horse, whit h prances IIIICOU ingly, until it h:i thrown oil iO rider. VOL. XVII. —?<<>. 11. The Early Pioneers of the West Mr. Ferris, in his book on the Great West, ; thus sketches the character of the pioneers j who to spread themselves throughout j the \\ est, lictweu the close of ttie Routine's | war and the commencement of the American I Revolution : | The pioneers, living in constant contact with f the Indians, necessnrih became more than l half savages in appearance, habit and manners ; j and frequently the whole savage character was assumed. Their ordinary dress was too unique to le forgotten. A coonskin cap, with the tail dangling nr the back of the neck, and tin snout drooping upon the forehead ; long buck 'skin leggings, sowed with a wide fringed welt, down the outside of the leg ; a long, narrow strip of course cloth, passing around the hips and between the thighs, was brought up, be fore and behind under the belt, and hung down, Happing as they Walked ; a loose deerskin frock, open in front, and lapping once and a half round the body, was belted at the middle, . forming convenient wallets on each side for I chunks of hoe-cake, tow, jerked venison, screw -1 drivers and other fixings, and Indian uioeca- I sins completed the hunter's apparel. Over j the whole were slung a bullet-pouch and pow der horn. From behind the left hip dangled a scalping knife ; from the right protruded j die handle of a hatchet, both weapons stuck ( in leather eases. Every hunter carried an awl, ( a roll of buckskin, and string- of bide, called I " whangs,'' for thread. In the winter, 100 e deer-hair was stuffed into the moccasins to keep the feet warm. The pioneers lived in rude log houses, cover ed, generally, with picicsof timber, üboul " feet in length, and six inches in width, called | "shakes," and laid over the roof instead of shingles. They had neither nuils, glass, saws nor brick. The houses had huge slab doors, pinned together. The light came down the chimney, or through a hole in the logs cover ed with greased cloth. A scraggy hemlock sapling, the knots left a foot long, served for stairs to the upper story. Their furniture con sisted of tamarack bedsteads framed into the walls, a few shelves supported on long wood en pins, a chair or two, but more often a piece split o!F a tree and so trimmed that the branch es served for legs. Their utensils were very simple ; generally nothing but a skillet, which served for baking, boiling, roasting, w ashing dishes, making mush, scalding turkeys, cook ing sassafras tea, and making soap. A John ny-cake board, instead of a dripping-pan, hung on a peg in every house. The corn was crack ed into a coarse meal, Impounding it in a wood en mortar. As soon as swine could be kept away from the bears, or rather, the bears away from them, the pioneers indulged in a dish of pork and corn boiled together, and known among them as " hog and hominy." Fried pork they called " OKI Ned." Unlike the French, who clustered in villa ges, and had their common fields, our Yankee settlers went the whole length for individual property. Each stfttler claimed for himself four hundred acres of land, and the privilege of taking a thousand acres more, contiguous to his clearing. Each one run out his own lines for himself, chipping the hark off the trees, and cutting his name in the wood. These claims, so loosely asserted, were called " toma hawk rights," and were respected hy all the emigrants. Each settler went to felling the timber and chopping house-logs, steeping, meanwhile, under a hark cover raised on crotch es, or under a tree. It is said of one of them that he could hardly stomach his house, after it was doue The door way was open, the logs unchinked, and the chimney gaped wide above him ; but the air was too " clu-s."—he had to sleep outside for a night or two to get us ed to it. A Dutchman had made ft handsome fortune in Philadelphia by selling milk. lie started for Holland, with two bags of gold pieces. When on ship-board he counted one bag of his treasure. A mischievous monkey chanced to watch his operations. As sown in the counted bag had been replaced and tied up, Jocko seized it, and soon found his way to the mast-head. He opened the bog, and alter eyeing the brilliant gold, proceeded to drop one piece 011 the deck and another in the wa ter, until he had emptied the bag. When he had finished, the Dutchman threw up his amis, exclaiming: " Pie jinkons he must pe ile dv vcl, for vat come from de vater he does gib to de voter, and vat come from do milk he does gib to me." A TKITUKI'I. ANSWKU. —liunkmn, in the Old North State, is undoubtedly the healthiest spot on earth ; and it was on that account tiiat some " lower country gentleman " were surprised one day to see a Munknmite at work opening an ominous looking " hole in the ground." Of course they inquired what ho was about? " Digging a grave, sir." " Digging a grave ! Why, I thought peo ple did'nt die if ten up here —do they V '' Oil no, sir— t/n'ii never die but oner /" They never asked that question " but once." Women c dnre pain, poverty and the severest mi fortui c, with n ore fortitude than men, but melt at the lir.-t harsh words from those they love. With her own heart open le fore her, no true mother can speak harshly to her child—the tone would rend llie lit t le ten drils of affccl'o i that are cling ug to her, and like vines in spring, ruthlessly cut, they iniuhr, bleed with a fatal hindrance to healthy growth. p-.y There are two kinds of love : nniinal passion, and platonie love The first ad mires beauty of form and feature ; the second of the mind and character ; and no two persons of opposite sexes etm be perfectly happy in each other'.- society, unless their feeling partake of the nature of both. { /V" " You Ye doing a smashing ImsitiP' "a the gardeiu i -aid to tl- hail-tone